LIBRARY 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

SANTA  BARBARA 

PRESENTED  BY 
MR.  RAYMOND  ACEVEDO 


UCSB   LIBRARY 


VICTOR  EMMANUEL  III.,  KING  OF  IIALY 


Italy 


WB,oxW6  Best  ^istoxm 


ITALY 


BY 


JOHN    S.   C.  ABBOTT 


WITH  A  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER  OF  RECENT  EVENTS 

BY  WILFRED  C.  LAY,  Ph.D. 


■M 


IVith  Frontispiece 


NEW  YORK   AND   LONDON 

THE  CO-OPERATIVE  PUBLICATION  SOCIETY 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  In  the  year  1871, 

By   B.   B.    RUSSELL, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


Copyright  by  Dodd,  Mead,  and  Company,  1882. 


ITALY 


BY 

JOHN   S.  C.  ABBOTT 


PREFACE 

The  annals  of  the  world  contain  no  other  such  narrative 
as  that  of  Italy.  Legendary  Rome,  the  frenzied  strife  with 
Carthage,  the  wild  career  of  Hannibal,  the  lifelong  struggles 
of  Pompey  and  Csesar,  the  culmination  of  the  empire  into 
universal  sovereignty,  the  rise  of  Christianity,  the  crum- 
bling temples  of  Paganism,  the  sweep  of  Moslem  armies, 
the  surging  billows  of  barbaric  invasion,  the  fall  of  imperial 
Rome,  the  gloom  and  chaos  of  the  dark  ages,  the  struggle 
of  the  great  monarchies  of  Europe  to  grasp  the  fragments  of 
the  empire,  the  amazing  campaigns  of  Napoleon  I.,  the  tri- 
umph of  the  allies,  the  new  dismemberment  of  Italy,  the 
campaigns  of  Magenta  and  Solferino,  and  the  recent  re- 
establishment  of  Rome  as  the  capital  of  re-united  Italy — all 
these  conspire  in  furnishing  historical  records,  which,  in 
interest  and  instruction,  are  without  a  parallel. 

The  materials  from  which  to  gather  information  upon 
these  points  are  inexhaustible.  Those  upon  which  the 
author  has  mainly  relied  are  the  works  of  Niebuhr,  Arnold, 
Schmidt,  Livy,  Tacitus,  Plutarch,  Guicciardini,  Sforzosi, 
Botta,  Luigi  Bossi,  Sismondi,  Percival,  Spaulding,  Gib- 
bon, Robertson,  Thiers,  Alison,  Juande  Marguerit,  together 
with  reviews  and  encyclopgedias  upon  important  characters 
and  events.  The  author  has  spared  no  pains  to  attain  all 
possible  accuracy,  having  devoted  to  the  most  important 
events  here  recorded  the  .studies  of  many  years.  Where 
there  has  been  discrepancy  of  authorities,  he  has  adopted 
that  statement,  which,  after  the  most  careful  consideration, 
has  appeared  to  him  best  authenticated. 

The  one  great  truth  taught  in  all  these  annals  is,  that 
there  is  no  hope  for  the  world  but  in  the  religion  of  the 

(5) 


6  PREFACE 

Bible.  A  change  in  the  form  of  government  is  of  but  little 
avail,  so  lonsr  as  the  people  remain  ignorant  and  corrupt. 
Probably,  in  all  governments,  the  rulers  pretty  fairly  repre- 
sent the  average  intelligence  and  integrity  of  the  people. 
A  true  republic  cannot  exist  where  the  people  are  degraded. 
It  is  of  but  little  avail  to  batter  down  an  old  despotism,  un- 
less there  is  sufficient  enlightenment  to  rear  upon  its  ruins 
a  better  edifice. 

The  question,  whether  united  Italy  shall  be  prosperous 
and  happy,  is  one  to  be  decided  in  the  hearts  of  the  Italian 
people.  Italy  has  deposed  its  old  tyrannic  rulers,  and  has 
introduced  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  hitherto 
unknown  in  that  fair  but  ill-fated  land;  but  if  there  be  not 
found  among  the  masses  of  the  people  that  intelligence  and 
moral  worth  which  are  essential  to  free  institutions,  then  the 
light  we  now  behold  gleaming  over  the  Alps  and  the  Apen- 
nines will  prove  but  the  flash  of  the  midnight  storm,  not 
the  dawn  of  opening  day. 

The  men  who  are  now  doing  the  most  for  the  welfare 
of  the  world  are  those  who  are  striving,  by  all  the  varied 
instrumentalities  of  life,  to  make  men  better;  to  awaken  in 
the  human  heart  the  consciousness  that  God  is  our  common 
Father,  and  that  all  we  are  brethren.  He  only  is  the  true 
philanthropist  who  offers  the  unceasing  prayer,  with  corre- 
sponding exertions,  "Thy  kingdom  come,  thy  will  be  done, 
as  in  heaven,  so  in  earth." 

JOHN  S.  C.  ABBOTT. 

Fair  Haven,  Conn.,  February,  1871. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

LEGENDARY      ROME 
FROM  700  B.C.   TO  493  B.C. 

The  Italian  Peninsula — Uncertain  History — Legend  of  Troy — The  Flight 
of  ^neas — Landing  in  Italy — "Wars  with  Native  Tribes — Alba  Longa 
— The  Story  of  Romulus  and  Remus — The  Foundation  of  Rome — The 
Rape  of  the  Sabine.s — Continued  Conquests — Translation  of  Romulus — 
The  Horatii  and  Curiatii — Conquest  of  Alba  Longa — Accession  of  Tar- 
quinius — Servius  Tullius — His  Democratic  Sway — Accession  of  Tarquin- 
ius  Superbus — The  Books  of  the  Sibyl — The  Story  of  Lucretia — Banish- 
ment of  Tarquin — Reign  of  the  Consuls — Insurrection  of  the  Commons     It 

CHAPTER  II 

THE    PRETORSHIP,    DECEMVIRATE,  AND    CONSULATE 

FROM  493  B.C.  TO  433  B.C. 

Story  of  Coriolanus — Appointment  of  a  Dictator — Achievements  of  Cincin- 
natus — War  with  the  ^quians  and  Volscians — The  Soldiers  Refuse  to 
■  Fight — Infamous  Conduct  of  the  Nobles — Appius  Claudius — Virginia 
Claimed  as  a  Fugitive  Slave — Slain  by  her  Father — Insurrection  of  the 
People — Its  Success — Conspiracy  of  the  Young  Nobles — Kaeso,  son  of 
Cincinnatus — Cincinnatus  chosen  Consul — Change  in  his  Character — 
Aventine  Hill  Taken  by  the  Commons — Impeachment  of  Appius  Clau- 
dius— The  Popular  Cause  Triumphant — The  Decemvirs  Rejected  and 
Expelled — Introduction  of  the  Consulate 34 

CHAPTER  III 

CONFLICTS    AT    HOME    AND    WARS    ABROAD 

FROM  433  B.C.  TO  318  B.C. 

Power  of  an  Aristocracy — Demands  of  the  Plebeians — Struggle  of  the  Pa- 
tricians against  Popular  Rights — The  Office  of  Censor — Its  Despotism — 
Invasion  of  the  Gauls — Defeat  of  the  Roman  Army — Sack  of  Rome 
— Siege  of  the  Capitol — Terms  of  Peace — Manlius — His  Philanthropy 
and  Condemnation — Despotism  of  Camillus — Conquest  of  the  Priverna- 
tians — War  with  the  Samnites — Disaster  at  the  Caudine  Forks — Mag- 
nanimity of  Pontius — Characteristic  Roman  Pride  and  Heroism    -        -     53 

(7) 


8  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  IV 

ROME,    GREECE,    AND    CARTHAGE 

FROM  318  B.C.  TO  241  B.C. 

The  Disaster  of  the  Caudine  forks  Avenged — Parties  in  Rome — Democracy 
of  Appius  Claudius — Ignoble  Treatment  of  Pontius — State  of  the  World 
at  this  Time — Coalition  against  Rome — The  Greeks  Join  the  Coahtion — 
Pyrrhua  Lands  on  the  Italian  Peninsula — Progress  of  the  War — Expul- 
sion of  the  Greeks — Invasion  of  Sicily — War  with  Carthage — Invasion 
of  Africa — Story  of  Regains — Victories  and  Defeats — Rome  Triumphant 
— Sicily  annexed  to  Rome -        -         -        -71 

CHAPTER  V 

THE    PASSAGE    OF    THE    ALPS     BY    HANNIBAL 

FROM  241  B.C.  TO  217  B.C. 

Invasion  of  Spain  by  Carthage — War  Renewed  between  Rome  and  Carthage 
— New  Gaulish  Invasion — Annihilation  of  the  Gaulish  Army — Conquest 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul — Hannibal  Crosses  the  Rhone — Passage  of  the  Alps 
— Invasion  of  Italy — Battles  on  the  Ticino  and  the  Po — Discomfiture 
of  the  Romans — Hannibal  enters  Tuscany — Great  Battle  of  Thrasy- 
mene — Annihilation  of  the  Roman  Army — Commemorated  by  Byron     -     89 

CHAPTER  VI 

THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGNS    OF    HANNIBAL 

FROM  217  B.C.  TO  208  B.C. 

Devastating  March  of  Hannibal — Composition  of  his  Army — Terror  in 
Rome — Winter  Quarters  in  Apulia — Dissensions  in  the  Roman  Army — 
The  Battle  of  Cannae — Annihilation  of  the  Roman  Armj' — Increasing 
Peril  of  Hannibal — Retreating  from  Tifata — March  upon  Rome — Siege 
of  Capua — Slavery  of  Captives — The  March  of  Hasdrubal — Passage  of 
the  Alps — New  Victories  of  Hannibal — Death  of  Hasdrubal  and  De- 
struction of  his  Army — The  Head  of  Hasdrubal — Exultation  in  Rome — 
Despair  of  Hannibal    -         -         -         -         -         -         -         -         -         -105 

CHAPTER  VII 

FOREIGN    CONQUESTS    AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS 

FROM  208  B.C.  TO  121  B.C. 

Scipio — His  Character  and  Career — The  Conquest  of  Spain — Quelling  the 
Mutiny — Military  Prowess  of  Hannibal — He  Retires  from  Italy — Scipio 
Invades  Africa — Destruction  of  the  Carthaginian  Army — Truce  and 
Humiliation  of  Carthage — Landing  of  Hannibal  in  Africa — Battle  of 


CONTENTS  9 

Zama — Close  of  the  Second  Punic  War — Conquest  of  Greece — Invasion 
of  Syria — Third  Punic  War — Destruction  of  Carthage — The  Numidian 
War — Barbarian  Invasion — The  Plebeian  and  Patrician  Conflict — Grac- 
chus and  Octavius 123 

CHAPTER    VIII 

THE    SOCIAL    WAR 

FROM   121  B.C.  TO  82  B.C. 

Corruption  of  the  Nobles — Restlessness  of  the  People — Demagogism  of 
Marius — Servile  Insurrection  in  Sicily — Heroism  of  Eunus — Miseries 
of  the  Servile  Wars — Sumptuary  Laws — Struggle  for  Rights  of  Citizen- 
ship— Commencement  of  the  Social  War — Contemplated  Reorganization 
of  Italy — Sylla — War  with  Mithridates — Internal  Dissensions  at  Rome 
— Civil  War  in  the  Streets — Vibration  of  the  Pendulum  of  Parties — 
Cinna — The  Rallying  of  the  People — Marius  Recalled — Scenes  of  An- 
archy— Death  of  Marius — Return  of  Sylla — Pompey  Enters  the  Arena 
— ^Battles  and  Assassinations 142 

CHAPTER   IX 

SYLLA    AND    CATILINE 

FROM  82  B.C.  TO  59  B.C. 

Battle  Under  the  Walls — Triumph  of  Sylla — Caius  Julius  Caesar — Death  of 
Marius — Massacre  at  Praeneste — Mission  of  Pompey — Abdication  of 
Sylla — His  Death — Policy  of  Lepidus — Triumph  of  Aristocracy — Caius 
Julius  Caesar — Caesar  a  Ransomed  Slave — He  Espouses  the  Popular 
Cause — Character  of  Pompej^ — Spartacus  and  his  Baud — His  Defeat 
and  Death — The  Slave  Trade — Illustrative  Anecdote — Pompey  Crushes 
the  Pirates — The  Conspiracy  of  Catiline        -..-..  igg 

CHAPTER   X 

C^SAR     AND    POMPEY 
FROM  59  B.C.  TO  50  B.C. 

Cato — Return  of  Pompey  to  Rome — Clodius  and  the  Mystic  Rites — Divorce 
of  Pompeia — Anecdotes  of  Caesar — The  Triumvirate — Policy  of  Cicero — 
Popular  Measures  of  Caesar— Division  of  the  Spoils  of  Office — Prosecu- 
tion of  Cicero — His  Banishment  and  Recall — Democratic  Triumphs — 
Domestic  Griefs — Bloody  Fray— Tumult  in  Rome — Dictatorship  of 
Pompey — Organization  of  a  Roman  Court — Anecdote  of  Caesar — His 
Ambitious  Designs — Sickness  of  Pompey — Political  Contests  in  Rome 
— Open  War — Retreat  of  Pompey  and  Flight  to  Greece        -        -        -  IT 9 


10  COJ^TENTS 

CHAPTER   XI 

THE    STRUGGLE    AND    FALL    OF    POMPEY 

FROM  50  B.C.  TO  48  B.C. 

Siege  of  Brundusium — Flight  of  Pompey — Caesar's  Measures  in  Rome — 
His  Expedition  to  Spain — The  War  and  Final  Conquest — Caesar  Returns 
to  Brundusium — Crosses  to  Greece  in  Pursuit  of  Pompey — Vicissitudes 
of  the  War — Pompey's  Victory  at  Dyrachlum — Retreat  of  Caesar — 
Battle  of  Pharsalia — Utter  Ruin  of  Pompey — His  Flight — Joins  Cor- 
nelia and  his  Son — Melancholy  Voyage  to  Egypt — His  Assassination 
by  Ptolemy 198 

CHAPTER    XII 

THE    TRIUMPH    OF    C^SAR    AND    THE    FATE    OF    POMPEY 

FROM  48  B.C.  TO  44  B.C. 

Clemency  of  Caesar — Pursuit  of  Pompey — The  Egyptian  War — Caesar  and 
Cleopatra — Capture  of  Pharos — Popularity  of  Caesar — Loss  of  the  Alex- 
andrian Library — Brief  Conflict  with  the  King  of  Pontus — Quelling  the 
Mutiny — Cato's  Efforts  in  Africa — The  African  War — Defeat  and  Death 
of  Scipio — Suicide  of  Cato — The  Spanish  War — Death  of  Pompey's  Son 
— Caesar's  Return  to  Rome — His  Triumph — His  Administrative  Meas- 
ures and  Energy — His  Character — Character  of  Cicero  ...  214 

CHAPTER   XIII 

ASSASSINATION    OF    CiESAR 

FROM  44  B.C.  TO  42  B.C. 

Brutus  and  Cassius — The  Conspiracy — The  Scene  of  Assassination — Con- 
duct of  the  Conspirators — Indignation  of  the  People — Flight  of  the 
Conspirators  from  Rome — Measures  of  Marc  Antony — Caius  Octavius 
— Interview  with  Cicero — Collision  with  Antony — Rallying  of  the  Aris- 
tocrats— Civil  War — False  Position  of  Octavius — Philippics  of  Cicero — 
Defeat  of  Antony — Escape  beyond  the  Alps — Octavius  Caesar's  March 
upon  Rome — Triumph  of  the  Plebeian  Cause — The  Nature  of  the 
Conflict 233 

CHAPTER    XIV 

OCTAVIUS      C^SAR 

FROM  42  B.C.  TO  32  B.C. 

Fate  of  Decimus  Brutus — Massacres  in  Rome — Death  of  Cicero — Anec- 
dotes— The  Triumvirate — War  in  Macedonia — Ruin  of  the  Patrician 
Cause — Suicide  of  Cassius  and  Brutus — Triumph  of  the  Triumvirate — 


CONTENTS  11 

Oppression  of  the  People  and  Discontent  in  Rome — Profligacy  of  Octa- 
vius  Caesar — Downfall  of  Lepidus — Drusilla — Divorce  of  Antony's 
Wife — Antony  and  Cleopatra — War  between  Octavius  and  Antony — 
Mustering  of  the  Forces 252 

CHAPTER    XV 
C^SAR    AUGUSTUS    AND    MARC    ANTONY 
FROM  32  B.C.   TO    10  B.C. 
Battle  of  Actium — Flight  of  Cleopatra — Entire  Victory  of  Octavius — The 
Pursuit  to  Alexandria — Suicide  of  Antony — Guile  of  Cleopatra — Her 
Endeavors  to  Win  Octavius — Despair  and  Suicide  of  Cleopatra — Tri- 
umphant Return  of  Octavius  to  Rome — His  Wise  Measures — The  Title 
of  Augustus  Conferred — State  of  the  Roman  Empire,  Italy,  Gaul,  Bri- 
tain, Spain,  Africa,  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Greece — Desolations  of  Civil  War  269 

CHAPTER    XVI 

TIBERIUS    C^SAR,    CALIGULA,    AND    CLAUDIUS 

FROM  10  B.C.  TO  A.D.  51 

Unequal  Division  of  Wealth — Slavery — The  Jews — Tiberius  Caesar — Death 
of  Caesar  Augustus — Tyranny  of  Tiberius — His  Retreat  of  Capreae — 
Death  of  Germanicus — Edict  against  the  Play-Actors — Testimony  of 
Tacitus — Terrible  Accident — Cahgula — Death  of  Tiberius — Crucifixion 
of  our  Saviour — Reign  of  Caligula — His  Cruelty  and  Madness — Assas- 
sination of  Caligula — Accession  of  Claudius — Anecdotes — Death  of 
Claudius — Accession  of  Nero — His  Character 286 

CHAPTER    XVII 

NERO 

FROM  A.D.  51  TO  A.D.  67 

Strife  between  Nero  and  his  Mother — Murder  of  Britannicus — Attempt  to 
Murder  Agrippina — Her  Escape — Effectual  Plan  for  her  Murder — Re- 
mark of  Tacitus — War  in  Britain — Horrible  Law  of  Slavery — Its  Exe- 
cution— Repudiation  and  Deatli  of  Octavia — The  Festival — Nero  Sets 
Fire  to  Rome — The  Christians  Falsely  Accused — Their  Persecution — 
The  Insurrection  of  Galba — Terror  of  Nero — He  Commits  Suicide — 
Galba  Chosen  Emperor — His  Assassination         .         .         .         .         .  303 

CHAPTER    XVIII 
EMPERORS,    GOOD    AND    BAD 
FROM  A.D.  67   TO  A.D.   180 
Otho  and  Yitellius — The  Conflict — The  Triumph  of  Vespasian — Titus  De- 
stroys Jerusalem — His  Accession  to  the  Throne — Succession  of  Domi- 


12  CONTENTS 

tian — Adornment  of  the  Capitol — His  Depravity  and  Death — The  Crown 
Conferred  on  Nerva — Trajan  Associate  Emperor — Reign  of  Trajan — His 
Column — Correspondence  with  Pliny — Conquests  of  Trajan — Reign  of 
Adrian — Antoninus  Pius — His  Noble  Character — Marcus  Aurelius — 
Verus,  his  Colleague — Death  of  Aurehus 318 

CHAPTER    XIX 

COMMENCEMENT    OF    THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

FROM  A.D.  180  TO  A.D.  235 

Marcus  Aurelius — Practical  Philosophy — Commodus — His  Death — Com- 
mencement of  the  Decline  and  Fall — The  Pretorian  Guard — Its  Char- 
acter and  Influence — The  Throne  Sold  at  Auction — Julian — ^The  Rival 
Emperors — Triumph  of  Severus — His  Perfidy — Reign  of  Caraealla  and 
Geta — Murder  of  Geta — Assassination  of  Caraealla — Macrinus — His 
Short  Reign  and  Death — Elagabalus — Both  Pontiff  and  Emperor — His 
Extraordinary  Depravity — Anecdotes  of  Maximin  ....  331 

CHAPTER    XX 

RAPID    STRIDES    OF    DECLINE 

FROM  A.D.  235  TO  A.D.  283 

Maximin — His  Reign  and  Death — Revolt  in  Africa — The  Gordians — The 
two  Emperors — Balbinus  and  Maximus — Anarchy  in  Rome — Murder 
of  the  Emperors — PhiUp  Marinus  and  Decius — Designation  of  Caesar 
— Hereditary  Descent — The  Gothic  Invasion — Valerian  and  Gallienus — 
Terrible  fate  of  Valerian — Accession  of  Claudius — Immense  Army  of 
the  Goths — Victories  of  Claudius — Character  and  Fate  of  Zenobia 
— Aurelian — Interregnum — Tacitus — His  Death — Probus — Carus — His 
March  to  Persia,  and  Death -         -         >  349 

CHAPTER   XXI 

DIVISIONS     OF    THE     EMPIRE 

FROM  A.D.  283  TO  A.D.  330 

Carinus  and  Numerian — Anecdote  of  Diocletian — His  Accession — Sagacious 
Arrangements — The  Four  Emperors — Wars  of  Ihe  Barbarians — The  Two 
New  Capitals,  Milan  and  Nicomedia — Decadence  of  Rome — Abdication 
of  Diocletian — His  Retirement  and  Death — Constantius  and  Constantine 
— The  Overthrow  of  Maxentius,  Maximin,  and  Licinius — Constantine 
Sole  Emperor — Triumph  of  Christianity  over  Persecution — Constan- 
tine Adopts  Christianity — Byzantium  Changed  to  Constantinople — The 
Growth  and  Splendor  of  the  City 365 


CONTENTS  13 

CHAPTER   XXII 

THE     EMPIRE     DISMEMBERED 
FROM  A.D.  330  TO  A.D.  375 

Constantine  the  Great — Diversity  of  Views  Respecting  Him — The  Tragedy 
of  Crispus  and  Fausta — Death  of  Constantine — Triple  Division  of  the 
Empire — Triumph  of  Constantine  over  his  Brothers — Struggle  w^ith 
Magnentius — Fatal  Battle  of  Mursa — Fate  of  Gallus — Accession  and 
Apostasy  of  Julian — His  Scholarly  Character — Developments  of  Energy 
— His  War  in  Gaul — Selection  of  Paris  for  his  Capital — His  Melancholy 
Death — Retreat  of  the  Army — Choice  of  Valentinian — Valens  his  Asso- 
ciate— Accumulating  Wars — Death  of  Valentinian        ....  379 

CHAPTER    XXIII 

THE    DYNASTY    OF    THE    GOTHS 

FROM  A.D.  375  TO  A.D.  1085 

The  March  of  the  Huns — Flight  of  the  Goths  to  Italy — Energy  of  Valens^ 
Inglorious  Reign  of  Gratian — The  Reign  of  Theodosius — Gothic  In- 
vasions— Alaric — Rome  Besieged — The  Conquest  of  Rome — Capture  of 
Sicily — Sagacity  of  Adolphus — Brief  Dominion  of  the  Eastern  Empire 
over  the  West — The  Ravages  of  Attila — Anarchy  in  Italy — Nepos, 
Orestes,  and  Odoacer — Invasion  of  Theodoric — Justinian  at  Constan- 
tinople— The  Career  of  Belisarius — Charlemagne  and  his  Empire — The 
Reign  of  the  Dukes — Subjection  to  the  German  Emperor      -         -         -  393 

CHAPTER    XXIV 

THE    ITALIAN    REPUBLICS 

FROM  A.D.  1085  TO  A.D.  1266 

Encroachments  of  the  Church — Hildebrand — Humiliation  of  the  Emperor 
Henry  IV. — Dominion  of  the  German  Empire  over  Italy — War  betw^een 
the  Emperor  and  Lombardy — Southern  Italy — Organization  of  the  King- 
dom of  Naples — The  Norman  Emigration — The  Venetian  Republic — Its 
Rise  and  Vicissitudes — Italian  Character — The  Crusades — Conflict  be- 
tween Honorius  III.  and  Frederic  II. — Anarchy  in  Rome — Conquest  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Naples  by  Charles  of  Anjou — Florence — Its  Conflicts  -  414 

CHAPTER    XXV 

ITALIAN      ANARCHY 

FROM  A.D.  1266  TO  A.D.  1400 

The  Guelphs  and  Ghibelliues — Tragic  Fate  of  Bonifazio  and  Imalda — Ex- 
tent of  the  Papal  States — The  Sicilian  Vespers — Conflict  between  Genoa 


14  CONTENTS 

and  Pisa — Ruin  of  Pisa — State  of  Florence — Of  Sicily — The  Papal  Court 
Removed  to  Avignon — The  Romance  of  Andrew  and  Joanna — Conflict 
for  the  Throne  of  Naples — General  View  of  Italy — Venice  and  Genoa 
— The  Antagonistic  Popes — Their  Wars — Accession  of  Ladislaus  to  the 
Throne  of  Naples — Cruel  Fate  of  Constance 433 

CHAPTER    XXVI 

FRAGMENTARY      ITALY 

FROM  A.D.  1400  TO  A.D.  1600 

Dawn  of  the  Fifteenth  Century — Schism  in  the  Church — The  Three  Popes 
— The  Great  Council  of  Constance — "Good  Old  Times" — Beatrice  Tenda 
— The  Dukes  of  Savoy — The  House  of  Medici — Europe  Menaced  by  the 
Turks — The  Great  European  Monarchies — Fragmentary  Italy — Leo  X. 
— French  Conquests — Spanish  Conquests — The  Emperor  Charles  V. 
Master  of  Italy — Papal  Struggles — Fate  of  Florence — The  Duchy  of 
Parma — Of  Tuscany 451 

CHAPTER   XXVII 

ITALY    AT    THE    COMMENCEMENT    OF    THE    FRENCH 
REVOLUTION 

FROM  A.D.  1600  TO  A.D.  1796 

The  Duchy  of  Tuscan y-^Venice — State  of  Italy  in  the  Seventeenth  Cen- 
tury— The  Duchies  of  Parma  and  Modena — Rise  and  Aggrandizement 
of  the  Dukes  of  Savoy — Struggles  in  Genoa — War  of  the  Spanish  Suc- 
cession— Repose  in  Italy — Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle — Naples  under 
Spanish  Influence — The  Papal  Power — Italy  at  the  Commencement  of 
the  Revolution — Sardinia,  Tuscany,  Modena,  Genoa,  Lombardy,  Venice 
— War  against  France — Napoleon  in  Italy — His  Victories  and  his  Policy  470 

CHAPTER   XXVIII 

NAPOLEON      IN      ITALY 

FROM  A.D.  1796  TO  A.D.  1809 

Italy  in  1796 — Measures  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte — Message  to  the  Pope — 
The  Cisalpine  Republic — Troubles  in  Genoa — State  of  Southern  Italy 
— Captivity  of  Pius  VI. — Piedmont  Annexed  to  Frsuice — Atrocities  of 
Lord  Nelson — Napoleon's  Return  from  Egypt — Campaign  of  Marengo 
— Letter  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria — Letter  to  the  King  of  England — 
Imperial  France — The  Kingdom  of  Italy — The  Bourbons  of  Naples 
Dethroned — Pope  Pius  VII.  a  Captive — Napoleon's  Designs  for  Italy  487 


CONTENTS  15 

CHAPTER  XXIX 

ITALY  UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS 

FROM  A.D.   1809  TO  A.D.  1848 

French  Measures  in  Italy — Condition  of  Sicily — Of  Sardinia— Of  Naples — 
Joseph  Bonaparte — Murat — The  States  of  the  Church — The  Kingdom 
of  Italy — Eugene  Beauharnais — Encyclopedia  Americana  upon  Napo- 
leon— The  Fall  of  Napoleon — Its  Effects  upon  Italy — The  Austrian 
Sway  in  Italy — Execution  of  Murat — Insurrections — Energy  of  Austria 
— Struggles  of  the  Year  1820 — Revolution  of  1830 — Ruin  of  the  Italian 
Patriots — Accession  of  Louis  Napoleon — Revival  of  the  Italian  Struggle  508 

CHAPTER    XXX 

AUSTRIAN    TRIUMPHS    AND     DISCOMFITURE 
FROM  A.D.   1848  TO  A.D.   1860 

Conflict  between  Austria  and  Sardinia — Austria  Triumphant — Concentra- 
tion of  the  Patriots  in  Rome — Ruin  of  the  Popular  Party  in  Piedmont — 
Heroism  of  Garibaldi — Renewal  of  the  "War  between  Sardinia  and  Aus- 
tria— Intervention  of  France — Proclamations — Battles  of  Montebello, 
Palestro,  and  Magenta — Sardinia  and  Lombardy  Regained — Present 
State  of  Italy 530 

CHAPTER   XXXI 

FRENCH      INTERVENTION 

FROM  A.D.  1860  TO  A.D.  1870 

Birth  and  Early  History  of  the  Pope — His  Spirit  of  Reform — Assassination 
of  Count  Rossi — Insurrection  in  Rome — Flight  of  the  Pope — Interven- 
tion of  Austria,  Naples,  and  Spain — Recklessness  of  the  Insurgents — 
French  Intervention-^The  Moderate  Republicans  and  the  Reds — Views 
of  the  French  Government — The  Capture  of  Rome — Insurrection  in 
Paris — Disappointment  of  the  French  Government     -         -         -         -  548 

CHAPTER    XXXII 

ITALIAN      UNITY 

Striking  Views  of  Napoleon  I. — Object  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna — The 
Carbonari — Letter  to  the  Pope — Louis  Napoleon  in  Italy — His  Narrow 
Escape — Letter  from  Mr.  Morse — Insurrections  Quelled — Magenta  and 
Solfermo — Peace  of  Villafranca — Venetia  not  Liberated;  and  why — 
Views  of  M.  Thiers — Fidelity  of  Louis  Napoleon  to  the  Italians — Ad- 
dress to  the  Corps  Legislatif — The  Papal  States — Difficulty  of  the 
Question — Speech  of  Prince  Napoleon — Views  of  the  Emperor — Im- 
poitani  Letter  from  the  Emperor        - 565 


16  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER    XXXIII 

THE    SEIZURE    OF    ROME 

Nice  and  Savoy — The  Deputation  and  the  Emperor — The  States  of  the 
Church — The  Embarrassing  Question — Parties  in  Italy — Results  of 
Sedan — Agitation  in  Italy — Diplomatic  Measures — Message  to  the 
Pope — The  Reply — Proclamation  of  Victor  Emanuel — The  Military 
Movement — The  Capture  of  Rome — The  Leonine  City — Remonstrance 
of  the  Catholics 590 

APPENDIX 

LATER      HISTORY 

The  Author's  Death — New  Chapter  by  another  Hand — Efforts  to  Conciliate 
the  Papacy — Perplexing  Questions — Loyalty  of  the  King  to  Free  Insti- 
tutions— Papal  Guarantees — The  Religious  Corporations — Religion  and 
the  Public  Schools — Death  of  Victor  Emanuel  and  Accession  of  Hum- 
bert I. — Death  of  Pius  IX.  and  Accession  of  Leo  XIII. — Attitude  of  the 
New  Pope — The  Suffrage  Question — First  National  Exposition — Great 
Religious  Changes — Death  of  Garibaldi 600 

SECOND    APPENDIX 

HISTORY    SINCE     THE    YEAR     l882 

Italy  Joins  the  Triple  Alliance — Schemes  of  Colonization,  Assab  Bay, 
Eretria,  Massowah — Battles  of  Dogali  and  Adowa — Reform  of  Fran- 
chise —  Other  Legislation  —  Irredentism — Agrarian  Troubles — Sicilian 
Revolution  —  Cholera — Earthquake — Misunderstanding  with  France 
about  Tunis — The  Bank  Scandals — Church  and  State — Present  Con- 
dition of  the  Italian  People — Conclusion 611 

Index 627 


CHAPTER  I 

LEGENDARY     ROME 

FROM  700  B.C.   TO  493  B.C. 

The  Italian  Peninsula — Uncertain  History — Legend  of  Troy — The  Flight 
of  .^neas — Landing  in  Italy — Wars  with  Native  Tribes — Alba  Longa 
— The  Story  of  Romulus  and  Remus — The  Foundation  of  Rome — The 
Rape  of  the  Sabines — Continued  Conquests — Translation  of  Romulus — 
The  Horatii  and  Curiatii — Conquest  of  Alba  Longa — Accession  of  Tar- 
quinius — Servius  Tullius — His  Democratic  Sway — Accession  of  Tarquin- 
ius  Superbus — The  Books  of  the  Sibyl — The  Story  of  Lucretia — Banish- 
ment of  Tarquin — Reign  of  the  Consuls — Insurrection  of  the  Commons 

THE  Italian  peninsula  extends  from  the  foot  of  the 
Alps  into  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  about  seven  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles.  Its  breadth  is  very  unequal. 
In  the  extreme  north,  where  it  is  bounded  by  the  circular 
sweep  of  the  Alps,  which  separate  the  plains  of  Lombardy 
from  Switzerland  and  the  Tyrol,  the  country  presents  a 
breadth  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  In  the  center  it 
is  but  about  eighty  miles  from  the  bay  of  Naples  to  the 
Adriatic,  while  in  Calabria  the  width  dwindles  to  but  eigh- 
teen miles  from  sea  to  sea.  The  islands  of  Sicily,  Sardinia, 
and  Corsica,  with  several  others  of  minor  importance,  have 
also  been  usually  considered  as  a  part  of  Italy.  The  area 
of  the  main  land,  exclusive  of  these  islands,  is  estimated 
at  a  little  over  one  hundred  thousand  square  miles,  being 
about  equal  to  all  of  New  England  and  the  State  of  New 
York.  Italy  now  contains  twenty-five  millions  of  inhabi- 
tants, and  is  divided  into  several  States,  consisting  of  the 
two  kingdoms  of  Sardinia  and  Naples;  Venetian  Lombardy 
— the  Papal  States — the  liliputian  republic  of  San  Marino, 
and  the  four  duchies  of  Tuscany,  Parma,  Modena,  and 
Lucca.  A  range  of  mountains,  the  Apennines,  traverses 
the  peninsula  from  north  to  south,  creating  rivers,  plains, 
and  valleys,  which,  by  the  common  consent  of  mankind, 

(17) 


18  ITALY 

have  been  pronounced  to  be  more  beautiful  than  can  be 
found  elsewhere  on  the  surface  of  the  globe.  The  soil  is 
fertile,  the  climate  remarkably  genial,  and  poetic  inspiration 
has  been  exhausted  in  extolling  the  purity  of  its  breezes  and 
the  splendor  of  its  skies. 

The  first  glimpse  we  catch  of  Italy,  through  the  haze  of 
past  ages,  is  exceedingly  dim  and  shadowy.  Uncounted 
tribes  spread  over  the  mountains  and  valleys,  either  tilling 
the  fields  or  herding  their  cattle,  or  pursuing  wild  beasts 
in  the  chase.  Even  the  tradition,  recorded  by  the  Eoman 
historians,  of  the  origin  of  the  Eoman  empire,  from  a  colony 
of  fugitives  escaping  from  the  sack  of  Troy,  is  deemed 
utterly  devoid  of  foundation  in  historic  truth.  These  tra- 
ditions, in  which  history  and  poetry  are  inseparably  com- 
mingled, are  so  confused  and  contradictory  that  they  are 
utterly  rejected  by  sound  criticism.  It  is  the  verdict  of 
the  most  accomplished  scholars  that  the  date  and  origin 
of  the  eternal  city  are  involved  in  impenetrable  obscurity. 
Most  modern  writers  on  Roman  history,  adopting  the  state- 
ments of  Varro  and  Cato,  place  the  foundation  of  Rome 
somewhere  between  the  years  752  aud  729  before  Christ. 

The  most  ancient  historians  give  a  narrative  of  the  rise 
and  progress  of  the  city  of  Rome,  which  rapidly  spread  its 
conquests  over  all  the  Italian  tribes  and  all  of  the  then 
known  world,  in  which  narrative  truth  and  fiction  are  so 
intermixed  that  they  can  not  now  be  separated.  As  noth- 
ing whatever  is  known  of  these  early  ages  but  what  is  con- 
tained in  these  legends,  and  as  they  have  ever  been  deemed 
beautiful  creations,  which,  like  romances  founded  in  fact, 
contain  much  historic  truth,  blended  with  fiction,  and  are 
illustrative  of  the  habits  of  thought  and  customs  of  the 
times,  this  legendary  history  becomes  the  appropriate  and 
essential  introduction  to  a  narrative  of  the  fortunes  of 
the  Italian  peninsula. 

It  is  recorded  that  upon  a  plateau  of  Asia  Minor,  near 
the  JEgean  Sea,  there  existed,  about  a  thousand  years  be- 
fore the  birth  of  our  Saviour,  a  large  city  called  Troy.     It 


LEGENDARY  ROME  19 

was  besieged,  taken,  and  utterly  destroyed  by  the  Greeks. 
Some  of  the  fugitives,  led  by  a  renowned  chieftain,  JEneas, 
escaped,  and  taking  a  ship,  after  encountering  innumerable 
perils,  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shores  of  Italy.  They 
landed  near  the  center  of  the  western  coast,  upon  territory 
occupied  by  a  tribe  called  Latins,  whose  king  or  chief  was 
Latinus.  The  fugitives  were  kindly  greeted  by  the  natives, 
and  received  a  grant  of  land,  upon  which  they  were  per- 
mitted to  establish  themselves  as  a  colony.  Soon,  however, 
a  quarrel  arose,  and  the  Trojans,  attacking  the  Latins,  de- 
feated them,  killed  their  king,  and  ^neas,  marrying  the 
daughter  of  Latinus,  became  sovereign  of  the  conquered 
tribe,  and  assumed  for  all  his  people  the  name  of  Latins. 
Two  neighboring  tribes,  the  Eutulians  and  Etruscans, 
were  alarmed  by  the  encroachments  of  the  new-comers, 
and  entered  into  an  alliance  for  their  destruction.  In  the 
war  which  ensued,  Turnus,  king  of  the  Kutulians,  was 
slain,  and  ^neas  also  perished.  Ascanius,  the  son  of 
.iEneas,  now  assumed  the  command,  and  carried  on  the 
war  vigorously  against  the  Etruscans.  Ascanius  was  a  soft- 
haired,  beardless  boy,  but  heroic  in  spirit.  He  succeeded 
in  one  of  the  battles  in  encountering  Mecentius,  the  Etrus- 
can king,  in  single  combat,  and  slew  him.  This  conquest 
greatly  increased  the  territory  and  the  power  of  the  young 
colony,  and  Ascanius  selected  another  site  for  his  city  on 
the  side  of  a  mountain,  where  there  was  an  extensive  pros- 
pect and  many  facilities  for  defence.  Thirty  years  had  now 
passed  since  the  first  landing  of  the  Trojans  in  Italy.  The 
first  city,  called  Lavinium,  was  built  on  the  low  lands  near 
the  shore.  This  second  city,  which  Ascanius  named  Alba 
Longa,  was  built  on  the  side  of  Monte  Cavo,  from  whose 
summit  the  eye  commands  a  prospect  of  wonderful  extent 
and  beauty,  often  embracing  in  the  field  of  vision,  when  the 
atmosphere  is  clear,  the  distant  islands  of  Sardinia  and  Cor- 
sica. Niebuhr  states  that  the  site  where  Alba  stretched  its 
long  street  between  the  mountain  and  the  lake  is  still  dis- 
tinctly marked.     At  this  point  there  is  confusion  in  the 


20  ITALY 

legends  which  it  is  idle  to  attempt  to  reconcile.  A  list  of 
the  succeeding  Alban  kings  is  given,  which  contains  a  med- 
ley of  names  without  the  slightest  claims  to  authenticity. 

Some  three  hundred  years  are  supposed  to  have  passed 
away  after  the  founding  of  Alba  Longa,  when,  during  the 
reign  of  Amulius,  two  children,  offspring  of  Sylvia,  a  niece 
of  the  king,  were  ordered  by  the  king,  who  feared  their 
rivalry,  to  be  cast  into  the  river  Tiber.  The  god  Mars  was 
reported  to  be  the  father  of  these  children.  There  was  a 
great  inundation  at  the  time,  and  the  infants,  placed  in 
a  wicker  basket,  floated  down  the  stream,  until  the  basket 
struck  a  fig-tree  and  upset,  and  the  children  were  thrown 
upon  a  mound  of  dry  land,  near  the  foot  of  a  hill,  subse- 
quently called  the  Palatine  hill.  A  she-wolf  found  the 
children  and  took  them  to  her  cave  and  suckled  them. 
At  length  a  herdsman,  who  lived  upon  the  hill,  chanced 
to  discover  the  infants,  and  took  them  to  his  wife.  She 
nursed  them  tenderly,  and  named  them  Romulus  and  Remus. 
The  children,  growing  to  manhood,  accidentally  discovered 
their  regal  descent,  and,  raising  a  party  of  young  men  from 
the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  waged  war  against  Alba,  slew  the 
king,  Amulius,  and  placed  his  elder  brother,  Numitor,  the 
father  of  their  mother  Sylvia,  upon  the  throne. 

Though  the  two  brothers,  Romulus  and  Remus,  were  now 
received  at  court  and  recognized  as  of  royal  blood,  still  they 
were  so  strongly  attached  to  their  childhood's  home,  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  that  they  retired  from  Alba  to  the 
Palatine  hill,  and  decided  to  build  a  city  in  that  vicinity. 
A  dispute  arose  respecting  its  precise  location.  In  a  lit  of 
anger  one  of  the  chief  builders  struck  Remus  with  a  spade 
and  killed  him.  Romulus  now  urged  forward  his  buildings, 
surrounded  the  city,  which  he  called  Rome,  with  a  wall,  and 
invited  all  adventurers,  exiles,  fugitives,  and  even  criminals 
and  runaway  slaves,  to  repair  to  the  city  and  place  them- 
selves under  his  protection.  The  population  rapidly  in- 
creased, and  the  streets  of  Rome  were  soon  crowded  with 
men  of  the  most  bold  and  desperate  character.     But  wives 


LEGENDARY  ROME  21 

were  wanted,   and   by   fair  means   they  could  not  be  ob- 
tained. 

Komulus  proclaimed  to  tlie  neighboring  tribes  that  there 
was  to  be  a  great  festival  celebrated  at  Eome  with  the  most 
imposing  sports  and  games,  which  they  were  invited  to 
attend.  Large  numbers  from  the  densely  populated  region 
around,  with  their  wives  and  children,  flocked  to  the  city. 
When  all  were  intently  gazing  upon  the  spectacle,  a  band 
of  armed  men  rushed  upon  the  strangers,  and,  seizing  the 
young  women,  bore  them,  shrieking  with  terror,  away  from 
their  amazed  friends.  The  exasperated  tribes  immediately 
seized  their  arms  to  avenge  this  outrage;  but  not  acting 
with  sufficient  concert,  several  of  them  were  vanquished, 
one  after  another,  and  their  territories  seized  by  the  ener- 
getic Romans.  At  length  the  king  of  the  Sabines,  who  was 
the  most  powerful,  of  these  adjacent  tribes,  led  an  army  so 
well  appointed  and  numerous  against  Rome,  that  Romulus, 
unable  to  resist  him  in  the  field,  was  compelled  to  take 
refuge  behind  the  walls  of  the  city.  Opposite  the  Palatine 
hill,  upon  which  Rome  was  built,  there  was,  at  some  dis- 
tance, another  eminence,  then  designated  the  Saturnian 
hill,  but  since  called  the  Capitoline.  Here  the  Sabines  in- 
trenched themselves.  For  some  time  the  conflict  continued 
with  varying  success.  At  length  the  Sabine  women,  who 
had  become  attached  to  the  husbands  who  had  wooed  and 
won  them  so  rudely,  anxious  to  effect  a  reconciliation  be- 
tween their  husbands  and  their  fathers,  rushed  between  the 
combatants  and  efliected  a  peace.  The  two  nations  were 
now  united  under  the  name  of  the  Romans  and  the  Quirites. 
The  women  were  richly  rewarded  for  their  heroism;  and,  in 
requital  to  the  sex,  laws  were  passed  requiring  every  man 
to  make  wa}'  for  any  matron  who  might  meet  him,  and 
punishing  with  death  any  man  who  should  insult  a  woman 
by  a  wanton  word  or  look.  Tatius,  the  king  of  the  Sabines, 
erected  a  city  on  the  Capitoline  hill,  and  the  united  senate 
of  the  two  kingdoms  met  in  the  valley  between  these  emi- 
nences, and  the  spot  was  hence  called  Comitium.    At  length 


22  ITALY 

Tatius,  in  a  conflict  with  a  neighboring  tribe,  was  killed, 
and  Eomulus  ruled  over  both  nations. 

It  is  represented  that  Eomulus,  after  a  mild  and  just 
reign  of  forty  years,  assembled  the  people,  on  a  certain 
occasion,  for  a  festival,  on  a  plain  near  Lake  Capra.  Sud- 
denly a  fearful  storm  arose,  producing  midnight  darkness. 
E.ain  fell  in  torrents,  and  the  thunder  and  lightning  were 
more  terrible  than  had  ever  before  been  known.  In  the 
confusion  of  the  tempest  the  people  dispersed.  After  the 
storm  had  passed  they  returned  to  the  field,  but  Eomulus 
was  nowhere  to  be  found.  They  sought  for  him  anxiously 
in  all  directions,  and  they  could  only  solve  the  mystery 
by  supposing  that  the  god  Mars,  the  reputed  father  of 
Romulus,  had  descended  in  this  tempest,  and  conveyed  his 
son  to  heaven  in  a  chariot  of  fire.  This  supposition  was  soon 
confirmed,  for  Romulus  appeared  that  night,  in  god-like 
stature  and  beauty,  to  one  Proculus  Julius,  who  was  commg 
from  Alba  to  Rome,  and  said  to  him: 

"Gro  and  tell  my  people  that  they  must  weep  for  me  no 
more.  Bid  them  to  be  brave  and  warlike,  and  so  shall  they 
make  my  city  the  greatest  in  the  earth. ' ' 

Such  are  the  outlines  of  the  traditional  history  of  Rome. 
For  centuries  this  narrative  was  held  sacred,  being  com- 
memorated in  poetry  and  repeated  by  successive  historians. 
It  is  now  impossible  to  determine  whether  Romulus  and 
Remus  are  historical  personages  or  not.  And  still  these 
traditions  reveal  to  us  all  that  was  imagined  respecting  the 
early  history  of  Rome,  when  Livy  wrote  his  renowned  annals 
near  the  time  of  the  birth  of  our  Saviour. 

For  a  year  after  the  translation  of  Romulus  the  senators 
declmed  choosing  a  king,  but  divided  themselves  into  com- 
mittees of  tens,  each  ten  to  exercise  the  supreme  power  for 
five  days.  The  people  murmured  so  loudly  at  this  that  it 
was  found  to  be  necessary  to  choose  a  king.  As  the  Romans 
and  the  Sabines  each  wished  to  furnish  the  sovereign,  a 
compromise  was  made,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  the 
king  should  be  a  Sabme,  but  that  the  Romans  should  choose 


LEGENDARY   ROME  23 

him.  Numa  Pompilius  was  elected,  a  man  distinguished  for 
justice,  wisdom,  and  piety.  The  reign  of  Numa  Pompilius 
is  represented  as  a  continued  triumph.  For  forty  years  ne 
administered  the  government  with  probity  and  wisdom  al- 
most superhuman.  The  most  scrupulous  attention  was  de- 
voted to  the  worship  of  the  gods.  A  nymph  Egeria,  in  her 
sacred  grove,  counselled  the  favored  monarch  respecting  all 
his  measures,  and  thus  Eome  rapidly  increased  in  extent 
and  riches;  and  peace  and  prosperity  reigned  undisturbed. 
At  the  age  of  fourscore  Numa  peacefully  died,  and  was 
buried  upon  the  banks  of  the  Tiber. 

After  the  death  of  Numa  the  senate  again,  for  a  time, 
exercised  the  supreme  power,  until  they  chose  Tullus  Hos- 
tilius  for  their  king.  A  war  soon  broke  out  between  the 
Romans  and  the  Albans,  and  the  latter  marched  to  attack 
Rome,  and  encamped  within  five  miles  of  the  city.  The 
leaders  of  the  two  armies,  to  save  the  effusion  of  blood, 
agreed  to  submit  the  question  to  the  result  of  a  conflict 
between  three,  to  be  selected  on  each  side.  The  Romans 
chose  three  twin  brothers,  the  Horatii.  The  Albans  also 
chose  three  twin  brothers,  the  Curiatii.  Both  armies  were 
drawn  up  to  witness  the  combat.  Soon  two  of  the  Horatii 
were  slain,  and  all  three  of  the  Curiatii  were  severely 
wounded.  The  last  of  the  Horatii,  who  was  unhurt,  feigned 
terror  and  flight.  With  tottering  steps  the  wounded  Curiatii 
pursued  him.  As  soon  as  they  became  separated  in  the 
chase,  Horatius  turned,  and  slew  each  one  successively. 

The  Romans  returned  to  their  city  in  triumph,  bearing 
at  their  head  Horatius  decorated  with  the  armor  of  his  three 
vanquished  foes.  As  they  approached  the  city  the  sister  of 
Horatius  came  out  to  meet  them.  She  had  been  betrothed 
to  one  of  the  Curiatii,  and  a  cloak,  which  she  had  embroid- 
ered for  her  lover  with  her  own  hands,  was  borne  upon  the 
shoulders  of  the  victor.  The  maiden,  overwhelmed  with 
grief,  burst  into  tears.  The  stern  brother,  intoxicated 
with  triumph,  plunged  his  sword  to  the  hilt  in  his  sister's 
heart,  exclaiming: 


24  ITALY 

"So  perish  the  Roman  maiden  who  shall  weep  for  the 
enemy  of  her  country." 

For  the  crime  he  was  condemned  to  die.  From  the  de- 
cision of  the  court  he  appealed  to  the  people.  The  people, 
in  consideration  of  the  victory  he  had  gained  for  them, 
voted  a  pardon.  But  as  innocent  blood  had  been  shed, 
which,  by  the  Roman  law,  required  atonement,  they  appro- 
priated a  certain  sum  of  money  to  defray  the  expense  of 
sacrifices  which  were  forever  after  to  be  offered  to  the  gods 
by  members  of  the  house  of  the  Horatii. 

The  Albans  were  now  in  subjection  to  the  Romans;  but 
as  they  did  not  honestly  fulfil  their  pledge,  Tullus,  by 
guile,  seized  their  king,  tore  him  to  pieces  between  two 
chariots,  destroyed  the  city  of  Alba,  and  removed  all  the 
Albans  to  Rome.  The  hill  C?elius  was  assigned  as  their 
dwelling  place.  But  Tullus,  by  his  neglect  of  religion, 
offended  the  gods.  A  plague  was  seot  upon  the  people, 
and  Tullus  himself  was  severely  stricken.  Still  he  did  not 
repent,  and  Jupiter  sent  a  bolt  of  lightning  upon  the  house 
of  Tullus,  and  he  was  consumed  in  the  conflagration  of  his 
dwelling.  This  judgment  taught  the  Romans  that  they  must 
choose  a  king  of  religious  character  if  they  would  hope  for 
prosperity.  They  chose,  therefore,  a  grandson  of  Numa, 
a  young  man  by  the  name  of  Ancus  Marcius,  who  had 
established  a  reputation  of  unquestioned  piety.  For  twenty- 
three  years  Ancus  reigned  in  prosperity,  and  the  Roman 
people,  incited  by  his  example,  scrupulously  observed  the 
ceremonies  of  divine  worship.  Such  are  the  legends,  com- 
bining fact  and  fiction,  which  have  taken  the  place  of  the 
lost  history  of  Rome. 

But  we  do  not  yet  enter  upon  the  period  of  authentic 
history.  We  must  continue,  groping  along  guided  only 
by  the  bewildering  light  of  tradition.  During  the  reign  of 
Ancus  Marcius,  a  wealthy  Etruscan  came  to  Rome,  to  take 
up  his  residence  in  the  attractive  city.  He  received  the 
name  of  Lucius  Tarquinius.  As  he  drew  near  the  city  in 
his  chariot,  with  his  wife  Tanaquil  sitting  by  his  side,  an 


LEGENDARY   ROME  25 

eagle  plucked  his  cap  from  his  head  and  soared  away  with 
it  into  the  clouds,  then,  returning  from  his  flight,  he  re- 
placed the  cap  upon  the  head  of  the  traveller.  This  was 
deemed  a  good  omen.  Tarquinius,  a  sagacious,  energetic 
man,  encouraged  by  this  indication  of  the  favor  of  the 
gods,  consecrated  his  great  wealth  to  public  utility,  and  so 
won  the  affections  of  the  people  that,  upon  the  death 
of  Ancus,  he  was  with  great  unanimity  elected  king.  He 
proved  equally  skilled  in  the  arts  of  war  and  of  peace, 
enlarging,  by  his  conquests,  the  Roman  territory,  and 
greatly  promoting  the  internal  improvements  of  his  realms. 
His  reign  was  long,  and  almost  miraculously  prosperous. 
There  was  in  his  household  a  very  handsome  young  man 
of  remarkably  attractive  character.  His  bearing  was  such 
that  many  deemed  him  the  son  of  a  god.  This  young  man, 
whose  name  was  Servius  Tullius,  so  won  the  heart  of  the 
king,  that  he  promised  him  his  daughter  in  marriage.  The 
sons  of  Ancus,  alarmed  lest  this  favorite  should  gain  the 
crown,  hired  two  shepherds  to  assassinate  Tarquin,  intend- 
ing thus  to  prevent  him  from  conferring  the  crown  upon 
Tuilius.  Effectually  they  accomplished  their  work,  split- 
ting open  his  brain  with  a  hatchet.  But,  notwithstanding 
this  assassination,  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  king's 
wife,  the  young  favorite,  Servius  Tullius,  obtained  the 
throne,  and  the  two  sons  of  Ancus  were  compelled  to  flee 
to  a  foreign  land. 

Servius  Tullius  proved  a  humane  and  able  monarch, 
consecrating  his  energies  to  the  promotion  of  the  welfare 
of  the  people.  The  arrogance  of  the  patricians  he  repelled, 
and  added  greatly  to  the  embellishments  of  Rome,  and  to 
the  general  prosperity  of  the  citizens.  The  masses  of  the 
people,  consequently,  rallied  around  him.  The  nobles,  or 
patricians  as  they  were  then  called,  were  bitterly  hostile  to 
his  democratic  sway.  He  established  laws  based  on  equal 
rights,  and,  to  protect  the  people  from  despotism,  decreed 
that  after  his  death  there  should  no  longer  be  a  king,  but 
that   the   supreme   executive   should   thereafter  be   placed 

Italy — 2     . 


26  ITALY 

in  the  hands  of  two  men  to  be  annually  chosen  by  the 
people. 

Servius  had  two  daughters,  but  no  son.  One  of  these 
daughters,  Tullia,  was  a  very  famous  woman,  and  she  mar- 
ried Lucius,  one  of  the  sons  of  king  Tarquinius.  Tallia  and 
Lucius  plotted  with  the  nobles  who  were  eager  for  the  over- 
throw of  the  king,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  season  of  har- 
vest, when  most  of  the  common  people  were  in  the  fields, 
they  caused  the  assassination  of  Servius  Tullius.  Lucius 
Tarquinius,  supported  by  the  nobles,  with  blood-stained 
hands,  ascended  the  throne,  as  is  generally  supposed,  five 
hundred  and  thirty-five  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ. 

The  administration  of  the  tyrant  Tarquinius  was  as  exe- 
crable as  were  the  means  by  which  he  attained  his  power. 
A  guard  of  armed  men  ever  surrounded  him,  while  he 
mercilessly  plundered  the  people,  banishing  and  behead- 
ing those  who  excited  his  displeasure.  To  secure  renown 
in  subsequent  ages,  he  built  a  magnificent  temple  upon  the 
Capitoline  hill,  consecrated  to  Jupiter. 

During  his  reign  a  strange,  weird  woman  is  reported  to 
have  appeared  before  him  offering  to  sell,  at  a  stipulated 
price,  nine  books  of  prophecies,  written  by  the  Sibyl  of 
Cumae.  The  king  declined  the  purchase,  and  the  woman 
threw  three  of  the  books  into  the  fire,  and  then  demanded 
the  same  price  for  the  six  which  she  had  asked  for  the  nine. 
This  offer  being  contemptuously  rejected  she  threw  three 
more  into  the  fire,  and  then  demanded  the  whole  price  for 
the  remaining  three.  The  king,  apprehensive  that  the 
sacred  books  might  thus  be  entirely  destroyed,  purchased 
those  which  were  left,  when  the  woman  disappeared  and 
was  seen  no  more.  The  books  were  placed  in  a  stone 
chest  and  deposited  in  a  vault  under  the  capitol,  where 
a  guard  of  two  men  was  stationed  over  them  by  day  and 
by  night. 

Under  the  reign  of  Tarquinius  Superbus,  as  he  is  usually 
called,  the  laws  which  Servius  had  enacted  for  the  protec- 
tion  of  the   common  people  were  abrogated.     The  nobles 


LEGENDARY    ROME  27 

were  reinstated  in  tlieir  exclusive  privileges,  and  the  ple- 
beians toiled  in  penury,  hunger,  and  degradation.  Like 
beasts  of  burden,  they  were  driven  to  construct  the  great 
works  of  Rome,  rearing  temples,  digging  canals,  and  form- 
ing roads.  Still  fable  is  so  blended  with  history  in  the 
narrative  of  his  reign,  that  it  is  found  impossible  to  detach 
truth  from  fiction.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  under  the 
sway  of  this  tyrant  Home  made  great  progress  in  military 
power  and  in  the  extent  of  her  dominions.  As  Tarquiuius 
was  waging  war  against  the  Rutulians,  and  besieging  the 
city  of  Ardea,  which  was  but  sixteen  miles  from  Rome,  one 
night  his  eldest  son,  Sextus  Tarquinius,  and  Collatinus,  a 
Roman  noble,  with  several  other  young  men  of  the  army, 
were  sitting  in  their  tent,  inflamed  with  wine,  in  midnight 
carousals,  when  a  dispute  arose  respecting  the  comparative 
beauty  and  virtue  of  their  wives.  To  settle  the  question 
they  agreed  immediately  to  make  a  visit  in  company  to 
each  of  their  homes.  Mounting  their  horses,  they  rode 
instantly  to  Rome,  though  the  night  was  far  advanced, 
and  sought  the  ladies  in  question.  Some  of  them  were  at 
brilliant  parties,  some  indulging  in  private  luxury  at  home, 
but  the  wife  of  Collatinus,  whose  name  was  Lucretia,  was 
surrounded  by  her  maids,  working  at  the  loom.  Lucretia, 
by  unanimous  consent,  was  declared  to  be  the  worthiest  and 
most  beautiful  lady. 

The  rare  loveliness  of  Lucretia  and  her  modest  deport- 
ment inflamed  Sextus  Tarquinius  with  a  guilty  passion.  A 
few  days  after  he  called  at  her  house  again.  She  received 
him  hospitably  as  the  son  of  the  king  and  the  friend  of  her 
husband,  and  provided  him  with  lodgings  for  the  night. 

During  the  night  Tarquinius  rose  from  his  couch,  and 
arming  himself  with  a  sword  against  possible  attack  from 
Collatinus'  retainers,  left  his  room  and  emerged  out  upon 
the  corridor.  Well  might  his  conscience  tell  him  he  might 
need  a  sword  at  that  midnight  hour,  for  in  his  black  heart 
he  had  meditated  a  crime  which  deserved  the  reward  of  in- 
stant death.     The  plan  itself  was  already  a  grievous  viola- 


28  ITALY 

tion  of  the  sacred  laws  of  Roman  hospitality,  but  its  execu- 
tion stamped  Tarquinius  as  one  of  the  basest  of  mankind. 
He  entered  Lucretia's  chamber,  rudely  awakened  her  from 
her  innocent  slumbers,  and  with  terrible  threats  and  vio- 
lence overpowered  her  resistance, 

Lucretia,  overwhelmed  with  anguish,  sent  for  her  hus- 
band and  her  father,  and  informed  them  of  the  outrage. 

"I  am  not  guilty,"  said  the  noble  woman,  "yet  must  I 
share  in  the  punishment  of  this  deed,  lest  any  should  think 
that  they  may  be  false  to  their  husbands  and  live." 

Then  drawing  a  poniard  from  beneath  her  robe  she 
plunged  it  into  her  heart.  A  young  man,  Lucius  Junius 
Brutus,  was  present,  who  had  accompanied  Collatinus,  His 
father  had  been  put  to  death  by  the  tyrant  Tarquinius. 
This  young  Brutus,  who  was  very  rich,  had  for  some  time 
feigned  insanity,  lest  he  should  also  share  his  father's  fate. 
Brutus  drew  the  poniard  from  the  wound,  and,  brandishing 
it  in  the  air,  exclaimed: 

"Be  witness,  ye  gods,  that  from  this  moment  I  proclaim 
myself  the  avenger  of  the  chaste  Lucretia's  cause.  By  this 
blood  I  swear  that  I  will  visit  this  deed  upon  king  Tar- 
quinius and  all  his  accursed  race;  neither  shall  any  man 
hereafter  be  king  in  Rome,  lest  he  do  the  like  wickedness." 

Each  one  present,  in  his  turn,  took  the  bloody  dagger 
and  repeated  the  oath.  They  then  carried  the  body  of  Lu- 
cretia to  the  forum,  and  an  immense  and  enraged  concourse 
collected  around  it.  The  whole  city  was  in  a  tumult.  Tar- 
quinius, who  had  hastily  returned  to  the  camp  before  Ardea, 
set  out  with  an  armed  band  to  quell  the  insurrection.  But 
the  populace  closed  the  gates  against  him,  and  the  senate 
issued  a  decree  banishing  him  and  his  family  forever  from 
the  city.  The  unanimity  in  the  banishment  of  the  Tarquins 
was  so  entire,  that  it  was  in  vain  for  the  king  to  attempt  any 
resistance.  He  apparently  submitted  to  his  fate,  but  only 
sought  to  gain  time  that  he  might  recover  his  lost  power. 

The  people  now  resolved  to  re-establish  the  laws  of  the 
good  king  Servius,  and,  abolishing  the  monarchy,  to  choose 


LEGENDARY   ROME  29 

annually  two  men  who  should  be  intrusted  with  the  supreme 
power.  The  choice  fell  first  upon  Brutus  and  Collatinus,  the 
husband  of  Lucretia.  Soon  the  exiled  Tarquinius  succeeded 
in  forming  a  conspiracy,  and,  by  bribes,  secured  the  co- 
operation of  the  two  sons  of  Brutus.  The  two  guilty  young 
men,  Titus  and  Tiberius,  were  arrested  and  brought  before 
the  tribunal  of  their  father.  With  Roman  sternness  of  jus- 
tice, though  his  heart  was  bleeding,  he,  in  accordance  with 
the  laws,  doomed  them  both  to  be  scourged  and  then  to  be  be- 
headed. The  sentence  was  executed  before  the  eyes  of  Brutus, 
who,  apparently  unmoved,  witnessed  their  punishment. 

The  ancient  Roman  monarchy,  after  a  continuance  of  two 
hundred  and  forty-five  years,  terminated  with  Tarquinius 
Superbus.  A  republican  government,  or,  as  it  was  called, 
the  Roman  commonwealth,  commenced  under  Brutus  and 
Collatinus.  These  two  magistrates  were  called  consuls. 
The  commonwealth  is  supposed  to  have  commenced  five 
hundred  and  forty-five  years  before  Christ. 

Tarquinius,  frustrated  in  his  conspiracy,  now  resorted  to 
a  coalition.  He  engaged  a  neighboring  tribe,  the  Veians, 
to  assist  him,  and  with  a  considerable  array  advanced  toward 
Rome.  Brutus,  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  cavalry,  went  out 
to  meet  him.  Aruns,  a  son  of  Tarquinius,  led  his  father's 
cavalry.  Seeing  Brutus  advancing,  he  spurred  his  horse  in 
front  of  his  ranks,  defying  the  consul  to  single  combat. 
They  met  and  both  fell  dead  together.  A  bloody  battle 
ensued,  in  which  eleven  thousand  perished  upon  each  side, 
but  the  Romans  remained  in  possession  of  the  field. 

Tarquinius,  defeated  but  not  dismayed,  engaged  another 
tribe,  the  Etrurians,  to  espouse  his  cause,  and  shortly  after 
marched  again  upon  Rome  with  a  still  more  numerous  army, 
led  by  Porsenna,  king  of  this  Etrurian  tribe.  Publius,  by 
the  death  of  his  colleague,  being  left  in  supreme  command, 
and  deeming  the  state  in  imminent  danger,  commenced 
building  a  citadel  upon  the  hill  Velia, '  which  looks  down 

1  The  visitor  to  Rome  will  find  the  Velian  hill  near  the  Palatine.  The  Via 
Sacra  passes  over  it,  and  the  Arch  of  Titus  stands  upon  its  summit. 


80  ITALY 

upon  the  forum.  The  people,  Jealous  of  their  liberties, 
were  alarmed,   and  began  to  murmur,  saying: 

"Publius  wishes  to  become  a  king.  He  is  erecting  this 
citadel  that  he  may  dwell  there  with  his  guards  and  bring 
us  into  subjection." 

Publius  complained  bitterly  of  the  injustice  thus  done 
him.  To  remove  all  suspicion,  he  caused  a  law  to  be  enacted 
declaring  that  whosoever  should  attempt  to  make  himself 
king  should  become  thus  outlawed,  and  any  one  might  law- 
fully slay  him.  This  satisfied  the  populace,  and  they  gave 
him  in  consequence  the  title  of  Poplicola,  or  the  people^s 
friend.  An  assembly  of  the  people  was  soon  convened,  and 
Spurius  Lucretius,  the  father  of  the  sainted  Lucretia,  was 
chosen  consul  in  the  place  of  Brutus.  But  the  venerable 
old  man  was,  at  the  time  of  his  election,  in  the  decline  of 
life,  and  in  a  few  days  he  died.  Marcus  Horatius  was  then 
chosen  in  his  room.  It  is  recorded  as  a  worthy  act  of  the 
consul  Marcus,  that  as  he  was  dedicating  to  Jupiter  the  tem- 
ple which  had  been  erected  on  the  Capitoline  hill,  he  was 
suddenly  informed  that  his  son  was  dead.  But  so  intently 
was  the  father  engrossed  with  the  religious  solemnities,  that 
he  simply  replied,  "Then  let  them  carry  him  out  and  bury 
him,"  thus  honoring  the  gods  above  his  son. 

The  banished  king  Tarquinius  soon  marched  with  a  vast 
Etruscan  army  against  Rome,  and  drove  the  Eomans,  who 
had  advanced  beyond  the  Tiber  to  meet  him,  back  into  the 
city.  The  Homaus  destroyed  the  wooden  bridge  by  which 
they  effected  their  retreat,  and  thus  cut  off  the  pursuit  of 
the  Etruscans.  The  Etruscans  commenced  a  vigorous  siege 
of  the  city.  A  young  Roman,  Caius  Mucins,  resolved  to  free 
his  country  from  the  impending  peril  by  the  assassination 
of  the  invading  Etruscan  king  Porsenna.  In  disguise  he 
penetrated  the  hostile  camp  and  plunged  a  dagger  into  the 
heart  of  an  Etruscan  officer,  whom  he  mistook  for  the  king. 
He  was  arrested  and  threatened  with  the  most  excruciating 
torture  unless  he  would  answer  every  question.  The  young 
man  thrust  his  arm  into  a  fire  which  was  burning  upon  an 


LEGENDARY  ROME  31 

altar,  and  held  it  immovable  until  it  was  consumed  by  the 
fierce  flame. 

"See  now,"  said  he,  "how  little  I  care  for  your  tor- 
ments." 

The  king,  amazed  at  such  fortitude,  looked  upon  the 
young  man  admiringly,  and  said: 

"Go  thy  way,  for  thou  hast  injured  thyself  more  than 
me.  Thou  art  a  brave  man,  and  I  send  thee  back  to  Eome, 
unpunished  and  free." 

Caius  replied,  "For  this  thou  shalt  get  more  of  my  secret 
than  all  thy  tortures  could  have  extorted  from  me.  Three 
hundred  noble  youths  of  Eome  have  bound  themselves  by 
oath  to  take  thy  life.  Mine  was  the  first  attempt.  The  oth- 
ers will,  each  in  his  turn,  lie  in  wait  for  thee.  I  warn  thee, 
therefore,  to  look  to  thyself  well." 

Porsenna  was  alarmed,  and  proposed  peace  on  terms 
which,  though  humiliating,  were  eagerly  embraced  by  the 
Eomans.  Ten  noble  young  men  and  ten  noble  maidens 
were  surrendered  to  .the  Etruscans  as  a  pledge  that  the 
peace  should  be  faithfully  kept.  One  of  these  maidens 
was  named  Cloelia.  She  encouraged  her  companions  to 
escape  from  the  Etruscan  camp,  and  being  pursued,  as 
they  reached  the  Tiber,  they  plunged  into  the  stream  and 
swam  to  the  opposite  shore.  But  the  Eomaus,  proud  of 
unblemished  honor,  sent  them  all  back.  Porsenna,  mar- 
veling more  than  ever  at  the  courage  of  the  Eoman  maid- 
ens, and  the  honor  of  the  Eoman  Senate,  gave  Clcelia  her 
liberty,  and  not  only  sent  her  home  free,  but  allowed  her 
also  to  choose  a  certain  number  of  the  young  men  to  accom- 
pany her.  She  selected  those  of  the  most  tender  age,  and, 
thus  escorted,  returned  to  Eome.  Caius  was  rewarded,  by 
the  Eoman  Senate,  with  an  extensive  grant  of  land;  and  a 
statue  was  erected  to  Cloelia  on  a  conspicuous  point  of  the 
Sacred  Way. 

Tarquinius,  seeing  there  was  no  hope  of  aid  from  Por- 
senna, turned  to  the  Latins,  south  of  Eome,  and  soon 
succeeded  in  engaging   thirty  cities  to  espouse  his  cause. 


82  ITALY 

The  Sabines,  occupying  the  banks  of  the  Upper  Tiber,  also 
united  with  the  Latins,  and  Kome  was  again  seriously  im- 
perilled. The  crisis  demanded  energetic  action,  and  the 
nobles,  taking  advantage  of  it,  appointed  one  of  the  consuls, 
Titus  Larcius,  Master  of  the  People,  and  invested  him  with 
dictatorial  power.  They  hoped,  by  means  of  this  dictator- 
ship, to  regain  their  lost  prerogatives.  The  hostile  Latin 
force  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  Lake  Regillus,  but  a 
few  miles  south  from  Rome.  Tarquinius  and  his  son  relied 
upon  this  army  as  their  last  hope.  The  Romans  and  Latins 
had  been,  for  many  years,  at  peace,  and  intermarriages  had 
been  frequent  between  them.  Before  hostilities  commenced 
it  was  mutually  agreed,  between  the  contending  parties, 
that  the  Latin  women,  with  their  virgin  daughters,  might 
leave  their  Roman  homes  and  return  to  their  countrymen, 
and  that  the  Roman  women,  who  had  married  Latins,  might 
leave  their  Latin  relatives  and  return  to  Rome  if  they 
wished.  But  all  the  Latin  women,  excepting  two,  re- 
mained in  Rome;  and  all  the  Roman  women,  without 
exception,  took  their  daughters  and  returned  to  the  homes 
of  their  fathers. 

A  great  battle  was  now  fought  on  the  banks  of  Lake 
Regillus,  Livy  gives  this  battle  the  date  of  499  j^ears  be- 
fore Christ.     In  reference  to  this  battle  Niebuhr  says: 

"It  is  a  conflict  between  heroes,  like  those  in  the  Iliad. 
All  the  heroes  meet  hand  to  hand,  and  by  them  the  victory 
is  thrown  now  into  one  scale  and  now  into  the  other,  while 
the  troops  fight  without  any  efiect. " 

Two  divine  heroes.  Castor  and  Pollux,  in  the  niost  mo- 
mentous juncture  of  the  bloody  fray,  are  reported  to  have 
appeared  on  milk-white  steeds,  and,  sweeping  down  whole 
battalions  of  the  Latins,  to  have  given  a  signal  victory  to 
the  Romans.  The  son  and  the  son-in-law  of  Tarquinius 
were  both  slain  upon  that  fatal  field ;  and  Tarquinius  him- 
self, in  despair,  fled  to  Cumge,  a  city  of  the  Greeks,  where 
he  subsequentl)^  died. 

The  chronology  of  this  period  is  in  a  state  of  inextri- 


LEGENDARY   ROME  33 

cable  confusion.  Approaches  only  to  accuracy  can  be  at- 
tained. These  poetical  stories  have  undoubtedly  a  founda- 
tion in  fact,  but  how  much  is  mere  embellishment  can 
never  now  be  known.  Some  of  the  laws  enacted  at  this 
time  continued  for  ages,  and  were  barbaric  and  inhuman 
in  the  extreme.  A  creditor,  unable  to  collect  his  debt,  was 
authorized  to  arrest  his  debtor  and  bring  him  before  the 
court.  If  no  one  would  be  his  security  the  poor  debtor 
was  imprisoned  for  sixty  days,  with  a  chain  weighing 
fifteen  pounds  upon  his  person,  and  fed  with  a  pound  of 
grain  daily.  During  these  sixty  days  of  imprisonment,  he 
was  brought  before  the  court  on  three  successive  market 
days,  and  the  amount  of  his  debt  declared,  to  see  if  any  one 
would  come  forward  for  his  release.  If,  on  the  third  day, 
no  friend  appeared,  he  was  either  put  to  death  or  sold  into 
slavery.  If  there  were  several  creditors  they  might,  at  their 
option,  instead  of  selling  their  debtor  into  slavery,  hew  his 
body  to  pieces. 

By  the  banishment  of  Tarquinius  Superbus  the  Eomans 
had  exchanged  the  monarchy  for  an  aristocracy.  But  the 
commons  soon  found  that  this  aristocracy  was  as  insup- 
portable as  the  reign  of  the  kings.  Another  revolution 
ensued,  the  particulars  of  which  are  sought  for  in  vain. 
The  revolution  assumed  the  character  of  a  people's  insur- 
rection, the  commons  endeavoring  in  a  body  to  escape  from 
Eome,  like  the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  and  to  establish  a 
new  nation  for  themselves.  The  patricians,  alarmed  by  the 
movement,  came  to  terms,  and  appeased  the  commons 
by  a  grant  of  privileges  which  they  had  never  enjoyed 
before.  The  hill  upon  which  these  conditions  were  ratified, 
was  forever  after  called  the  Sacred  Hill. 

By  the  pacification,  adopted  on  the  Sacred  Hill,  it  was 
agreed  that  five  officers  called  tribunes,  which  number 
was  subsequently  increased  to  ten,  should  be  chosen  by  the 
people,  and  that  they  should,  in  addition  to  other  privileges, 
have  the  power  of  a  veto  over  all  the  acts  of  the  senate. 
This  was  a  signal  popular  triumph,  and  the  commons  were 


34  ITALY 

thus  gradually  elevated  to  share  with  the  patricians  the 
honors  and  the  emoluments  of  their  common  country.  The 
conflict,  however,  between  the  plebeians  and  the  patricians 
was  continued  for  a  long  time. 


CHAPTER   II 

THE   PRETORSHIP,    DECEMVIRATE,    AND    CONSULATE 

FROM  493  B.C.  TO  433  B.C. 

Story  of  Coriolanu.s — Appointment  of  a  Dictator — Achievements  of  Cincin- 
natus — War  with  the  ^quians  and  Volscians — The  Soldiers  Refuse  to 
Fight — Infamous  Conduct  of  the  Nobles — Appius  Claudius — Virginia 
Claimed  as  a  Fugitive  Slave — Slain  by  her  Father — Insurrection  of  the 
People — Its  Success — Conspiracy  of  the  Young  Nobles — Ka;so,  son  of 
Cincinnatus — Cincinnatus  chosen  Consul — Change  in  his  Character — 
Aventine  Hill  Taken  by  the  Commons — Impeacliment  of  Appius  Clau- 
dius— The  Popular  Cause  Triumphant — The  Decemvirs  Rejected  and 
Expelled — Introduction  of  the  Consulate 

THE  dictator  was  appointed  for  six  months  only;  but 
during  that  time  his  power  was  absolute.  The  revolt 
of  the  commons,  and  the  compromise  into  which 
they  entered  with  the  patricians,  seem  to  have  restored 
affairs  to  their  ancient  order.  We  now  begin  slowly  to 
emerge  from  the  mists  of  fable  into  the  clearer  light  of 
authentic  history.  The  tribunes  continued  the  guardians 
of  popular  rights,  while  the  senate  was  ever  vigilant  to  ex- 
tend the  prerogatives  of  the  nobles.  From  this  time  we  must 
date  the  struggle  between  the  two  orders,  the  plebeians  con- 
tending for  equality  of  rights,  and  the  patricians  for  aristo- 
cratic privilege.  One  Spurius  Cassius,  who  was  now  consul, 
or  pretor,  as  the  office  was  then  called,  formed  an  alliance 
with  the  Latin  confederacy,  which  was  confirmed  by  the 
most  solemn  rites. 

The  ancient  annals  here  introduce  a  story  which  is  char- 
acteristic of  the  times,  though  its  historical  verity  is  not 
sustained  by  subsequent  research.  It  is  said  that  there 
was  a  famine  in  Rome,  caused  by  the  revolt  of  the  people, 


PRETORSHIP,  DEC EMV IRATE,  AND   CONSULATE        35 

who,  in  their  attempt  to  abandon  their  country,  had,  of 
course,  neglected  the  culture  of  their  fields.  The  nobles, 
who  had  great  wealth,  purchased  large  quantities  of  corn 
from  Sicily,  and  attempted  to  extort  from  the  starving  peo- 
ple, in  exchange  for  bread,  the  political  rights  they  had 
gained  in  their  revolt.  Caius  Coriolanus,  a  haughy  patri- 
cian, had  proposed  this  plan  to  the  senate.  The  people, 
exasperated,  would  have  torn  him  in  pieces,  but  he  fled, 
and  repairing  to  the  Volscians,  a  powerful  nation  south  of 
Borne,  persuaded  them  that  Rome,  in  a  state  of  famine, 
could  be  easily  subjugated.  The  Volscians  raised  an  army 
and  placed  it  under  the  joint  command  of  Coriolanus  and 
one  of  their  own  veteran  warriors. 

This  army  marched  upon  Rome,  and  mercilessly  ravag- 
ing the  country  without  its  walls,  encamped  before  the  city. 
Coriolanus,  thinking  that  his  quarrel  was  with  the  commons 
only,  hoped  for  the  co-operation  of  the  nobles.  Several 
embassies  from  the  city  were  sent  in  vain,  imploring  the 
clemency  of  the  victorious  army.  At  length,  in  the  midst 
of  general  consternation,  a  noble  lady,  Valeria,  who  was 
praying  in  the  temple,  seemed  inspired  by  a  sudden 
thought  from  the  gods.  She  immediately  arose,  collected 
a  band  of  Roman  matrons,  and  proceeded  to  the  house  of 
Virgilia,  the  wife  of  Coriolanus.  In  extreme  dejection  she 
was  sitting  with  her  children  and  with  her  husband's  aged 
mother. 

"We  have  come  to  you,"  said  Valeria,  "of  our  accord. 
Neither  the  senate  nor  the  people  have  sent  us;  but  God, 
in  whose  temple  we  were  worshiping,  has  inspired  us  with 
the  thought  to  come  to  you,  that  you  may  join  us,  women 
with  women,  without  the  aid  of  men,  to  win  for  our  country 
a  great  deliverance,  and  for  ourselves  a  name  glorious  above 
all  women,  even  above  those  Sabine  wives  of  old  who 
stopped  the  battle  between  their  husbands  and  their 
fathers.  Come,  then,  with  us  to  the  camp  of  Coriolanus, 
and  let  us  plead  with  him  for  mercy." 

Without  hesitancy,  Virgilia  and  Volumnia,  the  mother 


86  ITALY 

of  Coriolaaus,  joined  the  matrons  in  this  patriotic  embas- 
sage. Emerging  from  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city,  in  sad 
and  solemn  procession,  they  directed  their  steps  toward  the 
Volscian  camp.  The  Volscian  soldiers  looked  silently  on 
with  pity  and  veneration.  Coriolanus  was  found  in  his  tent, 
surrounded  by  his  generals.  His  mother,  Volumnia,  who 
was  at  the  head  of  the  train,  advanced  hesitatingly  to  meet 
him.  Coriolanus,  astonished  at  the  sight  of  his  mother, 
leaped  from  his  chair  and  ran  to  embrace  her.  She  with 
her  hand  repelled  him,  saying: 

"Ere  thou  kiss  me,  let  me  know  whether  I  am  speaking 
to  an  enemy  or  to  my  son;  whether  I  stand  in  thy  camp  as 
thy  prisoner  or  as  thy  mother." 

Coriolanus  was  silent,  knowing  not  what  answer  to  make. 
Yolumnia,  after  a  moment's  pause,  continued: 

"Must  it,  then,  be  that  had  I  never  borne  a  son,  Eome 
never  would  have  seen  the  camp  of  an  enemy  ?  that  had 
I  remained  childless  I  should  have  died  a  free  woman  in 
a  free  city  ?  But  I  am  too  old  to  endure  much  longer  either 
thy  shame  or  my  misery.  Look,  however,  to  thy  wife  and 
thy  children.  If  thou  persistest  in  thy  course,  they  are 
doomed  to  an  untimely  death,  or  to  a  long  life  of  bondage." 

His  wife  Virgilius  then  a]:)proached,  her  eyes  swollen  with 
tears,  and  leading  her  children  by  the  hand.  She  threw 
herself  upon  her  husband's  neck,  sobbing  passionately, 
while  all  the  Eoman  matrons  wept  and  wailed.  Coriolanus 
was  unmanned  and  conquered. 

"Oh,  mother,"  said  he,  "what  hast  thou  done  to  me. 
Thine  is  the  victory,  a  happy  victory  for  thee  and  for  Eome, 
but  shame  and  ruin  to  thy  son." 

He  then  sent  back  the  matrons  to  Eome,  while  he  re- 
turned with  the  Volscians  to  their  own  territory,  where  he 
remained  in  exile  until  his  death. 

It  was  about  this  time,  during  the  pretorship  of  Spurius 
Cassius,  that  the  agrarian  law  was  enacted,  which  has  en- 
grossed so  much  of  the  attention  of  subsequent  ages.  This 
law,  which  divided  the  public  lands  among  the  people,  was 


PRETORSHIP,  DECEMVIRATE,  AND  CONSULATE       87 

bitterly  opposed  by  the  nobles,  and,  in  revenge,  they  ac- 
cused Cassius  of  attempting  to  make  himself  king.  He  was 
consequently  condemned  to  death,  being  first  scourged  and 
then  beheaded.  His  house  was  destroyed,  and  the  ground 
on  which  it  stood  was  cursed. 

The  patricians,  untiring  in  their  endeavors  to  keep  the 
plebeians  in  subjection,  succeeded  in  electing  their  own  par- 
tisans as  pretors,  and  in  preventing  the  execution  of  the  ag- 
rarian law.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  conflict  the  commons 
refused  to  serve  as  soldiers,  as  the  British  commons,  under 
similar  circumstances,  have  often  refused  to  furnish  money 
for  the  wars  which  the  aristocracy,  to  subserve  their  own 
purposes,  were  waging.  The  power  of  the  tribunes,  how- 
ever, was  only  of  force  within  the  walls  of  the  city,  and 
the  pretors,  by  nameless  outrages,  compelled  the  farming 
population  to  enlist  in  the  army.  At  length  they  gained 
the  important  concession  that  the  patricians  should  choose 
one  pretor,  and  the  plebeians  the  other.  The  conflict  be- 
tween the  plebeians  and  patricians  had  become  so  strong 
that  at  length,  in  an  eventful  battle,  the  plebeians  refused 
to  fight,  and  submitted  to  an  ignominious  defeat,  rather  than 
gain  a  victory  which  would  only  redound  to  the  increased 
influence  of  their  aristocratic  foes.  For  a  period  of  seven 
years  the  nobles  filled  their  place  in  the  pretorship  with 
some  member  of  the  Fabian  family,  one  of  the  most  opulent 
and  haaghty  of  the  ancienne  noblesse  of  Rome;  for  even  then 
Rome  had  her  ancient  nobility.  These  haughty  scions  of 
patrician  houses,  rolling  in  wealth,  and  strong  in  social 
rank,  affected  to  look  with  contempt  upon  the  pretor 
chosen  by  the  people,  and  instead  of  recognizing  him  as 
an  equal,  treated  him  as  an  inferior  officer,  who  occupied 
but  the  place  of  an  assistant. 

The  refusal,  under  the  circumstances,  of  the  people  to 
fight,  and  the  disgraceful  defeat  which  ensued,  opened  the 
eyes  of  the  nobles,  and  Quintus  Fabius,  who  was  their 
pretor,  in  conjunction  with  Caius  Julius  the  pretor  of  the 
people,  made  such  strenuous  endeavors  to  regain  the  pop- 


63  ITALY 

ular  favor,  that  he  measurably  succeeded  in  effacing  that 
animosity  wliich  threatened  even  the  stability  of  the  state. 
In  a  war  which  soon  ensued,  some  new  territory  was 
grasped.  To  please  the  people,  one  of  the  Fabii,  then 
pretor,  proposed  that  it  should  be  divided  in  equal  por- 
tions among  the  plebeians. 

"It  is  just,"  said  he,  "that  those  should  have  the  land, 
by  whose  sweat  and  blood  it  has  been  gained." 

The  nobles  were  exasperated  that  Fabius  should  thus 
abandon  their  cause,  and  reviled  him  as  an  apostate  and  a 
turn-coat.  But  the  more  the  patricians  abused,  the  more 
the  plebeians  applauded.  The  conflict  became  so  bitter  that 
the  whole  family  of  Fabii,  three  hundred  and  six  in  number, 
with  plebeian  followers  amounting  to  four  thousand,  emi- 
grated from  Rome  and  settled  on  the  river  Crimera,  a  small 
stream  emptying  into  the  Tiber  but  a  few  miles  from  Eome. 
Two  years  had  hardly  elapsed,  after  this  emigration,  ere 
the  Etruscans,  a  powerful  neighboring  nation,  fell  upon  the 
infant  settlement  by  surprise  and  mercilessly  massacred  them 
all.  The  victorious  Etruscans,  ravaging  the  adjacent  coun- 
try, advanced  to  the  walls  of  Rome  and  laid  siege  to  the 
city.  After  many  bloody  but  indecisive  conflicts,  a  triice 
was  entered  into  which  continued  for  forty  years.  The 
struggle  between  the  people  and  the  nobles  was  still  ever 
living;  though  with  varying  success,  with  ebbs  and  floods, 
the  popular  cause  was  steadily  gaining  strength. 

According  to  Italian  story,  in  the  year  458  before  Christ, 
Rome  was  in  such  peril  from  the  allied  assaults  of  two  na- 
tions, the  -^quians  and  the  Sabines,  that  the  senate  resolved 
to  invoke  the  power  of  a  dictator.  Rome  was  indeed  men- 
aced with  ruin.  One  of  the  pretors,  Lucius  Minucius,  in 
command  of  the  Roman  army,  had  been  lured  into  a  narrow 
defile,  where  the  mountains  rose  around  him  to  inaccessible 
heights,  upon  every  side  except  through  the  narrow  en- 
trance. This  passage  the  enemy  had  effectually  blockaded, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  army  seemed  sure.  Should  the 
army  be  destroyed  Rome  would  be  left  at  the  mercy  of  the 


PEETORSHIP,  DECEMVIR  ATE,  AND  CONSULATE       39 

conqueror.  The  senate  met  ia  consternation  to  deliberate 
upon  this  danger. 

"There  is  but  one  man,"  it  was  said,  "who  can  deliver 
us.  That  man  is  Lucius  Quintius  Cincinnatus;  and  him  we 
must  invest  with  dictatorial  power." 

A  deputation  was  immediately  sent  to  inform  Cincinnatus 
who  was  an  impoverished  patrician,  of  his  appointment. 
He  was  found  occupying  a  little  cottage  upon  the  other  side 
of  the  Tiber,  cultivating,  with  his  wife  Eacilia,  a  small  plot 
of  ground. 

"We  bring  thee,"  said  they,  "a  message  of  great  impor- 
tance from  the  senate.  Put  on  thy  cloak  that  thou  mayst 
receive  it  with  becoming  dignity." 

Attended  by  his  wife  he  went  into  his  cottage,  and 
changed  his  apparel,  and  then  presented  himself  again 
before  the   deputies. 

"Hail  to  thee,  Lucius  Quintius  Cincinnatus,"  said  the 
deputies.  "The  senate  hath  appointed  thee  master  of  the 
people,  and  calls  thee  to  the  city.  The  pretor  and  the  army, 
in  the  country  of  the  ^quians,  are  in  great  danger. ' ' 

Cincinnatus  without  hesitancy  accepted  the  perilous  office, 
and  tenderly  bade  adieu  to  his  wife,  saying,  "I  fear,  my 
Bacilia,  that  this  year  our  little  fields  must  remain  unsown. " 

A  boat  was  in  readiness  to  convey  him  across  the  Tiber. 
The  senate,  with  an  immense  concourse  of  the  populace  of 
Rome,  awaited  him  on  the  opposite  bank.  Cincinnatus  im- 
mediately ordered  every  man  in  Rome  capable  of  bearing 
arms  to  be  enlisted.  A  poor  man,  from  the  ranks  of  the 
foot  soldiers,  Lucius  Tarquitius,  who  had  displayed  much 
energy  and  bravery,  was  appointed  chief  general  under  the 
dictator.  With  such  energy  were  these  measures  pressed 
forward,  that  before  sunset  the  whole  army  was  assembled 
in  the  field  of  Mars.  Every  soldier  took  with  him  food  for 
fiive  days;  and  twelve  stakes.  The  evening  twilight  had 
hardly  disappeared  ere  this  force,  so  suddenly  collected, 
commenced  its  march.  Before  midnight  they  reached  the 
outposts  of  the  enemy.     Immediately  disincumbering  them- 


40  ITALY 

selves  of  their  baggage  they  cautiously  surrounded  the  hos- 
tile camp,  and  each  soldier  commenced  digging  a  ditch  and 
planting  his  stakes.  This  work  was  commenced  with  shouts 
which  penetrated  the  camp  of  the  beleaguered  Komans,  fill- 
ing their  hearts  with  joy.  They  recognized  the  voices  of 
their  friends,  and  exclaimed: 

"Rescue  is  at  hand,  for  that  is  the  shout  of  the  Romans." 

Immediately  sallying  from  their  intrenchments,  they 
made  so  fierce  an  assault  that  the  ^quians  were  not  able 
to  interrupt  the  works  which  Cincinnatus  was  so  effectively 
throwing  up.  Through  the  whole  night  the  fight  and  the 
labor  lasted,  and  with  the  morning's  dawn  the  ^quians  saw, 
to  their  great  consternation,  that  they  were  surounded.  A 
successful  defence  was  impossible,  and  they  asked  for  mercy. 
Cincinnatus  demanded  the  ^quian  chief  and  his  two  lead- 
ing generals  to  be  delivered  to  him  in  chains;  and  the  whole 
of  the  rest  of  the  hostile  army,  abandoning  their  cloaks,  their 
arms,  and  all  their  baggage,  were  compelled  to  pass  under 
the  yoke,  which  consisted  of  two  spears  set  upright  and  a 
third  lashed  across,  and  were  thus  sent  home  in  nakedness, 
confusion,  and  shame. 

Cincinnatus  now  returned  to  Rome  in  triumph,  accom- 
panied by  his  own  troops  and  by  the  army  he  had  so  nobly 
rescued.  The  exultation  in  the  metropolis  was  boundless. 
The  conqueror  rode  in  a  chariot,  with  the  chiefs  of  the 
JEquians  led  in  chains  before  him.  At  the  door  of  every 
house  in  the  streets  of  Rome  tables  were  spread  with  abun- 
dant refreshments  for  the  soldiers.  This  astounding  vic- 
tory, according  to  the  Roman  legends,  was  the  work  of  but 
a  day.  Cincinnatus,  with  his  army,  marched  out  one  even- 
ing and  returned  the  next.  The  conqueror  now  laid  aside 
his  dictatorial  power  and  returned  to  his  farm,  refusing  all 
that  wealth  which  the  senate  was  zealous  to  lavish  upon 
him.  The  time  of  this  event  is  placed  in  the  Roman  legends 
about  460  years  before  Christ. 

War  soon  again  ensued  against  the  ^quians  and  Vol- 
scians   united.     The  pretor,   Appias  Claudius,   a  haughty 


PRETORSHIP,  DECEMVIRATE,  AND  CONSULATE       41 

aristocrat,  hated  by  the  people,  led  the  E,oman  army.  The 
discontented  soldiers  refused  to  fight,  and  retreated  before 
the  enemy,  throwing  away  their  arms  and  running  away,  in 
an  aUected  panic,  even  at  the  first  onset  Appius,  flaming 
with  indignation,  succeeded  in  rallying  the  fugitives  as  soon 
as  they  were  out  of  reach  of  the  enemy,  and  heaped  upon 
them  contemptuous  reproaches.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  his 
exasperation  was  so  intense  that,  by  the  aid  of  some  foreign 
mercenaries,  he  first  seized  and  executed  every  captain  of 
one  hundred  men  who  had  fled;  then  every  standard-bearer 
who  had  lost  his  colors  was  put  to  death;  and  then  he  deci- 
mated the  whole  host,  executing  every  tenth  man.  Even 
this  rigor  would  hardly  have  been  condemned,  so  scrupu- 
lous were  the  Romans  upon  points  of  military  discipline, 
had  not  Appius  been  regarded  as  the  inveterate  foe  of  pop- 
ular rights,  and  the  unrelenting  advocate  of  aristocratic 
privilege.  The  tribunes,  accordingly,  whose  privilege  it 
was  to  impeach,  brought  him  to  trial,  as  tbe  enemy  of  the 
people.  His  doom  is  not  known.  Tradition  is  contradic- 
tory. Whether  he  killed  himself  in  prison  to  avoid  the 
execution  of  his  sentence,  or  whether  he  escaped,  and,  after 
years  of  exile,  returned  to  take  a  part  in  public  affairs,  can- 
not now  be  ascertained. 

For  many  years  Rome  appears  to  have  been  in  a  very 
deplorable  state.  The  surrounding  nations  defeated  her 
armies,  and  repeatedy  plundered  all  the  region  outside  of 
the  walls  of  the  city.  A  terrible  pestilence  again  and  again 
swept  the  land.  The  woes  of  the  whole  country  for  a  time 
were  such  that  there  was  a  cessation  of  the  hostility  between 
the  patricians  and  plebeians.  But  as  better  times  dawned 
upon  the  country  the  old  conflict  was  revived,  and  the  com- 
mons seemed  disposed  to  demand  a  radical  reform  in  the 
constitution  of  the  state,  by  which  they  should  enjoy,  in  all 
respects,  equal  rights  with  the  patricians.  They  demanded, 
through  the  tribunes,  that  ten  commissioners  should  be 
chosen,  five  by  the  commons  and  five  by  the  patricians, 
and  that  by  them  a  constitution  should  be  drawn  up,  con- 


42  ITALY 

ferring  equal  political  rights  upon  all  orders  of  the  Eoman 
people. 

The  nobles,  as  ever,  were  unrelenting  in  their  opposition 
to  any  encroachments  upon  their  prerogatives.  The  young 
nobles  of  Kome,  like  their  predecessors,  the  young  nobles  of 
Athens,  were  fond  of  congregating  in  clubs.  Conscious 
aristocracy  gives  self-confidence,  and  self-confidence  gives 
strength.  These  young  nobles  were  skilled  in  martial  exer- 
cises, bold  and  domineering.  By  acting  in  a  body  they  re- 
peatedly broke  up  the  meetings  of  the  commons,  and  drove 
them  from  the  forum.  The  son  of  Cincinnatus  was  one  of 
the  leaders  in  these  aristocratic  riots.  He  was  prosecuted 
by  the  tribunes.  Keeso,  as  this  young  man  was  called,  was 
proved  to  be  of  grossly  riotous  character,  and  even  to  have 
caused  death  in  one  of  his  frays.  The  indignation  of  the 
people  was  so  strongly  roused  against  him  that,  apprehen- 
sive of  condemnation,  he  forfeited  his  bail,  which  was  very 
heavy,  and  fled  before  his  trial  came  on. 

The  young  nobles  from  rioters  became  conspirators. 
They  courted  the  commons,  speaking  politely  to  them, 
paying  them  those  delicate  attentions  with  which  the  rich 
and  noble  can  so  easily  win  the  regards  of  the  poor  and 
humble.  Kaeso,  in  exile,  held  constant  communication 
with  them,  and  gathered  around  him  a  band  of  adventur- 
ers from  all  quarters.  With  this  force  it  was  the  inten- 
tion of  the  conspirators  that  Kaeso  should  surprise  Kome 
at  night;  the  young  nobles  in  the  city  were  to  be  prepared 
to  rise  and  join  the  assailants;  the  tribunes  and  the  most  ob- 
noxious of  the  commons  were  to  be  massacred,  and  thus  the 
old  ascendency  of  the  patricians  was  to  be  restored. 

Though  the  conspiracy  was  suspected,  and  the  tribunes 
were  warned  of  the  peril,  no  effectual  measures  of  protec- 
tion were  adopted.  The  assault  was  actually  made,  and 
the  city,  for  a  few  hours,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  rioters. 
They  were,  however,  eventually  repelled,  and  all  were 
either  slain  or  subsequently  executed.  Cincinnatus  was 
again   called   from    the   plow   and    chosen   consul    by    the 


PRETORSHIP,  DECEMVIR  ATE,  AND   CONSULATE       48 

nobles.  But  his  character  appears  to  have  undergone  a 
great  change.  The  death  of  his  son  Kaeso,  bj  the  hands 
of  the  commons,  exasperated  him,  and  his  thirst  for  ven- 
geance seemed  insatiable.  Distinctly  he  declared  to  the 
commons  that  during  his  consulship  no  constitution  should 
be  accepted  granting  the  plebeians  equal  rights  with  the 
patricians. 

The  ^Equians  and  the  Volscians  were  now  pressing  the 
city,  and  for  a  short  time  this  common  danger  silenced  the 
internal  strife.  The  Sabines  joined  the  allies  against  Rome, 
and  the  fortunes  of  the  commonwealth  were  at  a  low  ebb; 
but  the  tribunes,  taking  advantage  of  these  perils,  gained  a 
very  important  point  in  securing  henceforth  the  election  of 
ten  instead  of  five  tribunes.  The  confused  and  contradic- 
tory annals  of  those  days  all  agree  in  representing  the  strife 
between  the  people  and  the  nobles  as  very  bitter.  The 
nobles  boast  of  the  use  they  made  of  the  dagger  in  silenc- 
ing their  enemies;  the  assemblies  of  the  people  were  broken 
up  by  riotous  violence;  the  commons  were  ejected  from  the 
houses  of  the  nobles,  mobbed  in  their  own  dwellings;  their 
wives  and  daughters  insulted  in  the  streets  both  by  day  and 
by  night.  The  mansions  of  the  nobles  were  generally  built 
upon  the  hills  of  Rome,  and  strongly  constructed  like  sepa- 
rate fortresses,  which  could  bid  defiance  to  any  sudden  at- 
tacks. Victims  of  the  malice  of  the  nobles  were  often  se- 
cretly seized  and  concealed  in  the  dungeons  of  their  castles 
where  they  miserably  perished.  At  one  time  nine  eminent 
men  who  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  people  were  burned 
alive  in  the  circus. 

The  tribunes  now,  to  secure  unanimity  in  their  action  as 
defenders  of  the  popular  cause,  bound  themselves  by  a  sol- 
emn oath  that  they  would  never  oppose,  but  would  with 
entire  unanimity  support  the  decision  of  the  majority  of 
their  number.  One  of  the  tribunes,  Lucius  Icilius,  then 
proposed  a  law,  that  the  Aventine  hill,  which  was  just  out- 
side the  bounds  of  the  original  city,  should  be  allotted  to 
the  commons  forever,  as  their  exclusive  quarter  and  strong- 


44  ITALY 

hold.  This  hill  was  still  public  property,  not  having  yet 
been  divided.  Some  of  the  nobles  had  built  upon  these 
lands,  while  other  parts  were  still  overgrown  with  wood. 
The  Aventine  hill  was  one  of  the  steepest  and  most  easily 
fortified  of  the  hills  of  Rome,  and  if  placed  in  the  exclusive 
possession  of  the  commons,  would  render  them  as  impreg- 
nable in  their  stronghold  as  were  the  patricians  when  en- 
trenched upon  the  other  hills  of  the  metropolis.  The  tri- 
bunes, very  prudently,  before  bringing  this  measure  to  the 
consideration  of  the  commons,  where  it  would  be  sure  to 
provoke  stormy  debate,  submitted  it  to  the  consuls,  urging 
them  to  present  it  to  the  senate,  and  claiming  the  privilege 
of  supporting  the  measure  before  that  patrician  body,  as 
counsel,  in  behalf  of  the  people.  The  majority  of  the  sen- 
ate, hoping,  it  is  said,  thus  to  appease  the  commons  and  to 
avoid  the  execution  of  the  Agrarian  law,  which  required 
the  division  of  the  public  lands  among  the  people,  voted 
for  the  measure.  This  triumph  of  the  plebeians  was  deemed 
an  achievement  of  so  much  importance,  that  it  was  con- 
firmed by  the  most  imposing  religious  ceremonies,  and  the 
law  engraved  upon  a  tablet  of  brass  was  set  up  in  the  temple 
of  Diana  on  the  Aventine  hill. 

By  this  law,  all  of  the  Aventine  hill  was  allotted  to  the 
commons,  to  be  their  freehold  for  ever.  The  people  imme- 
diately took  possession  of  their  grant,  and  before  the  year 
was  closed,  the  eminence,  a  large  swell  of  land  embracing 
many  acres,  was  covered  with  their  dwellings. 

The  patricians  now  planted  themselves  firmly  against 
allowing  the  plebeians  any  share  in  the  revision  of  the 
constitution.  For  ages  this  conflict  between  equality  and 
privilege  had  been  raging,  with  only  such  occasional  shift- 
ing of  the  ground  as  the  progress  of  events  introduced. 
The  people  pressed  the  nobles  so  hard  that  they  were  at 
length  compelled  to  consent  that  three  commissioners  should 
be  sent  to  Greece  to  collect  such  information  respecting  the 
laws  of  the  Greek  states,  as  might  aid  them  in  their  new 
modelling  of  the  government.     The  return  of  these  com- 


PRETORSHIP,  DECEMVIRATE,  AND  CONSULATE        45 

missioners  opened  the  battle  anew.  But  the  commons  were 
defeated,  and  the  revision  of  the  constitution  was  intrusted 
to  ten  men,  all  selected  from  the  patrician  order.  The  com- 
mons, however,  had  the  privilege  of  choosing  five  of  these 
men,  though  they  could  only  choose  from  the  ranks  of  the 
nobles.  Such  was  the  termination  of  a  conflict  which  had 
agitated  Rome  for  ten  years.  It  conspicuously  shows  the 
strength  of  the  aristocratic  power,  and  the  slow  steps  by 
which  the  people  beat  back  its  encroachments.  "The  laws 
of  a  nation,"  says  Gibbon,  "form  the  most  instructive  por- 
tion of  its  history. ' '  The  annals  of  the  past  have  no  teach- 
ings more  valuable  than  these  conflicts  of  popular  rights 
against  the  tyranny  of  wealth  and  rank. 

The  ten  patricians  empowered  to  draft  a  constitution 
eagerly  commenced  their  work.  As  aids  they  had  the  un- 
written laws  of  their  own  country,  and  the  information 
which  the  commissioners  had  gleaned  in  Grreece.  In  the 
course  of  a  few  months,  the  articles  they  had  agreed  upon 
were  inscribed  upon  ten  tablets  and  set  up  in  a  conspicuous 
place,  where  all  could  read  them  and  suggest  any  amend- 
ments. The  commissioners  listened  to  the  suggestions  thus 
made,  adopted  such  amendments  as  they  approved,  and  then 
submitted  the  constitution  to  the  approval  of  the  patricians 
as  they  were  represented  in  the  senate,  and  to  the  commons 
assembled  in  a  body  called  the  centuries.  Their  work  was 
accepted,  and  the  constitution  thus  ratified  was  engraved  on 
twelve  tablets  of  brass  and  set  up  in  the  comitium — the  hall 
for  all  great  public  gatherings.  These  tablets  remained  for 
centuries  the  foundation  for  all  Eoman  law,  and  were  un- 
doubtedly drawn  up  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  wisdom,  or 
they  could  not  have  been  so  generally  acceptable.  From 
the  scanty  fragments  alone  which  now  remain  it  is  impos- 
sible to  form  an  intelligent  judgment  respecting  the  whole 
code. 

The  ten  men,  or  decemvirs  as  they  were  called,  continued 
in  power  for  one  year  and  administered  the  government,  with 
the  law  of  the  twelve  tables  as  their  guide,  to  general  ac- 


46  ITALY 

ceptance.  The  change  in  the  executive,  which  the  new 
arrangement  introduced,  amounted  simply  to  having  ten 
consuls  instead  of  two.  And  though  the  plebeians  occa- 
sionallj  succeeded  in  having  some  of  their  number  elected 
among  the  decemvirs,  these  few  plebeian  office-holders, 
through  the  influence  of  bribery  and  flattery,  were  easily 
secured  to  support  the  measures  of  the  nobles.  Thus  the 
patricians  were  soon  again  exulting  in  the  ascendency. 
Though  the  decemvirs  were  chosen  annually,  they  were 
in  all  respects  kings  during  their  short  reign.  Each  one, 
whenever  he  appeared  in  public,  had  his  twelve  lictors  to 
walk  before  him,  bearing  the  axe  and  the  rods,  the  emblems 
of  sovereignty.  All  having  bound  themselves  by  an  oath 
to  support  the  measures  of  the  majority,  they  were  shielded 
effectually  from  all  minority  reports. 

The  patricians  now  became  more  and  more  oppressive 
and  insolent.  The  young  men  of  that  class,  haughty  and 
dissolute,  revelled  in  the  utmost  licentiousness  of  iudul- 
geoce,  and  the  wives  and  the  daughters  of  the  plebeians 
suffered  many  outrages.  An  insulting  law  was  enacted 
prohibiting  marriages  between  the  patricians  and  plebeians. 
At  the  close  of  the  second  year  of  the  decemvirate,  the  de- 
cemvirs had  arrogated  so  much  power  that  they  attempted 
to  perpetuate  their  reign  by  refusing  to  resign  their  posts, 
or  to  make  any  preparation  for  the  election  of  successors. 
The  outrages  became  so  intolerable  that  many  of  the  com- 
mons fled  from  Eome  and  took  refuge  among  the  surround- 
ing nations.     At  length,  a  signal  outrage  roused  the  people. 

There  was  in  Rome  a  young  lady  of  remarkable  beauty, 
named  Virginia.  She  was  the  daughter  of  an  officer  in  the 
army,  of  plebeian  birth.  She  was  betrothed  to  the  illus- 
trious tribune,  Lucius  Icilius,  who  had  secured  the  passage 
of  the  law  for  assigning  the  Aventine  hill  to  the  commous. 
One  of  the  decemvirs,  Appius  Claudius,  a  patrician  of  very 
arrogant  character,  cast  his  eye  upon  the  said  Virginia, 
and  became  desirous  of  possessing  her.  As  she  was  one 
day   passing   through   the  streets,   attended  by  her  maid, 


PRETOBSHIP,  DECEMVIRATE,  AND  CONSULATE       47 


PRETORSHIP,  DECEMVIRATE,  AND  CONSULATE       47 

one  of  the  freeemen  of  Appius  seized  her,  declaring  that 
she  was  his  slave,  Lucius  Virginius,  the  father  of  the 
maiden,  was  then  absent  with  the  army  engaged  in  a  war 
against  the  Sabines. 

As  the  young  lady  was  grasped  by  the  kidnappers,  the 
nurse  cried  out  for  help,  and  a  crowd  of  people  were  soon 
gathered  in  the  streets,  eager  to  defend  her  from  wrong. 
It  was  a  genuine  case  for  the  exercise  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law  of  Rome;  and  the  law  must  take  its  course.  The  freed- 
man  dragged  the  trembling  maiden  before  his  former  master, 
the  decemvir  Appius  Claudius,  who  was  to  decide  the  case, 
in  which  he  himself  was  the  impudent  claimant,  simply 
making  use  of  one  of  his  former  slaves  as  his  agent.  It 
was  contended  before  this  tribunal  that  the  maiden's  real 
mother  had  been  the  slave  of  the  freedman,  and  that  the 
wife  of  Lucius  Virginius  having  no  children,  had  adopted 
this  child,  who  being  the  child  of  slave  parents  was  the 
property  of  another  person. 

The  friends  of  the  maiden  pleaded  for  a  postponement  of 
the  trial,  urging  that  her  father  was  absent,  engaged  in  the 
cause  of  the  commonwealth — that  they  would  send  instantly 
for  him,  and  that  in  two  days  he  would  be  in  Eome.  They, 
therefore,  entreated  that  she  might  be  restored  to  her  home 
and  friends  until  the  day  of  trial.  "Expose  not  her  fair 
fame  to  reproach,"  they  imploringly  cried,  by  placing  her 
person  in  the  possession  of  a  man  of  whose  character  noth- 
ing is  known.  But  Appius  Claudius,  eager  to  acquire  so 
valuable  a  slave,  assuming  an  air  of  candor,  said: 

"The  law  is  just  and  good,  and  must  be  maintained. 
Now,  this  maiden  belongs  either  to  her  father  or  to  her 
master.  But  as  her  father  is  not  here,  who  but  her  master 
can  have  any  title  to  her.  Let  her,  therefore,  remain  in  the 
hands  of  him  who  claims  to  be  her  master,  till  Lucius  Vir- 
ginius arrive.  She  shall  then  be  brought  before  my  judg- 
ment-seat, and  her  cause  impartially  tried." 

This  decision  would  give  Appius  Claudius,  as  he 
thought,  a  legal  right  to  her  possession.     At  this  stage  of 


48  ITALY 

the  case  the  uncle  of  the  maiden  appeared,  and  also  young 
Icilius,  to  whom  she  was  betrothed.  They  spoke  so  vehe- 
mently against  the  outrage  about  to  be  perpetrated,  sur- 
rendering the  helpless  maiden  to  those  who  claimed  her 
to  be  an  ordinary  bondmaid,  that  Claudius  was  alarmed, 
apprehensive  of  a  mob,  and  was  compelled  slightly  to  re- 
trace his  steps. 

"Upon  second  thought,"  said  he,  "in  my  great  regard 
for  the  rights  of  fathers  over  their  children,  I  will  let  the 
cause  remain  until  to-morrow.  But  if  Lucius  Virginius, 
the  reputed  father,  does  not  then  appear,  let  Icilius  and 
his  fellows  distinctly  understand  that  I  will  support  the 
laws,  and  that  fanatic  violence  shall  not  prevail  over 
justice." 

Thus  the  unhappy  Virginia  was  saved  for  the  moment, 
and  her  friends  set  off  in  the  greatest  haste  to  summon  her 
father.  They  were,  however,  compelled  to  give  heavy  se- 
curity that  she  should  be  brought  before  the  tribunal  of 
Appius  Claudius  the  next  day.  The  messenger  reached 
the  camp  that  evening,  and  the  father,  half  distracted  with 
the  news,  leaped  upon  his  horse,  and  was  instantly  on  his 
way,  with  the  utmost  speed,  toward  Rome.  But  hardly  had 
the  clatter  of  his  horse's  hoofs  ceased  to  reverberate  through 
the  camp,  ere  a  messenger  arrived  from  Claudius,  urging 
the  tribunes,  in  command  of  the  army,  to  forbid  the  depar- 
ture of  Virginius.     But  it  was  too  late. 

In  the  dawn  of  the  morning  Virginius  reached  his  home, 
and,  at  a  glance,  saw  the  desperate  state  of  affairs.  Under 
the  forms  of  law  he  was  to  be  robbed  of  his  daughter,  and 
she  was  to  be  handed  over,  as  a  degraded  slave,  into  the 
hands  of  Appius  Claudius.  The  Roman  matrons  gathered 
around  him  in  sympathy,  as  with  a  dejected  countenance, 
and  clothed  in  the  mean  attire  of  a  supplicant,  he  led  his 
daughter  to  the  tribunal  where  aristocratic  insolence  tram- 
pled with  contempt  upon  all  popular  rights.  Earnestly  the 
woe-stricken  father  pleaded  for  his  child,  while  Icilius  aided 
him  with  that  fervid  eloquence  which  love  inspired.     The 


PRETORSHIP,  DECEMVIR  ATE,  AND  CONSULATE       49 

matrons,  who  had  followed  Virginia  to  the  court  room, 
listened  silently  and  in  tears. 

But  Claudius,  fired  by  passion,  and  feeling  strong  in 
aristocratic  power,  was  deaf  to  every,  appeal,  and  remanded 
Virginia  into  the  hands  of  the  man  who  claimed  her  as  his 
slave.  A  band  of  armed  patricians,  calling  themselves  the 
friends  of  law  and  order,  were  present  to  prevent  any  rescue 
by  the  people,  and  to  enforce  the  decree.  Lucius  Virginius, 
in  despair,  begged  peraiission  of  the  court  to  speak  one 
parting  word  to  his  child.  His  request  was  granted.  Ap- 
proaching the  weeping  Virginia,  as  if  to  impress  one  last 
kiss  upon  her  cheek,  the  noble  Roman  drew  from  his  bosom 
a  poniard  and  plunged  it  into  her  heart,  exclaiming: 

"This  is  the  only  way,  my  child,  to  keep  thee  free." 

Then  turning  to  Appius  Claudius,  he  brandished  the 
crimsoned  weapon,  saying,  "On  thee  and  on  thy  head  be 
the  curse  of  this  blood." 

Taking  advantage  of  the  confusion  the  scene  created, 
Virginius  rushed  through  the  crowd,  though  Claudius 
called  out  loudly  to  seize  him.  He  effected  his  escape, 
and,  mounting  his  horse,  rode  rapidly  to  the  camp  to  rouse 
the  soldiers  to  avenge  his  wrongs.  Icilius,  the  lover,  and 
Nuraatoris,  the  uncle  of  the  maiden,  bore  her  blood-stained 
body  into  the  streets  and  exhibited  it  to  the  people.  Their 
indignation  was  roused  to  the  highest  pitch.  A  great  tumult 
was  excited  and  the  baffled  Claudius,  in  disguise,  with  diffi- 
culty escaped  with  his  life.  The  whole  city  was  in  an  up- 
roar, the  masses  of  the  people  making  common  cause  with 
Virginius.  The  soldiers,  seeing  Virginius  enter  the  camp, 
his  dress  disordered  and  stained  with  blood,  and  the  gory 
knife  in  his  hand,  listened  eagerly  to  his  story.  One  com- 
mon feeling  of  rage  inspired  their  breasts.  Grasping  their 
arms  and  unfurling  their  banners,  they  commenced  their 
march  toward  Eome. 

As  they  entered  the  city,  the  populace  gathered  around 
them,  and  the  whole  united  body  of  soldiers  and  citizens 
marched  to  the  Aventine  hill,  where,  in  their  own  proper 

Italy— 3 


60  ITALY 

home,  they  established  their  quarters.  Here  by  acclama- 
tion they  repudiated  the  whole  body  of  decemvirs,  demand- 
ing that  they  should  immediately  resign  their  posts,  and 
elected  ten  tribunes  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  people. 
Another  portion  of  the  army,  which  was  under  the  com- 
mand of  Icilius,  hearing  the  story  of  this  outrage,  pursued 
the  same  course,  and  pressing  to  the  Aventine  hill,  joined 
their  comrades,  and  also  chose  ten  tribunes,  making  twenty 
in  all.  In  the  meantime  the  senate  was  convened.  The 
twenty  tribunes  deputed  two  of  their  number  to  confer 
with  the  senate.  The  patricians,  alarmed  at  the  triumph 
which  the  popular  cause  was  gaining,  struggled  hard  to 
regain  their  lost  ascendency. 

The  patrician  decemvirs  refused  to  resign,  and  the  aris- 
tocratic senate  sustained  them  in  their  refusal.  The  com- 
mons, now  united  as  one  man,  supported  by  the  army,  and 
animated  by  so  holy  a  cause,  finding  that  nothing  was  to  be 
done  to  satisfy  them,  left  a  garrison  in  charge  of  the  Aven- 
tine hill,  and  in  military  array  marched  unopposed  through 
the  city,  and  passing  out  at  the  CoUine  Gate,  again  estab- 
lished themselves  upon  the  Sacred  hill.  Men,  women,  and 
children  followed  in  this  imposing  procession,  so  that  Rome 
was  nearly  emptied  of  its  populace.  The  dissolution  of  the 
commonwealth  was  thus  threatened;  for  the  city  would 
now  fall  an  easy  prey  to  any  foe  who  should  invade  it. 

The  patricians  were  alarmed  and  yielded,  and  the  decem- 
virs resigned.  Icilius,  frantic  with  grief  at  the  loss  of  his 
betrothed,  demanded  of  the  deputation,  consisting  of  Vale- 
rius and  Horatius,  sent  by  the  patricians  to  the  Sacred  hill, 
the  lives  of  the  decemvirs.  The  patricians,  to  conciliate  the 
commons,  had  sent  two  of  the  friends  of  popular  rights  as 
commissioners. 

"These  decemvirs,"  said  he,  "are  public  enemies,  and 
we  will  have  them  die  the  death  of  such.  Give  them  up  to 
us,  that  they  may  be  burned  with  fire." 

More  moderate  counsels,  however,  soon  prevailed.  The 
vengeful  demand  was  withdrawn,  and  the  commons  returned 


PRETORSHIP,  DECEMVIR  ATE,  AND    CONSULATE        51 

to  Eome,  satisfied  with  the  expulsion  of  the  patrician  de-. 
cemvirs  from  office.  Ten  tribunes  were  now  elected  from 
among  the  commons,  and  invested  with  enlarged  powers. 
The  form  of  the  old  government  was  essentially  again  re- 
stored, and  two  magistrates,  with  the  title  of  consuls,  were 
elected  and  invested  with  supreme  power.  This  was  a  new 
tiile^  for  before  this  time  the  consuls  had  been  called  pretors, 
or  captains-general.  Both  of  these  consuls  seem  to  have 
been  elected  by  general  suffrage,  and  so  much  strength  had 
the  people  acquired  by  their  firmness  and  moderation,  that 
both  of  their  candidates,  L.  Valerius  and  M.  Horatius,  were 
elected;  and  thus  the  government  passed  into  the  hands  of 
those  who  were  devoted  to  the  rights  of  the  people,  rather 
than  to  the  ascendency  of  the  patricians. 

A  new  constitution  was  now  drafted,  in  which  it  was  at- 
tempted to  unite  the  two  conflicting  orders,  and  place  them 
on  a  footing  of  entire  equality.  The  whole  community, 
meeting  in  one  general  assembly  of  plebeians  and  patri- 
cians, were  declaved  to  be  supreme,  and  their  decree  was 
constitutional  law.  Still  it  was  the  privilege  and  at  the 
same  time  the  duty  of  the  senate  to  sanction  this  decree. 
The  annals,  however,  of  those  distant  days  are  so  confused 
that  it  is  impossible  to  follow  a  distinct  line  of  narrative. 
We  simply  behold  through  all  the  intense  eagerness  of  the 
patricians  to  maintain  their  exclusive  privileges,  and  the 
jealousy  with  which  the  commons  watched  over  their  own 
rights,  and  the  firmness  with  which  they  endeavored  to  en- 
force them.  Various  measures  were  adopted  without  any 
apparent  intention  to  break  down  the  distinction  between 
the  commons  and  the  nobles,  but  simply  to  place  the  two 
orders  on  terms  of  equality.  But  the  very  existence  of  the 
two  distinct  orders,  as  recognized  powers  in  the  state,  was 
the  inevitable  prelude  to  eternal  warfare.  There  can  never 
be  harmony  without  the  recognition  of  universal  fraternity. 
Two  orders  in  the  state,  with  a  gulf  between,  necessarily 
become  conflicting  forces.  Equality  of  rights  is  the  corner- 
stone of  the  gospel  of  national  harmony.     The  existence  of 


52  ITALY 

an  enslaved  class  in  our  own  land,  comparatively  few  in 
numbers  as  that  class  is,  who  are  deprived  of  the  rights 
which  their  more  fortunate  brethren  enjoy,  is  the  direct 
or  indirect  cause  of  nearly  all  our  national  troubles.  Even 
with  the  new  constitution  the  dishonoring  law  was  permitted 
to  stand  which  declared  the  marriage  of  a  plebeian  with  a 
patrician  to  be  unlawful — base  and  unholy  amalgamation. 
The  bloodless  revolution,  however,  which  had  thus  taken 
place  in  behalf  of  the  people  was  manifestly  very  great. 

Appius  Claudius  was  now  singled  out  from  the  rest  of 
the  degraded  decemvirs  and  impeached.  Powerful  in  wealth 
and  rank,  he  gathered  a  band  of  armed  young  nobles  around 
him,  and  assumed  an  attitude  of  defiance.  The  charge 
brought  against  this  infamous  man  shows  the  spirit  of 
freedom  which  then  nobly  glowed  in  the  bosoms  of  Roman 
citizens.     Claudius  was  indicted  for  having — 

"In  a  question  of  personal  freedom  assumed  that  the 
presumption  was  in  favor  of  slavery;  in  having  adjudged 
Virginia  to  be  regarded  as  a  slave  till  she  was  proved  free, 
instead  of  regarding  her  as  entitled  to  her  freedom  till  she 
was  proved  a  slave." 

The  guilty  decemvir  was  thrown  into  jail  to  await  his 
trial.  The  facts  were  known  to  all,  and  an  outraged  com- 
munity demanded  his  punishment.  There  was  no  escape,  and 
the  wretched  man  anticipated  justice  by  committing  suicide.' 
Spurius  Oppius  also,  one  of  the  colleagues  of  Claudius  in  the 
decemvirate,  underwent  a  similar  fate.  His  tyranny  had  been 
insupportable.  In  a  freak  of  passion,  without  any  extenu- 
ating cause,  he  had  ordered  an  old  and  distinguished  soldier 
to  be  cruelly  scourged.  The  other  decemvirs,  intimidated 
by  this  severity,  fled  from  Kome,  losing  all  their  property 
by  confiscation. 

The  patricians  were  now  prostrate,  and  the  good-natured 
people  began  to  pity  them.     This  animated  the  hopes  of  the 

'  Such  is  the  account  Livy  gives,  iii.  58.  Dionysius,  however,  states,  xi.  46, 
that  it  was  the  general  opinion  that  Claudius  was  assassinated  in  prison  by  order 
of  the  tribunes. 


CONFLICTS    AT   HOME   AND    WARS   ABROAD  53 

patricians,  and  assisted  by  those  of  tlie  people  who  favored 
their  cause,  they  renewed  the  struggle  which  had  already 
continued  through  many  ages.  The  aristocracy  again  de- 
veloped unanticipated  strength,  and  took  a  firm  stand  in 
the  attempt  to  prevent  the  new  constitution  from  going 
into  effect.     The  commons  retaliated  by  saying: 

"If  you  patricians  will  not  have  the  constitution,  we  will 
at  least  keep  matters  as  they  now  are.  We  have  two  con- 
suls whom  we  can  implicitly  trust.  We  have  ten  true  and 
zealous  tribunes,  the  leaders  of  our  late  glorious  deliverance. 
We  will  retain  these,  and  then  the  patricians  can  gain  but 
little  by  their  opposition." 


CHAPTER   III 

CONFLICTS    AT    HOME    AND    WARS    ABROAD 

FROM  433  B.C.  TO  318  B.C. 

Power  of  an  Aristocracy — Demands  of  the  Plebeians — Struggle  of  the  Pa- 
tricians against  Popular  Rights — The  Office  of  Censor — Its  Despotism — 
Invasion  of  the  Gauls — Defeat  of  the  Roman  Army — Sack  of  Rome 
— Siege  of  the  Capitol — Terms  of  Peace — Manlius — His  Philanthropy 
and  Condemnation — Despotism  of  Camillus — Conquest  of  the  Priverna- 
tians — War  with  the  Samnites — Disaster  at  the  Caudine  Forks — Mag- 
nanimity of  Pontius — Characteristic  Roman  Pride  and  Heroism 

THE  inherent  strength  of  an  aristocracy,  so  long  as  it 
retains  any  of  its  pristine  vigor,  is  ever  found  to  be 
one  of  the  most  formidable  instruments  of  govern- 
ment, and  one  of  the  most  impregnable  barriers  to  the  ad- 
vance of  popular  enlightenment.  The  sagacious  few  can 
only  hold  the  many  in  subjection  by  keeping  them  in 
ignorance.  One  man,  who  has  clear  vision,  can  easily 
dominate  over  a  hundred,  if  he  can  but  succeed  in  pluck- 
ing out  their  eyes.  By  skill  and  cunning  the  patricians 
succeeded  in  placing  their  own  men  in  the  consulate,  and 
in  setting  aside  the  popular  constitution.  Affairs  speedily 
returned  to  their  old  state,  and  the  two  orders  of  patricians 


54  ITALY 

and  plebeians  were  rendered  more  distinct  and  antagonistic 
than  ever  before.  The  plebeians  were  again  exposed  to 
violence  and  insult.  Haughty  and  dissolute  young  nobles, 
organized  in  clubs,  supported  one  another  in  their  outrages. 
The  commons  complained  bitterly,  but  they  found  no  man 
adequate  to  act  as  their  leader  in  breasting  the  encroach- 
ments of  a  powerful  aristocracy.  The  patricians  ever  rallied 
with  entire  unanimity  in  support  of  the  assumptions  of  their 
party,  and  so  great  was  the  strength  of  unity  of  action,  the 
pride  of  high  birth,  the  power  of  patrician  clubs,  and  of 
skill  in  the  use  of  martial  weapons,  that  the  commons,  not- 
withstanding their  great  preponderance  in  numbers,  were 
still  held  in  a  state  of  humiliating  subjection.  The  nobles 
were  large  slaveholders,  and  in  those  days  of  darkness  could 
easily  arm  their  slaves  in  thpir  defence.  No  man  could  save 
himself  from  perpetual  annoyance,  and  often  from  the 
grossest  outrages,  but  by  withdrawing  all  opposition  to 
patrician  insolence.  Thus  all  but  the  very  boldest — the 
martyr  spirits — were  completely  subjugated.  But  nobles 
who  thus  live  dwell  upon  a  volcano  ever  heaving. 

We  cannot  follow  in  detail  the  tedious  conflict.  A  bold 
man,  C.  Canuleius,  one  of  the  tribunes,  at  length  nerved  his 
colleagues  to  demand,  with  him,  "that  the  consulship  should 
be  thrown  open,  without  distinction,  to  the  members  of  both 
orders."  This  led  to  a  tumult,  in  which  the  commons  in  a 
body  rallied,  left  the  city,  and  established  themselves  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Tiber.  The  patricians,  alarmed,  again 
yielded,  and  consented  to  a  compromise,  abrogating  the  in- 
sulting law  which  prohibited  marriages  between  the  two 
orders,  and  making  other  concessions,  which  were  reluctantly 
accepted  as  terms  of  peace. 

We  have  now  arrived  at  that  period  in  the  world's  his- 
tory in  which  Thucydides,  Herodotus,  Pericles,  and  Socrates 
were  performing  their  immortal  parts  in  waning  Athens.  A 
new  office  was  at  this  time  organized — that  of  the  censor- 
ship. It  became  an  office  of  most  formidable  power. 
Though  nominally  the  censor  was  but  to  take  a  register 


CONFLICTS    AT   HOME    AND    WARS    ABROAD  55 

of  the  number  oi  citizens  and  their  taxable  property,  he 
in  reality  could  decide  the  rank  the  citizen  was  to  hold, 
could  put  what  valuation  he  pleased  upon  his  property,  and 
arbitrarily  decide  the  rate  of  taxation.  From  his  decision 
there  was  no  appeal.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  a  des- 
potism much  more  crushing  than  this.  He  who  refused  to 
obey  the  censor  could  be  degraded  and  utterly  ruined.  The 
censors  had,  in  addition  to  these  appalling  powers  of 
despotism,  the  entire  charge,  as  stewards,  of  the  revenues 
of  the  state. 

About  this  time  there  was  a  great  famine  in  Rome,  and 
the  distress  was  so  severe  that  large  numbers  of  the  poorer 
people  committed  suicide  by  throwing  themselves  into  the 
Tiber.  A  wealthy  commoner,  Sp.  Mselius,  purchased  quan- 
tities of  grain,  and,  by  its  gratuitous  distribution  to  the 
starving,  made  himself  so  popular  that  the  patricians  were 
very  apprehensive  that  he  might  secure  his  election  as  a 
plebeian  consul.  To  avert  this  danger  they  appointed  the 
old  yet  energetic  Cincinnatus  dictator.  Mounting  his  horse, 
the  iron-nerved  old  man  rode  into  the  streets,  surrounded 
by  a  military  array  of  well  armed  young  nobles,  and  ordered 
the  arrest  of  Maelius.  The  illustrious  plebeian,  conscious 
that  his  doom  was  sealed,  endeavored  to  escape,  but  he  was 
overtaken  and  cruelly  murdered.  Cincinnatus  defended  the 
foul  deed  by  saying: 

"Mselius  had  aimed  at  making  himself  king.  To  meet 
this  danger  the  senate  had  appointed  a  dictator.  1  had  pur- 
posed to  bring  Mselius  to  trial;  but  as  he  refused  to  obey 
my  summons,  he  was  lawfully  slain." 

The  power  of  the  dictatorship  quelled  all  serious  tumult. 
It  is  stated  in  the  ancient  annals  that  during  these  conten- 
tions many  of  the  patricians  espoused  the  popular  cause, 
and  thus  became  the  idols  of  the  people.  The  patricians, 
as  a  body,  regarded  those  who  thus  forsook  their  ranks  as 
degraded,  and  cast  them  out  of  their  assemblies.'     Still  the 

'  Cicero  expresses  some  doubt  respecting  this  alleged  fraternization  of  aris- 
tocrats with  plebeians.     He  deems  it  so  improbable  that  he  thinks  the  story 


56  ITALY 

commons  were  gradually  growing  more  rich,  intelligent, 
and  powerful. 

The  accounts  which  the  ancient  writers  give  of  wars 
waged  by  the  Romans,  during  these  ages,  are  by  no  means 
reliable.  Many  of  the  triumphs  loudly  vaunted  are  demon- 
strably fabulous.  Still  Neibhur,  with  skill  and  sagacity 
never  surpassed,  has  drawn  out  a  general  outline  of  the 
conflicts,  which  convey  all  the  information  upon  that  sub- 
ject which  it  is  now  possible  to  attain.  The  ^quians  and 
Volscians  had  long  been  the  most  formidable  foes  of  Eome, 
and  they  often  at  this  time  carried  their  plundering  con- 
quests up  even  to  the  walls  of  the  city. 

The  whole  majestic  valley  of  the  Po,  spreading  out  be- 
tween the  Alps  and  the  Apennines,  constituting,  in  loveli- 
ness of  scenery,  salubrity  of  climate,  and  fertility  of  soil, 
one  of  the  most  favored  regions  upon  the  surface  of  our 
globe,  was,  at  this  period,  occupied  by  the  Etruscans, 
Ligurians,  and  Umbrians,  wealthy,  powerful,  and  warlike 
nations.  Of  these  remote  regions  of  the  north,  Rome, 
struggling  against  her  immediate  neighbors,  knew  but 
little.  About  four  hundred  years  before  Christ,  immense 
bands  of  wild,  savage  men,  shaggy,  and  almost  as  brutal  as 
bears  and  wolves,  came  pouring  down  from  France,  then 
called  Gaul,'  through  the  passes  of  the  Alps,  and  with 
victorious  arms  overran  the  valley  of  the  Po,  and  planted 
themselves  upon  the  banks  of  its  beautiful  waters.  Grad- 
ually pressing  onward  in  their  conquests  they  approached 
Rome,  menacing  the  city  with  subjugation  and  destruction. 

These  Gauls,  with  an  army  seventy  thousand  strong,  de- 
vastating the  whole  region  through  which  they  passed,  were 
rapidly  descending  the  Italian  peninsula.  The  Romans,  in- 
formed of  their  approach,  in  great  alarm  raised  forty  thou- 

must  have  been  invented  by  the  plebeians.  But  this  was  certainly  the  case  in 
the  French  revolution.  There  were  no  more  earnest  advocates  of  popular 
rights  than  Mirabeaii  and  Lafayette. 

'  According  to  Livy,  v.  34,  35,  it  was  387  years  before  Christ  that  the 
Gauls  in  vast  numbers  crossed  both  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines.  There  can, 
however,  but  little  reliance  be  placed  in  these  remote  traditions. 


CONFLICTS    AT  HOME   AND    WARS   ABROAD  57 

sand  troops,  many  of  whom  were  raw  recruits,  crossed  the 
Tiber  to  the  right  bank,  and  marched  to  meet  the  foe.  But 
the  Gauls  had  crossed  the  river  in  its  upper  branches,  and 
were  moving  down  the  left  bank.  The  Koman  generals, 
when  apprised  of  this,  were  thrown  into  the  greatest  con- 
sternation. For  many  miles  above  Eome  the  Tiber  was  not 
fordable,  and  at  that  time  there  were  no  bridges,  and  boats 
could  not  be  obtained  for  the  transportation  of  so  large  a 
force.  The  Roman  territory  did  not  then  extend  more  than 
fifty  miles  from  the  city  in  any  direction,  and  in  the  north 
its  limits  were  very  narrow. 

The  Roman  army  hastened  by  forced  marches  back  to 
the  city,  crossed  the  river  without  a  moment's  delay,  and 
had  advanced  but  twelve  miles  from  Rome  up  the  left  bank 
when  they  met  the  Gauls,  elated  with  success,  pressing  for- 
ward, eager  for  carnage,  conflagration,  and  plunder.  Upon 
the  precipitous  banks  of  the  Allia,  a  small  stream  emptying 
into  the  Tiber,  the  Romans  awaited  their  foes.  The  Gauls, 
in  overpowering  numbers,  with  hideous  yells  rushed  upon 
them.  After  a  short  conflict  the  Romans  were  everywhere 
routed.  Many,  in  the  midst  of  a  scene  of  awful  carnage, 
plunged  into  the  Tiber,  and  endeavored  to  swim  to  the  op- 
posite shore.  But  the  Gauls  overwhelmed  them  with  their 
javelins,  and  nearly  the  whole  army  was  destroyed.  A  few 
breathless,  bleeding  fugitives  reached  the  city,  conveying 
tidings  of  the  awful  disaster.  The  city  was  now  defence- 
less. This  decisive  battle  was  fought  the  18th  of  July,  390 
years  before  Christ. 

The  Gauls  passed  the  night  after  their  victory  in  cutting 
off  the  heads  of  the  slain,  to  convey  them  to  their  homes  as 
household  ornaments  and  lasting  memorials  of  their  valor. 
The  next  day,  like  wolves  who  had  already  lapped  blood, 
they  came  rushing  upon  Rome.  The  citizens  fled  in  all 
directions,  taking  with  them  such  of  their  effects  as  they 
could  easily  remove.  A  picked  band  of  soldiers  was,  how- 
ever, thrown  into  the  citadel  to  defend  it  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity.    When  the  Gauls  forced  the  gates  and  entered  the 


58  ITALY 

city  they  found  the  streets  nearly  empty.  They  immedi- 
ately spread  themselves  in  all  directions,  plundering  and 
destroying.  The  mass  of  the  Romans  had  escaped  to  Veii, 
a  city  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Tiber,  some  fifteen  miles 
from  Rome.  A  number  of  old  men,  of  venerable  character 
and  senatorial  rank,  unable  to  aid  ia  the  defence  of  the 
citadel,  and  deeming  it  beneath  their  dignity  to  seek  safety 
in  flight,  met  together  and  took  a  solemn  oath  by  which 
they  devoted  themselves  to  death  for  the  honor  of  their 
country.  Arraying  themselves  in  their  senatorial  or  sacer- 
dotal robes,  gorgeously  embroidered,  according  to  the  cus- 
tom of  the  times,  they  took  their  seats,  each  on  his  ivory 
chair  of  magistracy,  in  the  gateway  of  his  house. 

The  Gauls  were  alarmed  at  the  aspect  of  these  venerable 
men,  arrayed  in  splendor  such  as  they  had  never  seen,  and 
they  doubted  whether  they  beheld  mortals  or  whether  the 
gods  had  descended  for  the  defence  of  the  city.  One  of 
the  barbarians  cautiously  drew  near  M.  Papirius,  and  began 
reverently  to  stroke  his  long,  white  beard.  The  Roman 
noble,  indignant  at  such  familiarity,  nearly  cracked  the 
skull  of  the  Gaul  by  a  blow  with  his  ivory  sceptre.  The 
Gaul  instantly  cut  him  down  with  his  sword.  This  was 
the  signal  for  a  general  massacre,  and  all  the  old  men  were 
speedily  slain. 

The  barbarians  now  turned  their  attention  to  the  citadel 
on  the  Capitoline  hill.  The  immense  rock  rose  then  from 
the  plain  and  the  Tiber's  banks  in  a  precipitous  cliff,  acces- 
sible but  by  one  path.  By  this  approach  the  Gauls  at- 
tempted to  storm  the  fortress,  but  were  repulsed  with  much 
slaughter.  They  then  blockaded  the  hill,  and,  while  en- 
deavoring to  starve  the  garrison  to  surrender,  spread  their 
devastations  through  all  the  surrounding  region.  Thus 
weeks  passed  away,  while  the  Gauls  were  plundering  and 
destroying  far  and  wide;  extending  their  conquests  even 
into  the  present  territory  of  Naples. 

In  the  meantime  the  Romans  who  had  taken  refuge  at 
Veii,  began  to  recover  a  little  from  their  consternation  and 


CONFLICTS    AT   HOME    AND    WARS    ABROAD  59 

to  organize  in  preparation  to  attack  the  foe.  The  city  of 
Veii  was  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tiber,  some  fifteen  miles, 
as  we  have  before  stated,  above  Kome,  which  city  was  then 
almost  entirely  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  A  heroic 
young  man,  Pontius  Cominius,  wishing  to  open  communi- 
cation between  the  garrison  in  Rome  and  the  troops  which 
were  being  organized  at  Veii,  by  night  floated  down  the 
Tiber,  and  succeeded  in  ascending  the  precipitous  cliff  of 
the  Capitoline  hill,  by  digging  footholes  in  the  soil  and 
grasping  the  bushes  which  sprung  up  here  and  there  along 
the  face  of  the  ascent.  He  was  successful  in  this  perilous 
adventure,  and  returning  by  the  way  in  which  he  came, 
regained  Veii  in  safety. 

In  the  morning  the  Gauls  saw  evidence  that  some  one 
had  clambered  up  the  face  of  the  precipice,  and  they  re- 
solved by  the  same  path  to  make  an  assault.  The  spot  was 
not  guarded,  for  it  had  been  deemed  inaccessible.  At  mid- 
night, in  profound  silence,  a  picked  band  of  the  Gauls  com- 
menced climbing  the  clifi.  So  noiseless  was  their  approach, 
that  even  the  watchdogs  in  the  Roman  camp  gave  no  alarm. 
Upon  the  summit  of  the  hill  there  were  three  temples  reared 
to  the  guardian  gods  of  Rome — Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva. 
In  the  temple  of  Juno  some  geese  were  kept,  which  were 
deemed  sacred  to  that  goddess.  As  the  story  goes,  these 
geese,  by  some  instinct,  perceived  the  approach  of  danger, 
and  began  to  flap  their  wings  and  to  cackle.  A  Roman 
officer,  M.  Manlius,  aroused  by  their  unusual  agitation, 
sprang  up,  called  his  comrades,  and  ran  out  to  ascertain 
the  cause  of  the  alarm. 

At  that  moment  he  saw  the  head  of  a  Gaul  just  rising 
above  the  brow  of  the  precipice.  Rushing  upon  him  he 
dashed  the  rim  of  his  shield  into  his  face  and  plunged  him 
headlong  down  the  cliff.  As  the  savage  fell,  he  swept  down 
others,  who  were  behind  him  in  his  path,  and  the  Romans, 
crowding  to  the  brow  of  the  hill  and  hurling  down  missiles 
of  every  kind,  easily  repulsed  the  foe  with  great  slaughter. 
For  six  or  seven  months  the  blockade  was  continued,  and 


60  ITALV 

yet  there  seemed  to  be  no  prospect  of  starving  out  the 
garrison.  Autumnal  fevers  raged  in  the  camp  of  the  be- 
siegers, and  decimated  their  ranl^s.  News  also  arrived  that 
the  Venetians  were  overrunning  the  territory  in  Etruria, 
which  the  Gauls  had  conquered,  and  were  establishing 
themselves  in  power  there.  The  Gauls,  under  these  circum- 
stances, were  anxious  for  some  excuse  to  raise  the  siege  and 
retire.  The  Romans,  also  humiliated  and  beggared,  were 
solicitous  for  peace  on  almost  any  terms.  Famine  was 
staring  them  in  the  face,  for  their  provisions  were  nearly 
consumed,  and  they  knew  not  where  to  look  for  more. 

Both  parties  being  thus  eager  to  terminate  the  strife, 
and  neither  being  conscious  of  the  desperate  condition  of 
the  other,  terms  of  peace  were  easily  agreed  upon.  The 
Romans  offered  a  large  sum  of  money  to  the  Gauls  if  they 
would  retire.  Promptly  the  unexpected  offer  was  accepted; 
and  the  barbarians  assuming  an  air  of  triumph,  waved  their 
banners,  and  with  shouts  and  trumpet  peals  prepared  to 
raise  the  siege. 

A  thousand  pounds  weight  of  gold,  according  to  the  story, 
was  to  be  paid.  As  the  barbaric  chieftain  was  weighing  the 
treasure,  the  Roman  commissioner,  Q.  Sulpicius,  complained 
that  the  weights  were  not  fair.  The  Gaul  haughtily  threw 
his  massive  broadsword  upon  the  heavily  laden  scale  which 
the  gold  was  to  lift. 

"And  what  do  you  mean  by  that?"  inquired  Sulpicius. 

"  Vce  victis  esse,'^'  proudly  answered  the  Gaul,  Brennus. 

Rome  was  subdued,  and  there  was  no  remedy  but  to  sub- 
mit to  the  wrong.  Laden  with  plunder  the  Gauls  returned 
across  the  Apennines.  The  Romans  were  so  humiliated  in 
view  of  this  defeat,  that  after  issuing  innumerable  versions 
of  the  story,  each  of  which  redounded  less  and  less  to  their 
shame,  they  at  last  settled  down  upon  the  entirely  apochry- 
phal  narrative,  that  while  the  gold  was  being  weighed  out 
the  Roman  army  from  Veii  approached,  under  Camillus, 
attacked  the  Gauls  at  the  sword's  point,  recovered  the  ran- 

'  Anglice — "Woe  to  the  vanquished." 


CONFLICTS    AT   HOME    AND    WARS    ABROAD  61 

som,  and  put  every  individual  of  them  to  death,  so  that 
not  one  was  left  to  carry  to  his  countrymen  the  tidings  of 
the  unparalleled  slaughter.  This  is  but  a  specimen  of  the 
boastful  stories  with  which  the  Komans  of  a  more  modern 
date  garnished  the  sepulchres  of  their  fathers. 

The  evidence  is,  however,  conclusive  that  the  Gauls  re- 
tired with  their  plunder,  leaving  Home,  and  much  of  the 
surrounding  region,  in  entire  desolation.  As  the  fugitive 
Romans  returned  from  Veil  they  were  so  much  dejected  in 
view  of  the  smouldering  ruins  of  their  city — for  the  torch  of 
the  Gaul  had  consumed  everything  that  fire  would  burn — 
that  they  seriously  contemplated  abandoning  the  site  en- 
tirely, and  taking  up  their  residence  at.Veii.  After  much 
deliberation,  it  was  decided  to  remain  at  Rome;  and  vigor- 
ously the  reconstruction  of  the  city  was  commenced.  But 
the  Romans  were  now  so  weakened  in  power  and  diminished 
in  numbers,  that  they  were  incessantly  attacked  by  maraud- 
ing bands  from  neighboring  semi- barbaric  tribes  and  nations. 
It  was  probably  this  which  led  them  to  adopt  the  wise  policy 
of  incorporating,  as  citizens,  emigrants  from  every  quarter, 
and  to  establish  a  very  generous  policy  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  government,  giving  to  every  head  of  a  family 
a  farm  of  about  seven  acres,'  and  allowing  stone  to  be 
quarried,  and  timber  to  be  felled  freely,  from  any  of  the 
public  lands  for  purposes  of  buiding. 

At  one  time  the  Volscians  came  upon  the  city  in  such 
numbers  that  the  Romans  were  blockaded,  and,  as  usual  in 
every  hour  of  peril,  appointed  a  dictator.  Camillus,  who 
was  thus  invested  with  unlimited  power,  ordered  every  man 
into  the  field  who  was  capable  of  bearing  arms.  In  a  mid- 
night march  they  emerged  from  the  walls,  fell  upon  the 
Volscians  in  the  darkness  of  the  earliest  dawn,  attacked 
them  in  front  and  rear,  and  cut  them  down  in  merciless 
carnage.  The  victors  were  wiping  their  bloody  swords 
when  they  heard  that  another  army  was  approaching 
Rome,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river.     Camillus  allowed 

'  A  Roman  acre  [jugeruin)  was  240  feet  in  length  by  120  feet  in  bread '.li. 


62  ITALY 

his  troops  not  a  moment  for  rest,  but  traversing  the  inter- 
mediate space  with  apparently  tireless  sinews,  met  the 
Etruscan  foe,  intoxicated  and  disorganized  in  the  plunder 
of  Sutrium,  a  city  which  they  had  just  captured.  His  con- 
quering legions  swept  the  streets  crowded  with  the  riotous 
bacchanals,  speedily  regaining  the  city,  and  the  Etruscans 
miserably  perished.  Many  petty  wars  ensued  which  Livy 
minutely  describes,  but  which  are  now  unworthy  of  mention. 

The  Koman  law  in  favor  of  the  patrician  creditor  and 
against  the  plebeian  debtor,  was,  as  we  have  before  nar- 
rated, atrocious  in  the  extreme.  M.  Manlius,  the  same  man 
who  had  dashed  the  Gaul  over  the  precipice  with  his  shield, 
and  had  thus  saved  the  capitol,  and  who  by  this  act  had 
gained  great  honor  and  renown,  was  one  day  walking 
through  the  streets  of  Rome,  when  he  saw  a  captain  who 
had  served  under  him,  and  who  had  been  a  distinguished 
soldier,  seized  by  a  patrician  for  debt,  and  dragged  through 
the  forum  as  a  slave,  to  toil  in  his  creditor's  workshop. 
Manlius  indignantly  protested  against  the  outrage,  legal 
though  it  was,  and  paying  the  debt  upon  the  spot  himself, 
emancipated  the  debtor.  This  deed  greatly  added  to  his 
popularity,  and  the  masses  of  the  people  began  to  proclaim 
him  loudly  as  their  protector.  Manlius  sold  a  portion  of  his 
property  at  auction  to  raise  ready  money,  and  declared  he 
would  never  again  see  a  fellow-citizen  made  a  slave  for 
debt,  so  long  as  he  had  the  means  of  preventing  it.  In  a 
snort  time  he  saved  four  hundred  debtors  from  slavery  by 
advancing  money,  without  requiring  any  interest. 

Manlius  was  now  enthroned  in  the  love  of  the  people, 
and  they  called  him  with  one  voice  their  father.  The  patri- 
cians were  alarmed,  fearing  that  through  his  popularity  he 
might  attain  political  office  and  power.  To  arrest  this  peril 
they  declared  the  country  to  be  in  danger,  and  succeeded 
in  inducing  the  senate,  which  they  controlled,  to  appoint 
a  dictator.  Cossus,  who  had  once  before  held  the  office, 
summoned  Manlius  before  him,  and  threw  him  into  prison. 
He  was  soon  brought  to  trial  under  the  charge  of  conspiring 


CONFLICTS   AT  HOME  AND    WARS   ABROAD  63 

against  the  state,  and  was  arraigned  before  a  court  composed 
of  plebeians  and  patricians. 

Conducting  his  own  defence,  he  eloquently  first  brought 
forward  four  hundred  debtors  whom  he  had  rescued  from 
slavery;  then  he  exhibited  the  spoils  of  thirty  enemies  whom 
he  had  slain  in  single  combat  on  the  field  of  battle;  he  then 
presented  to  the  court  forty  rewards  he  had  received  from 
the  state  for  his  heroic  exploits;  among  these  were  eight 
garlands  of  oaken  leaves,  in  attestation  of  his  having  saved 
the  lives  of  eight  Koman  citizens.  Some  of  these  men, 
whose  lives  he  had  saved,  were  also  produced  in  court. 
Finally,  he  bared  his  own  breast  and  exhibited  it  covered 
with  scars,  from  wounds  received  in  defence  of  his  country. 
It  is  not  strange  that  the  court  should  have  refused  to  con- 
demn a  man  who  could  present  such  a  defence. 

But  the  dictator  summoned  another  court,  composed  of 
the  patricians  alone.  By  them  Manlius  was  promptly  con- 
demned as  a  traitor,  and  was  hurled  from  the  Tarpeian 
rock,  his  house  levelled  with  the  ground,  and  disgrace 
attached  even  to  the  name.  This  victory  of  the  patricians 
greatly  confirmed  their  power.  The  commons  had  now  lost 
all  heart  and  were  in  despair,  while  the  patricians  were  be- 
coming equally  strong  at  home  and  abroad. 

"But  freedom's  battle  once  begun, 
Bequeathed  frona  bleeding  sire  to  son, 
Though  baffled  oft  is  ever  won." 

Even  the  tribunes,  chosen  expressly  for  the  protection  of 
popular  rights,  abandoned  their  offices,  which  only  exposed 
them  to  odium,  without  enabling  them  to  accomplish  any 
good.  The  leading  commoners  generally  declined  standing 
candidates  for  a  position  of  utter  impotency.  Under  these 
circumstances  two  young  men,  bold  and  enthusiastic,  C.  Li- 
cinius  and  L.  Sex  tins,  were  elected  from  among  the  ten  tri- 
bunes. Licinius  was  from  one  of  the  most  opulent  of  the 
plebeian  families,  and  was  emboldened  by  that  consciousness 
of  power  which  great  wealth  ever  gives.    Sextius  was  a  young 


64  ITALY 

man  of  congenial  spirit,  and  the  warm  personal  friend  of 
Licinius.  These  two  young  tribunes  came  forward  with  the 
intrepid  demand  that  one  of  the  two  consuls  should  ever 
be  chosen  from  among  the  plebeians,  who  were  far  more 
numerous  than  the  patricians,  and  whose  rights  it  was,  con- 
sequently, at  least  important  to  protect.  The  whole  body 
of  tribunes,  strengthened  by  these  leaders,  joined  in  the 
demand. 

This  audacious  proposal  astounded  the  nobles  and  roused 
their  most  ireful  opposition.  A  scene  of  extraordinary  an- 
archy and  strife  ensued.  The  commons,  with  ever  increasing 
enthusiasm,  rallied  around  their  fearless  leaders.  Licinius, 
emboldened  by  the  support  he  was  receiving,  added  to  his 
requisition,  and  demanded  that  the  commons  should  be 
eligible  to  the  sacerdotal  office  as  well  as  to  the  consul- 
ship. It  is  difficult  now  to  conceive  of  the  astonishment 
and  indignation  with  which  the  patricians  listened  to  these 
requirements.  The  popular  feeling,  in  favor  of  these  meas- 
ures, was,  however,  so  ardent  and  impetuous,  that  it  was 
found  impossible  to  resist  it  by  any  ordinary  procedure,  and 
the  patricians  consequently  resorted  to  their  old  expedient 
of  calling  in  the  strong  arm  of  a  dictator. 

Camillus,  the  most  unrelenting  foe  of  the  commons,  was 
invested  with  dictatorial  power.  Eome  was  then,  as  ever, 
at  war  with  some  neighboring  nation,  and  Camillus,  pre- 
tending that  the  exigencies  of  the  war  demanded  the  vigor- 
ous measure,  ordered  every  man  in  Home  capable  of  bearing 
arms  to  follow  him  to  the  field.  But  the  people,  aroused 
and  exasperated,  and  conscious  that  the  edict  was  merely 
aimed  at  their  own  subjugation,  refused  to  obey.  So 
unanimous  was  the  refusal  that  Camillus  was  left  power- 
less, and  in  shame  resigned  his  office. 

"There  is  nothing,"  writes  Arnold,  "viler  than  the  spirit 
which  actuates  the  vulgar  of  an  aristocracy."  The  whole 
history  of  the  conflict  between  aristocratic  assumption  and 
popular  rights,  from  the  earliest  dawn  of  history  to  the 
present  hour,  does  but  elucidate  this  truth.     The  degrading 


CONFLICTS   AT  HOME   AND    WARS    ABROAD  65 

selfishness  which  induces  pride  and  power  to  grasp  at  all 
the  good  things  of  life,  dooming  the  feeble  to  ignorance  and 
debasement,  is  worthy  of  all  detestation.  For  this  there  is 
no  remedy  but  in  the  fraternity  the  gospel  inculcates — 
all  men  are  brothers. 

After  a  long  and  stormy  conflict,  the  Licinian  bills  were 
carried.  But  when  the  people  met  for  choice  of  consuls 
under  this  law,  and  the  plebeians  chose  Sextius  for  their 
consul,  the  wrath  of  the  humiliated  patricians  burst  out 
anew.  But  the  commons  stood  firm,  and,  for  a  time,  Rome 
was  seriously  menaced  with  civil  war.  At  length  both 
parties  assented  to  a  compromise,  which  secured  temporary 
peace.  The  plebeian  consul  was  confirmed,  but  the  judicial 
power  was  separated  from  the  consular  office  and  retained 
in  the  hands  of  the  patricians.  Thus  terminated  a  struggle 
of  five  years'  duration.  But  the  commons  had  made  a  great 
gain,  securing  eligibility  both  to  the  consulate  and  to  the 
sacerdotal  office.  It  was  a  bloodless  victory,  and  until  the 
end  of  the  republic  the  consulship,  with  one  or  two  trivial 
exceptions,  continued  to  be  shared  by  the  commons.  Five 
hundred  years  of  Roman  history  passed  away  without  pro- 
ducing a  single  historian  or  philosopher.  By  the  dim  light 
of  tradition,  and  the  glimpses  we  can  catch  from  Grecian 
narratives,  we  grope  through  these  dark  ages. 

The  Romans  now,  year  after  year  in  many  bloody  con- 
flicts, which  it  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate,  pushed  their 
conquests  through  the  southern  portion  of  the  peninsula. 
One  fierce  battle,  beneath  the  shadow  of  Vesuvius,  secured 
the  annexation  of  a  large  portion  of  the  present  kingdom  of 
Naples  to  Rome.  Here  again  was  developed  the  grasping 
spirit  of  the  patricians.  Of  the  territory  thus  gained,  three 
acres  only  were  assigned  to  each  of  the  plebeians,  while 
the  great  families  of  the  aristocracy  usurped  the  rest.  The 
patricians  were  slowly  but  perseveringly  endeavoring  to 
regain  their  lost  ascendency. 

We  have  now  reached  that  period  in  the  world's  history 
when  Alexander  the  Great  was  commencing  his  conquests. 


66  ITALY 

His  victories  rapidly  extended  from  tlie  ^gsean  to  the  In- 
dus, and  from  the  Caspian  to  the  Nile;  and  through  all  these 
realms  the  institutions  of  Greece  were  planted.  The  western 
coasts  of  Italy,  then  occupied  by  barbaric  tribes,  swarmed 
with  pirates.  Complaints  of  their  ravages  had  been  carried 
to  Alexander.  Eome  had  now  attained  such  power  that 
Alexander,  deeming  the  Romans  responsible  for  the  good 
behavior  of  that  portion  of  Italy,  sent  to  them  a  remon- 
strance against  these  outrages.  It  is  said  that  Roman  am- 
bassadors were  consequently  deputed  to  Babylon  to  meet 
the  great  conqueror,  and  that  he  was  deeply  impressed  with 
their  manly  bearing. 

In  a  war  with  the  Privernatians,  about  this  time,  the 
Romans,  after  besieging  the  capital  city  of  their  foes  for 
two  years,  were  triumphant.  Some  illustrious  prisoners 
were  brought  to  Rome,  and  arrayed  before  the  senate, 
who  were  to  decide  their  doom  and  the  doom  of  the  nation. 
One  of  the  consuls  asked  one  of  the  deputies: 

"Of  what  penalty,  even  in  your  own  judgment,  are  your 
countrymen  deserving?" 

"Of  the  penalty,"  was  the  intrepid  reply,  "due  to  those 
who  assert  their  liberty." 

"But  if  we  spare  you  now,"  rejoined  the  consul,  "what 
peace  may  we  expect  to  have  with  you  for  the  time  to 
come  ?" 

"Peace  true  and  lasting,"  was  the  answer,  "if  its  terms 
be  good;  if  otherwise,  a  peace  which  will  soon  be  broken." 

Some  of  the  senators,  enraged  by  replies  so  defiant  and 
yet  so  heroic,  declared  that  this  was  language  of  rebellion, 
which  deserved  the  most  severe  punishment.  But  the 
majority,  with  a  more  appreciative  spirit  of  true  nobleness, 
said: 

"These  men,  whose  whole  hearts  are  set  upon  liberty, 
deserve  to  become  Romans." 

It  was,  therefore,  proposed  to  the  people,  and  carried  by 
acclaim,  that  the  Privernatians  should  be  incorporated  with 
the  Romans  and  admitted  to  the  rights  of  Roman  citizens. 


CONFLICTS    AT   HOME    AND    WARS    ABROAD  67 

To  consolidate  their  conquests  the  Eomans,  who  were 
now  rapidly  making  acquisitions  of  territory  throughout 
the  southern  portion  of  the  Italian  peninsula,  while  they 
were  making  no  progress  in  the  north,  established  a  colony 
of  three  hundred  emigrants  at  Anxur,  the  present  town  of 
Terracina,  on  the  frontiers  of  what  is  now  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.  E.oman  laws  were  extended  over  the  whole  con- 
quered domain,  and  Roman  magistrates  were  sent  to  enforce 
those  laws.  Each  colonist  was  allowed  two  acres  of  land 
for  a  house,  lot,  and  garden,  with  a  share  in  the  common 
pasturage. 

There  was  a  very  powerful  nation  called  the  Samnites, 
occupying  much  of  the  region  now  belonging  to  Naples. 
About  three  hundred  years  before  Christ,  the  progress  of 
the  Roman  arms  brought  Rome  in  conflict  with  this  people. 
The  foe  was  so  formidable  that  the  appointment  of  a  dic- 
tator was  deemed  necessary.  Through  some  influences,  of 
which  we  are  not  informed,  the  senate  at  this  time  was 
remarkably  popular  in  its  character,  and,  to  the  consterna- 
tion of  the  patricians,  appointed  an  illustrious  plebeian, 
M.  Claudius  Marcellus,  dictator.  There  was  a  sort  of  su- 
preme court  then  in  existence,  called  the  College  of  Augurs, 
which  was  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  patricians.  In 
the  appeal  which  the  nobles  made  to  this  court,  declaring 
that  there  was  some  illegality  in  the  appointment  of  Mar- 
cellus, the  court,  of  course,  decided  against  the  commons, 
and  the  appointment  was  pronounced  void. 

The  patricians,  elated  by  this  victory,  now  attempted  the 
repeal  of  the  Licinian  law,  which  gave  the  commons  eligi- 
bility to  the  consulship  and  to  the  sacerdotal  office.  In  this 
attempt  they  were  baffled.  Alexander  of  Macedon,  in  the 
meantime,  had  died,  and  Greece  was  beginning  to  exhibit 
indications  of  decay.  The  sun  of  Roman  power  was  rising, 
and  that  of  Grecian  splendor  majestically  descending  the 
horizon.  For  twenty  years  the  Romans  waged  incessant  war 
with  the  Samnites,  with  varying  success. 

In  the  fifth  year  of  the  war  the  Romans  met  with  an  over- 


68  ITALY 

whelming  defeat.  For  ages  it  could  not  be  forgotten  as  one 
of  the  most  humiliating  reverses  of  the  Koman  arms.  The 
two  consuls,  Veturius  and  Postumius,  at  tlie  head  of  two 
armies,  marched  into  Campania.  The  Samnite  general, 
C.  Pontius,  a  man  of  Grecian  culture  and  education, 
adroitly  lured  the  Roman  armies  into  a  mountain  defile, 
which,  in  consequence  of  this  event,  has  obtained  a  world- 
wide renown,  under  the  name  of  the  Caudine  Forks. 

Twenty-live  miles  northwest  of  Naples  there  is  the  little 
decayed  city  of  Avellino.  A  wild  gorge,  which  nature  has 
cut  through  the  Apennines,  leads  from  here  to  Benevento. 
The  modern  road  from  Naples  to  Benevento  runs  through 
this  defile,  which  is  called  the  valley  of  Arpaia.  Here  the 
Romans  found  themselves  entangled  in  a  ravine,  frowned 
upon  by  inaccessible  crags,  and  surrounded  by  the  Samnite 
army.  Barricades  in  front,  crowded  with  troops,  and  brist- 
ling with  all  the  ancient  instruments  of  war,  rendered  ad- 
vance impossible.  The  pass  in  the  rear  was  closed  by  strong 
battalions  of  the  foe  against  any  retreat.  There  was  no  pos- 
sibility of  escape  over  the  precipitous  hills.  Every  avail- 
able spot  from  which  missiles  could  be  hurled  upon  the 
invaders  was  occupied  by  the  Samnites.  For  a  short  time 
the  Romans,  like  lions  in  the  toils,  struggled  to  extricate 
themselves.  But  having  lost  half  their  number,  and  accom- 
plishing nothing,  they  encamped  as  they  best  could,  and 
throwing  up  intrenchments,  placed  themselves  entirely  on 
the  defensive.  Pontius,  sure  that  there  was  no  escape  for 
his  victims,  incurred  no  risks,  but  waited  quietly  for  the 
slow  but  inevitable  operation  of  famine.  The  Romans, 
emaciated  and  haggard,  were  soon  brought  to  terms,  and 
implored  the  mercy  of  the  conqueror. 

Pontius  proved  himself  a  magnanimous,  though  a  deter- 
mined foe.  "Restore  to  us,"  said  he,  "the  towns  and  terri- 
tory you  have  taken  from  us.  Call  home  the  colonists  whom 
you  have  unjustly  settled  upon  our  soil;  lay  down  your 
arms  and  surrender  all  your  munitions  of  war;  take  an  oath 
hereafter  to  respect  the  independence  of  our  nation,  and 


CONFLICTS   AT   HOME   AND    WARS    ABROAD  69 

surrender  to  me  six  hundred  Roman  knights  as  hostages 
to  secure  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  you  may  defile 
before  my  army  as  prisoners  whom  we  have  released,  and 
return  to  your  homes  unharmed." 

These  were  generous  terms  for  the  conqueror  to  yield, 
but  very  humiliating  terms  for  proud  Romans  to  accept. 
But  there  was  no  alternative  but  destruction.  The  consuls 
and  all  the  surviving  officers  took  the  oath.  The  hostage 
knights  were  delivered,  and  then  the  whole  Roman  army, 
consuls,  generals,  and  soldiers,  in  a  long  procession,  stripped 
of  every  article  of  clothing,  except  the  kilt,  which  reached 
from  the  waist  to  the  knee,  thus  leaving  the  whole  upper 
part  of  the  body  naked,  marched  through  a  passage  opened 
for  them  in  the  Samnite  lines  of  blockade.  They  all  defiled 
beneath  a  spear,  supported  upon  two  which  were  planted  in 
ground.  Such  a  humiliation,  which  was  richly  merited, 
the  Roman  legions  had  never  encountered  before.  Pontius 
humanely  ordered  carriages  to  be  provided  for  the  sick  and 
the  wounded,  and  supplied  them  with  provisions  sufficient 
for  their  wants  until  they  should  reach  Rome. 

When  this  melancholy  procession,  with  Roman  pride  so 
healthily  humbled,  arrived  at  Capua,  they  were  received 
with  much  condolence,  and  the  consuls  and  superior  officers 
were  provided  with  arms  and  clothing,  that  their  appearance 
might  be  more  suited  to  their  dignity.  They  then  continued 
their  march  in  a  state  of  mortification  which  no  language 
can  describe,  ashamed  to  speak  to  each  other,  or  to  raise 
their  eyes  from  the  ground.  When  they  drew  near  the  city 
all  the  common  soldiers,  who  had  homes  in  the  vicinity, 
singly  and  silently  dispersed,  that  they  might  reach  those 
homes  unseen.  Those  who  lived  in  the  city,  unwilling  in 
their  deep  disgrace  to  enter  in  the  broad  light  of  day,  lin- 
gered outside  of  the  walls  until  it  was  dark,  and  then 
stealthily  crept  to  their  habitations. 

The  loss  of  life  in  this  campaign  threw  all  Rome  into 
mourning,  but  the  humiliation  was  a  blow  still  more  keenly 
felt.     All  business  was  suspended,  all  pleasure  interdicted; 


70  ITALY 

marriages  were  postponed,  and  all  thoughts  were  directed 
to  the  obliteration  of  the  dishonor.  The  two  unfortunate 
consuls  immediately  resigned  their  office,  and  much  diffi- 
culty was  found  in  choosing  their  successors.  The  question 
now  arose,  "Shall  the  treaty  be  ratified?"  Postumius,  one 
of  the  consuls  of  the  previous  year,  came  forward  and  made 
the  astonishing  proposition,  equally  characteristic  of  Roman 
ambition  and  the  Eoman  sense  of  honor,  that  the  treaty 
should  be  rejected,  and  that  he  himself,  with  his  colleague 
in  the  consulship,  T.  Veturius,  and  every  officer  who  had 
taken  the  oath  to  the  Samnites,  should  be  surrendered  to 
them  as  having  promised  what  they  were  unable  to  perform. 
The  senate  adopted  this  resolve,  even  though  many  of  them 
had,  doubtless,  sons  among  the  six  hundred  hostages  thus 
abandoned  to  the  vengeance  of  the  Samnites. 

The  two  consuls,  with  all  the  officers,  were  conducted 
by  a  Roman  herald  back  to  the  country  of  the  Samnites. 
As  they  approached  the  camp  their  hands  were  bound  behind 
their  backs,  and  they  were  thus  delivered  up  as  men  who 
had  forfeited  liberty  and  life  by  a  breach  of  faith.  As  soon 
as  the  surrender  had  been  made,  Postumius,  the  ex-consul, 
who  now  belonged  to  the  Samnites  as  their  slave,  so  that 
they  were  now  responsible  for  his  actions,  turned  and  with 
his  knee  (for  his  hands  were  bound)  struck  violently  the 
Roman  herald  who  had  surrendered  him,  saying: 

"I  now  belong  to  the  Samnites.  I  have  insulted  a  Ro- 
man ambassador.  Rome  can  justly  wage  war  against  the 
Samnites  to  avenge  this  outrage." 

Nothing  redeems  this  shameful  trickery  but  the  intrepid- 
ity which  could  brave  slavery  and  death  to  promote  national 
aggrandizement.  Such  conduct  may  be  called  heroic,  but 
it  is  the  heroism  of  dark  and  benighted  natures.  The  con- 
duct of  Pontius  was  truly  noble. 

"I  shall  not  accept  these  victims,"  he  said.  "They  are 
not  guilty.  Rome  has  reaped  the  advantage  of  the  treaty  of 
Caudium  in  the  liberation  of  her  army,  and  now  she  refuses 
to  fulfil  the  conditions.     It  is  a  mockery  both  to  the  gods 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND  CARTHAGE  71 

and  men  to  pretend  that  such  perfidy  is  justice.  If  Rome 
would  rescue  her  name  from  infamy,  let  her  either  replace 
her  legions  in  their  desperate  condition,  or  ratify  the  treaty." 
So  saying,  he  sent  the  consuls  and  their  companions 
back,  unhurt,   to  Rome. 


CHAPTER    IV 

KOME,    GREECE,    AND    CARTHAGE 

FROM  318  B.C.  TO  241  B.C. 

The  Disaster  of  the  Caudine  Forks  Avenged — Parties  in  Rome — Democracy 
of  Appius  Claudius — Ignoble  Treatment  of  Pontius — State  of  the  World 
at  this  Time — Coalition  against  Rome — The  Greeks  Join  the  Coahtion — 
Pyrrhus  Lands  on  the  Italian  Peninsula — Progress  of  the  War — Expul- 
sion of  the  Greeks — Invasion  of  Sicily — War  with  Carthage — Invasion 
of  Africa — Story  of  Regulus — Victories  and  Defeats — Rome  Triumphant 
— Sicily  annexed  to  Rome 

ACCORDING-  to  the  Roman  story,  in  which  not  much 
reliance  can  be  placed,  the  Romans  the  next  year 
sent  a  powerful  force  under  a  renowned  champion, 
L.  Papirius  Cursor,  who  severely  chastised  the  Samnites  for 
their  audacity  in  conquering  a  Roman  army.  Cursor  took, 
they  say,  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  the  Samnites,  recovered 
all  the  arms  and  banners  they  had  taken,  rescued  the  six 
hundred  knights  who  had  been  surrendered  to  them,  and 
conveyed  them  all  safely  to  Rome.  Thus  boastfully,  on 
paper,  the  disgrace  of  the  Caudine  Forks  was  effaced.  It 
is,  nevertheless,  unquestioned,  however  little  we  may  regard 
these  boasts,  that  the  war  between  the  Romans  and  Samnites 
continued  with  increasing  exasperation,  and  that  the  for- 
tunes o£  war  were  decidedly  in  favor  of  Rome.  At  length 
the  Samnites  were  crushed  entirely,  all  their  territory  seized 
by  the  conquerors,  and  strong  military  colonies  established 
in  different  parts  of  the  country  to  hold  them  in  subjection. 
The  Romans  were  now  so  powerful  that  no  combination  of 
tribes  could  successfully  oppose  them.  They  pushed  their 
conquests  eastward,  over  the  Apennines,  to  the  Adriatic, 
and  north  into  the  wilds  of  Etruria.     A  Roman  navy  was 


72  ITALY 

rapidly   rising   into  existence,    and  the  energetic  republic 
towered  incontestably  above  all  the  surrounding  nations. 

The  commonwealth  of  E-ome  was  now  composed  of  three 
leading  parties.  First  there  was  the  old  aristocratic  p^irty, 
the  ancient  patricians;  then  came  the  middle  class  or  com- 
mons, who  had  gradually,  by  wealth  and  intelligence,  gained 
many  political  privileges.  They  were  deemed  Roman  cili- 
zens^  were  entitled  to  vote,  and  were  eligible  to  nearly  all 
offices  in  the  army,  the  church,  and  the  state.  Then  came 
the  third  class,  which  consisted  not  of  citizens  but  of  subjects, 
freed  slaves,  and  the  inhabitants  of  conquered  districts,  who 
were  brought  under  the  dominion  of  Roman  law,  but  were 
not  entitled  to  the  rights  of  citizenship.  There  was  a  fourth 
class,  the  slaves,  which  history  scarcely  deigns  to  notice. 
They  were  then  probably  few  in  number.  The  third  clas£ 
even,  ancient  annals  would  scarcely  have  noticed  but  for 
the  fact  that  the  nobles  often  called  the  brawny  arms  of 
these  freed  men  and  foreigners  into  requisition  to  enable 
them  to  resist  the  commons;  just  as  in  the  French  revolu- 
tions the  nobles  roused  the  blind  energies  of  the  mob,  to 
overthrow  constitutional  liberty,  intending  upon  the  ruins 
to  re-erect  the  ancient  despotism. 

The  middle  party  had  now  become  the  most  powerful, 
embracing  many  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  -the  times. 
Not  a  few  of  the  patricians  of  noblest  character  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  commons,  and  supported  their  measures. 
The  office  of  censor,  in  point  of  rank,  was  the  highest  office 
in  the  commonwealth.  The  censors  had  far  more  power 
than  the  consuls,  and  from  their  decision  there  was  no  ap- 
peal. Three  hundred  and  thirteen  years  before  Christ, 
Appius  Claudius  and  C.  Plautius  were  elected  censors. 
Plautius,  from  some  chagrin,  resigned,  leaving  the  whole 
power  for  five  years  in  the  hands  of  his  ambitious  and  ener- 
getic colleague,  Appius.  With  the  arts  of  a  demagogue, 
Appius,  whose  duty  it  was  to  fill  the  vacancies  which  had 
occurred  in  the  senate,  placed  on  that  list,  to  the  utter  scan- 
dal, not  only  of  the  patricians,  but  of  the  commoners,  who 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND   CARTHAGE  73 

were  now  growing  aristocratic,  the  names  of  men  selected 
from  the  low  popular  party.  These  men,  thus  selected, 
though  energetic  in  character  and  possessing  wealth,  were 
the  sons  of  freedmen,  and  thus,  in  E,oman  parlance,  the 
grandsons  of  nobody.  Appius  resorted  to  this  measure  in 
the  same  spirit  in  which  a  prime  minister  of  England  creates 
a  batch  of  nobles  from  the  commons,  to  strengthen  his  vote 
in  the  House  of  Lords.  Though  this  measure  was  opposed 
so  bitterly  that  for  a  time  it  was  thwarted,  Appius,  unintimi- 
dated,  persevered  in  the  same  line  of  policy  and  admitted  a 
large  number  of  freed  slaves  to  the  rights  of  citizenship, 
thus  strengthening  his  party. 

Appius  having  thus  gained  the  support  of  the  masses,  in 
the  enjoyment  of  kingly  power,  resolved  to  construct  works 
of  public  utility,  which  should  immortalize  his  name.  As 
censor  he  was  the  treasurer  of  the  public  funds,  and  assum- 
ing the  responsibility,  without  any  authority  from  the  sen- 
ate, he  applied  immense  sums  to  the  construction  of  a  mili- 
tary road  from  Eome  to  Capua,  near  Naples,  a  distance  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles.  This  magnificent  road, 
called  the  Appian  Way,  was  constructed  of  hexagonal 
stones,  exactly  fitted  to  each  other,  and  portions  of  it  still 
remain,  having  survived  the  ravages  of  two  thousand  years. 
He  also  constructed  an  aqueduct,  which  conveyed  water, 
mostly  underground,  from  a  distance  of  eight  miles  to  Eome. 
These  two  works  were  so  expensive  that  they  exhausted  the 
revenues  of  the  state.  Though  the  regular  term  of  the  cen- 
sor's office  was  but  eighteen  months,  Appius,  bidding  de- 
fiance to  law,  retained  his  censorship  for  five  years,  and  then 
succeeded  in  securing  his  election  as  consul,  so  that  he  con- 
tinued in  office  until  his  works  were  completed. 

Two  hundred  and  ninety-four  years  before  Christ,  the 
Gauls  in  co-operation  with  many  allies,  and  in  such  force 
as  to  give  them  great  confidence  of  success,  marched  again 
upon  Eome.  The  Eomans,  in  two  vast  armies,  advanced  to 
meet  them.  The  conflict  took  place  on  the  plains  of  Senti- 
num.     The  Eomans  were  signally  victorious.      The  allied 

Italy — 4 


74  ITALY 

army  was  routed  and  dispersed,  with  the  loss  of  twenty-five 
thousand  of  their  best  troops.  Soon  after  this  the  Romans 
succeeded  in  the  capture  of  C.  Pontius,  the  renowned  Sam- 
nite  general,  who  had  defeated  the  Roman  legions  so  sig- 
nally at  the  Caudine  Forks,  and  who  had  treated  his  discom- 
fited foe  with  such  wonderful  magnanimity.  The  victorious 
Roman  consul,  Q.  Fabius,  charioted  in  splendor,  made  a 
triumphal  entrance  into  Rome.  Pontius  was  led  a  captive 
in  chains  to  grace  the  festival.  As  the  victor,  in  the  pro- 
cession, turned  from  the  Sacred  way  to  ascend  the  Capitoline 
hill,  Pontius  was  led  aside  into  a  dungeon  beneath  the  hill, 
and  beheaded.  Thus  infamously  did  Rome  requite  the  mag- 
nanimity of  a  foe  who  had  spared  the  lives  of  Roman  armies 
left  entirely  in  his  power,  and  who  had  liberated  unharmed  the 
generals  Rome  had  surrendered  as  an  expiation  for  her  perfidy. 

During  the  consulate  of  M.  Curius  Dentatus,  a  very  ener- 
getic plebeian  who  worked  his  way  to  supreme  power,  crush- 
ing arisocratic  opposition  before  him,  Rome  made  such 
conquests  in  the  north  and  south,  that  Dentatus  enjoying 
two  triumphal  entries  to  Rome  in  one  year,  declared  to  the 
assembly  of  the  people: 

"I  have  conquered  such  an  extent  of  country,  that  it 
must  have  been  left  a  wilderness  had  the  men  whom  I  have 
made  our  subjects  been  fewer.  I  have  subjected  such  a 
multitude  of  men,  that  they  must  have  starved  if  the  terri- 
tory conquered  with  them  had  been  smaller." 

With  these  immense  conquests  came  the  impoverishment 
of  the  people,  from  the  enormous  expenses  of  the  war,  and 
Rome  was  overwhelmed  with  misery  by  one  of  those  fearful 
pestilences  which  have  ever,  in  past  ages,  been  surging  over 
the  nations.  In  this  emergence,  Curius  Dentatus  resolved 
to  appropriate  the  territory  gained  in  these  conquests  for  the 
relief  of  the  public  distress.  He,  therefore,  proposed  an 
agrarian  law  which  should  allot  seven  acres'  of  the  public 

'  The  Roman  acre,  jugerum,  contained  but  three  thousand  two  hundred 
square  yards.  The  Enghsh  acre  contains  four  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
forty. 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND   CARTHAGE  75 

domain  to  every  citizen.  The  proposition  roused  the  most 
bitter  hostility  of  the  patricians,  who,  with  deathless  tenac- 
ity, were  struggling  to  widen  the  gulf  between  the  patri- 
cians and  plebeians.  It  seems  that  the  proposition  of  Curius 
Dentatus  was  in  favor  of  the  middle  class,  the  citizens,  who 
had  the  privilege  of  voting,  not  of  the  lower  class,  the  sub- 
jects, who  had  no  vote.  At  this  time  the  slaves  were  so  few 
as  not  to  be  taken  into  the  account  in  any  public  measures. 
The  patricians,  in  their  madness,  called  in  the  aid  of  the 
mob;  and  tumults  swept  the  streets  of  Rome.  But  the  sol- 
diers whom  Curius  had  led  to  conquest  rallied  around  him, 
and  by  their  aid  he  triumphed  over  both  the  nobles  and  the 
Jacobins,  as  we  may  call  them  from  their  resemblance  with 
certain  proletarians  of  the  French  revolution. 

While  these  conflicts  were  raging  most  fiercely,  foreign 
foes,  probably  from  Etruria,  menaced  the  city.  The  imme- 
diate appointment  of  a  dictator  was  deemed  necessary,  and 
Q.  Hortensius,  a  man  of  opulent  and  even  ancient  plebeian 
family,  was  placed  in  office.  He  summoned  an  assemblage 
of  the  whole  nation,  without  distinction  of  orders,  in  a  place 
called  the  "Oak  Grove,"  just  without  the  walls  of  the  city, 
and  there  proposed  three  radical  laws.  1st,  A  general  bank- 
rupt law,  releasing  all  poor  debtors  from  their  obligations; 
2d,  an  agrarian  law  conferring  seven  acres  of  the  publio 
domain  upon  every  citizen;  and  3d,  a  law  depriving  the 
senate  of  its  veto,  and  declaring  the  people,  assembled 
in  their  tribes,  to  be  a  supreme  legislative  power.  There 
were  one  or  two  other  laws  of  minor  importance  also  en- 
acted. The  passage  of  these  laws  secured  comparative  in- 
ternal peace  to  Eome  for  a  period  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
years.  A  census  taken  about  this  time  gave  a  return  of 
two  hundred  and  seventy-two  thousand  three  hundred  and 
twenty-two  citizens;  but  it  is  impossible  from  this  to  judge, 
with  much  accuracy,  what  was  then  the  population  of  the  re- 
public, about  three  hundred  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ. 

One  of  the  remarkable  events  of  this  period  was  the  send- 
ing an  embassy  to  Greece  to  invite  the  god  ^sculapius  to 


76  ITALY 

Rome  to  arrest  the  plague,  which  had  then  been  raging  three 
years.  They  brought  back  the  god  in  the  form  of  a  snake,  and 
erected  a  temple  for  his  worship  upon  an  island  in  the  Tiber. 

Forty  years  after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great,  Se- 
leucus,  the  last  survivor  of  his  generals,  then  a  man  seventy- 
five  years  of  age,  and  sovereign  of  Asia,  returned  to  Greece. 
His  vast  realms,  which  he  had  inherited  from  the  great  con- 
queror, extended  from  the  Hellespont  to  the  Indies.  He 
had  but  just  landed  on  the  Thracian  Chersonesus,  when 
he  was  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  who  had  seized 
upon  the  throne  of  Macedonia.  Antiochus,  the  son  of  Se- 
leucus,  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Asia.  Ptolemy,  the  son 
of  Lagus,  was  now  king  of  Egypt — having  received  this 
kingdom  from  Alexander,  in  the  division  of  the  Grecian 
empire.  Such  in  the  mam,  was,  at  this  time,  the  fragmen- 
tary condition  of  that  Grecian  empire  which,  but  half  a  cen- 
tury before,  had  held  the  mastery  of  the  world. 

About  the  year  281  B.C.  commenced  one  of  the  most  for- 
midable coalitions  against  Pome  which  had  yet.  been  organ- 
ized. The  Gauls,  with  the  northern  nations,  co-operating 
with  the  nations  in  the  extreme  south  of  the  Italian  penin- 
sula, invited  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  a  kingdom  on  the 
western  shore  of  Greece,  to  send  an  army  by  sea,  to  act  in 
concert  with  them  for  the  destruction  of  Pome.  Pyrrhus, 
ambitious  of  military  renown  which  might  promote  his 
projects  at  home,  sent  an  army  across  the  sea  from  Greece, 
a  distance  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  into  the 
gulf  of  Tarentum,  on  the  extreme  southern  point  of  Italy. 
He  landed  here  at  Tarentum,  twenty  thousand  foot  soldiers, 
twenty-five  thousand  archers  and  slingers,  and  fifty  ele- 
phants. In  the  spring  of  the  year  280  before  Christ,  this 
formidable  armament  of  veteran  soldiers  was  prepared  to 
take  the  field.  The  nations  of  Italy,  hostile  to  Pome,  were 
exceedingly  elated,  and  rallied  to  co-operate  with  these 
powerful  invaders.  Pome  was  never  before  in  so  great 
peril,  and  vigorously  the  Romans  prepared  to  encounter 
the  enemy.     An  army  consisting  of  thirty  thousand  foot 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND   CARTHAGE  77 

and  two  thousand  six  hundred  horse,  under  one  of  their 
consuls,  Valerius  Laevinus,  advanced  to  meet  the  foe,  and 
the  forces  encountered  each  other  in  the  shock  of  battle 
near  the  shore  of  the  gulf  of  Taranto,  on  a  large  plain,  then 
called  the  plain  of  Heraclea,  probably  near  the  present  site 
of  Policoro. 

A  hand-to-hand  fight,  with  clubs,  spears,  swords,  arrows, 
and  javelins  ensued,  in  which  physical  strength  alone  mainly 
was  to  decide  the  issue.  Pyrrhus,  conscious  that  the  safety 
of  his  army  was  dependent  upon  the  preservation  of  his  own 
life,  and  that  every  Eoman  warrior  would  seek  to  encounter 
him,  not  very  chivalrously  exchanged  uniforms  with  one 
of  the  officers  of  his  guard.  The  royal  helmet  and  scarlet 
cloak  attracted  attack  from  every  quarter,  and  Megacles, 
the  guardsman,  was  soon  struck  down.  His  fall  was  re- 
ceived with  shouts  of  triumph  throughout  the  Eoman  lines, 
and  while  they  were  exulting  over  the  helmet  and  mantle, 
which  had  been  torn  from  the  body  of  the  slain,  Pyrrhus 
rode  along  the  ranks  of  his  troops  bareheaded,  to  satisfy 
them  that  he  was  still  alive  and  well. 

Seven  times  the  triumphant  Eomans  drove  the  troops 
of  Pyrrhus  in  wild  disorder  over  the  plain.  Seven  times 
Pyrrhus,  rallying  his  troops,  in  war's  surging  billow,  swept 
back  the  foe.  Each  general  endeavored  to  lure  all  the  forces 
of  the  enemy  into  battle,  holding  back  a  reserve,  which,  in 
the  hour  of  exhaustion,  should  come  rushing  fresh  upon 
the  field  and  settle  the  strife.  At  length  Lsevinus,  believing 
that  Pyrrhus  had  brought  forth  his  last  reserve,  marched  his 
own  upon  the  field  from  behind  a  curtain  of  hills.  It  was 
a  chosen  body  of  cavalry,  and  the  plain  trembled  beneath 
their  iron  hoofs,  as  they  came,  with  gleaming  swords,  thun- 
dering into  the  midst  of  the  fray.  But  the  wary  Greek  was 
not  taken  by  surprise.  A  few  trumpet  blasts  were  heard, 
and  instantly  there  emerged  from  their  concealment  fifty 
elephants.  At  a  speed  even  surpassing  that  of  the  horses 
they  came  thundering  upon  the  plain,  and  with  their  resist- 
less momentum  and  heavy  tramp  crushed  all  before  them. 


78  ITALY 

The  Eoman  horses,  terrified  by  the  unwonted  spectacle, 
wheeled  and  fled  from  the  monsters  in  resistless  panic.  The 
riders  lost  all  control  over  them,  and  rushing  through  the 
lines  of  the  foot  soldiers,  the  whole  army  was  thrown  into 
disorder.  Pyrrhus  followed  up  his  advantage  by  a  vigorous 
charge,  and  the  rout  was  entire  and  hopeless. 

But  for  an  event  almost  accidental  the  Eoman  army 
would  have  been  annihilated.  A  soldier  chanced  to  cut 
o£E  with  his  sword  the  trunk  of  one  of  the  elephants.  The 
animal,  terrified  and  thus  rendered  helpless,  crying  with 
torture,  turned  back  upon  the  pursuing  army.  The  other 
elephants,  instinctively  appalled  by  the  cry,  also  turned, 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  confusion  and  dismay  thus  occa- 
sioned many  of  the  Romans  escaped.  It  is  impossible  now 
to  ascertain  the  loss  upon  either  side,  but  Pyrrhus  remained 
complete  master  of  the  field.  The  loss  of  Pyrrhus  was,  how- 
ever, so  great  that  he  said  to  one  who  congratulated  him, 
"One  more  such  victory  and  I  should  be  obliged  to  return 
to  Epirus  without  a  single  soldier." 

The  conqueror  now  pressed  forward  toward  central  Italy, 
at  the  same  time  sending  an  ambassador  to  Rome  with  terms 
of  peace.  Cineas,  who  was  intrusted  with  this  commission, 
was  a  Greek  from  Thessaly.  It  is  said  that  in  his  early 
youth  he  heard  Demosthenes  speak,  and  the  marvellous 
eloquence  of  the  orator  inspired  him  with  the  desire  to 
emulate  his  power.  The  tongue  of  Cineas,  it  was  said,  won 
more  cities  than  the  sword  of  Pyrrhus.  He  had  cultivated 
his  memory  to  so  extraordinary  a  degree,  that  the  first  day 
after  his  arrival  in  Home  he  could  address  all  the  senators 
and  the  citizens  of  the  equestrian  order  by  their  proper 
names.  The  courtly  Greek,  thoroughly  instructed  in  all  the 
learning  of  his  countrymen,  attracted  great  attention.  His 
wise  sayings  were  treasured  up  and  repeated  from  mouth 
to  mouth,  and  the  senate,  beguiled  by  his  address  and  flat- 
tered by  his  presents,  were  about  to  assent  to  terms  of  peace 
far  from  honorable  to  Eome. 

In  this  emergency  Appius  Claudius,  who  was  now  in  ex- 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND  CARTHAGE  79 

treme  old  age,  and  who  for  several  years  had  been  blind 
and  borne  down  by  many  bodily  infirmities,  was  carried 
in  a  litter  into  the  senate  house.  The  profoundest  silence 
reigned  in  the  senate  as  the  old  man  rose  to  speak.  His 
eloquence  recalled  the  senate  to  a  sense  of  Koman  honor; 
and  at  the  close  of  his  speech  it  was  voted,  almost  by  ac- 
claim, that  no  peace  should  be  concluded  while  the  hostile 
Greeks  remained  in  Italy,  and  that  Cineas  should  be  ordered 
to  leave  Kome  that  very  day. 

Pyrrhus,  resolving  to  prosecute  the  war  with  all  possible 
vigor,  advanced  with  a  large  army,  almost  unopposed,  as 
far  as  Capua,  which  city  was  unsuccessfully  attacked. 
Kelinquishing  the  siege  of  the  city,  he  pressed  on  until 
he  arrived  within  eighteen  miles  of  Rome.  From  the  hills 
upon  which  he  encamped  he  could  discern  the  towers  of 
the  city.  During  this  long  march  Lsevinus,  with  the  wreck 
of  his  army,  had  hung  upon  the  rear  of  the  Greeks,  ever 
carefully  avoiding  offering  to  him  an  opportunity  for  battle. 
Here  he  learned  that  Eome  had  made  peace  with  the  Etrus- 
cans and  other  northern  nations,  and  was  prepared  to  meet 
him  with  an  overwhelming  force.  Commencing  a  precipitate 
retreat,  he  soon  in  his  ships  reached  Tarentum  in  safety. 

The  Romans  sent  to  Tarentum  to  propose  to  Pyrrhus  an 
exchange  of  prisoners.  He  refused  either  ransom  or  ex- 
change, unless  the  Romans  would  accede  to  the  terms 
of  peace  he  had  offered  through  Cineas;  but  with  singular 
generosity  he  allowed  all  the  Roman  prisoners  to  go  to 
Rome  to  spend  the  holidays  of  the  Saturnalia,  exacting 
from  them  a  solemn  promise  that  they  would  return,  unless 
the  senate  consented  to  peace.  The  senate  refused  peace, 
and  denounced  the  punishment  of  death  upon  any  prisoner 
who  should  remain  in  Rome  after  the  day  appointed  for  his 
return. 

The  next  season  the  campaign  was  opened  anew,  and  the 
two  armies  met  on  the  plains  of  Asculum,  near  the  present 
city  of  Ascoli.  In  the  battle  which  ensued,  Grecian  disci- 
pline prevailed,  and  though  Pyrrhus  himself  was  wounded, 


80  ITALY 

the  Romans  retired,  leaving  six  thousand  upon  the  field  of 
battle.  The  remainder  of  the  season  was  passed  in  desul- 
tory and  indecisive  warfare,  and  as  winter  set  in  the  Greeks 
retired  again  to  Tarentum,  while  the  Eomans  went  into 
winter  quarters  in  Apulia. 

Pjrrhus  was  now  quite  disheartened  as  to  the  }irospect 
of  conquering  Rome.  It  so  happened  that  the  island  of 
Sicily  was  then  engaged  in  war  with  Carthage,  and  a  power- 
ful Carthaginian  army  was  besieging  Syracuse.  The  Sicil- 
ians sent  to  Pyrrhus  imploring  his  aid,  and  he  accordingly, 
leaving  a  garrison  in  the  citadel  at  Tarentum,  embarked  for 
Sicily.  For  two  years  he  was  engaged  in  war  there,  with 
very  cruel  and  bloody,  but  indecisive  results,  when  he  re- 
ceived an  embassage  from  his  old  allies  in  Italy,  imploring 
his  return.  In  the  autumn  of  the  year  276  B.C.  his  fleet 
again  entered  the  harbor  of  Tarentum.  But  in  the  passage 
he  was  attacked  by  the  Carthaginian  fleet  and  seventy  of  his 
ships  were  sunk. 

A  Roman  army  was  speedily  on  the  march  to  meet  the 
invaders.  Pyrrhus  attempted  to  surprise  his  foes  in  a  mid- 
night attack.  By  torchlight  they  commenced  their  march. 
The  night  was  dark  and  windy;  the  distance  longer  than 
was  anticipated;  the  torches  were  blown  out,  and  the  men 
lost  their  way.  Thus  the  morning  dawned  before  the  Grreeks, 
utterly  exhausted,  reached  the  heights  which  looked  down 
upon  the  Roman  camp.  The  Romans  were  prepared  for 
them,  and  the  battle  could  not  be  delayed.  The  battle  was 
short,  but  very  bloody.  The  elephants,  pierced  with  jave- 
lins, turned  and  trampled  down  the  ranks  of  Pyrrhus,  and 
the  victory  of  the  Romans  was  decisive  and  efliectual. 
Pyrrhus  retreated  with  the  wreck  of  his  army  to  his  ships, 
and  spreading  sail  returned  to  Epirus. 

The  Romans,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Greeks,  without 
difficulty  extended  their  sway  over  all  the  nations  of  south- 
ern Italy.  To  complete  the  subjugation  of  these  nations, 
strong  colonies  were  j)lanted-  in  the  midst  of  them.  The 
Roman   armies  were  equally  successful  in  the  north,  and 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND  CARTHAGE  81 

thus  after  a  struggle  of  nearly  five  centuries  the  whole 
Italian  peninsula  came  under  the  sway  of  Rome.  The 
Roman  colonies  were,  in  reality,  garrisons  established  in 
the  most  populous  regions. 

The  renowned  empire  of  Carthage  was  situated  upon 
the  coast  of  Africa,  near  the  present  site  of  Tunis,  almost 
directly  south  from  Rome.  The  Mediterranean  is  here  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  breadth.  But  the  island  of 
Sicily,  which  is  two  hundred  miles  in  length  and  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  in  breadth,  lies  directly  between  Carthage 
and  the  extreme  southern  point,  or  toe  of  Italy;  being 
separated  from  the  African  coast  by  a  channel  eighty  miles 
in  width,  and  from  Italy  by  the  narrow  strait  of  Messina 
but  two  miles  across. 

The  Carthaginian  republic,  which  was,  at  this  time,  per- 
haps the  most  powerful  nation  on  the  globe,  originated  in 
a  Phoenician  colony  which  laid  the  foundation  of  Carthage 
about  one  hundred  and  forty  years  before  the  traditional 
assignment  of  the  building  of  Rome.  The  Carthaginians 
had  a  large  fleet  and  skilful  seamen,  which  gave  them  the 
entire  command  of  the  sea.  Their  conquering  armies  had 
taken  possession  of  the  island  of  Sardinia,  which  was  about 
one  hundred  miles  north  from  Carthage,  and  their  warships 
were  hovering  around  Sicily  having  brought  nearly  the 
whole  island  under  their  sway. 

Ambitious  Rome  now  turned  her  eyes  to  Sicily,  and  re- 
solved to  take  possession  of  it.  With  the  energy  which  thus 
far  had  characterized  the  nation,  a  fleet  was  soon  built,  and 
an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  assembled  at  Reggia,  the 
Italian  port  nearest  to  the  Sicilian  shore.  Appius  succeeded 
in  transporting  his  troops,  notwithstanding  the  vigilance  of 
the  Carthaginian  ships,  across  the  strait,  and  landing  them, 
by  night,  on  the  Sicilian  coast.  Hanno,  commander  of  the 
Carthaginian  forces  on  the  island,  hastened  to  meet  Appius, 
but  was  defeated  in  a  pitched  battle  and  retreated  to  Syra- 
cuse. The  Romans,  after  plundering  the  surrounding  coun- 
try, followed  the  foe  to  Syracuse.     Here  the  tide  of  war  set 


82  ITALY 

against  them.  Sickness  decimated  their  ranks,  and  after  an 
unsuccessful  battle,  Appius  retreated  to  Messina,  pursued 
by  the  allied  Syracusians  and  Carthaginians.  Leaving  a 
garrison  there,  Appius  returned  to  Rome  in  his  ships, 
which  were  mainly  impelled  by  oars,  that  he  might  gather 
re-enforcements  for  the  continaation  of  the  war. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  263  B.C.  two  consular  armies, 
amounting  to  thirty-five  thousand  men,  crossed  the  straits, 
and  landed  at  Messina.  They  swept  all  opposition  before 
them,  and  speedily  were  in  possession  of  sixty-seven  towns. 
Many  of  the  Sicilians  now  entered  into  an  alliance  with 
the  Romans  to  drive  out  the  Carthaginians.  Between  two 
such  powerful  and  unscrupulous  nations  their  independence 
was  impossible,  and  they  preferred  subjection  to  E-ome  rather 
than  to  Carthage. 

But  while  E.ome  was  thus  ravaging  the  cities  of  Sicily, 
the  Carthaginian  fleet,  in  command  of  the  sea,  was  making 
continual  descents  upon  the  Italian  towns,  destroying  and 
plundering  without  mercy.  This  led  the  Romans  to  resolve 
to  meet  the  enemy  on  their  own  element.  But  the  Carthagin- 
ians were  far  superior  to  the  Romans  in  naval  architecture, 
constructing  line-of-battle  ships,  if  we  may  so  call  them, 
with  five  banks  of  oars.  These  enormous  structures  were 
called  quinqueremes.  The  Romans  had  thus  far  been  able 
to  construct  only  triremes,  or  ships  with  but  three  banks  of 
oars. 

It  so  happened  that  a  Carthaginian  quinquereme  was 
driven  ashore  on  the  coast  of  Italy,  and  the  Romaas,  tak- 
ing their  model  from  the  wreck,  in  two  months  built  and 
launched  two  hundred  such  ships.  While  these  ships  were 
building,  the  Roman  soldiers  were  constantly  exercised  in 
rowing,  by  being  placed  on  benches  on  the  shore,  arranged 
as  they  would  be  in  the  ship.  These  quinqueremes  carried 
three  hundred  rowers  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  soldiers. 
It  was  always  the  endeavor  to  pierce  the  foe  with  their 
brazen  prows,  and  then  settle  the  conflict  by  boarding. 
To  facilitate  this  operation  a  long  drawbridge,  thirty-four 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND  CARTHAGE  83 

feet  long  and  four  wide,  with  a  low  parapet  on  each  side, 
was  attached  to  a  mast.  This  bridge  was  let  fall  upon  the 
enemy's  ship,  which  it  held  fast  by  a  strong  iron  spike  fixed 
at  the  bottom  of  the  platform  or  bridge,  and  which  was 
driven  home  into  the  deck  by  the  force  of  the  fall. 

Thus  equipped,  the  Romans  put  to  sea  to  contend  with 
the  strongest  naval  power  then  upon  the  globe.  The  expe- 
dition was  commanded  by  one  of  the  consuls,  C.  Duilius. 
He  found  the  Carthaginian  fleet  not  far  from  the  straits  of 
Messina,  on  the  north  coast  of  Sicily,  ravaging  the  coast 
near  Melazzo.  The  Carthaginians  bore  down  upon  the  foe 
in  full  confidence  of  victory.  But  Roman  prowess  was  tri- 
umphant. At  the  close  of  the  fiercest  strife  for  a  few  hours, 
the  Carthaginians,  having  lost  fifty  ships  taken  or  sank, 
with  three  thousand  men  slain  and  seven  thousand  taken 
captive,  retreated  in  a  panic.  The  Romans,  exceedingly 
exultant  at  this  victory,  landed,  took  Melazzo  by  storm, 
and  row  resolved  to  drive  the  Carthaginians,  not  only  out 
of  Sicily,  but  also  out  of  Sardinia  and  Corsica. 

But  Carthage  was  altogether  too  powerful  to  be  subdued 
by  one  victory.  For  three  years  war,  with  all  its  horrors, 
desolated  the  cities  and  plains  of  Sicily.  At  the  same  time 
expeditions  were  fitted  out  both  against  Sardinia  and  Cor- 
sica. As  no  decisive  results  were  obtained,  the  Romans  de- 
cided on  an  expedition  hitherto  unparalleled  in  any  of  their 
conflicts.  They  prepared  a  fleet  of  three  hundred  and  thirty 
ships,  which  were  manned  by  one  hundred  and  forty  thou- 
sand men,  and  resolved  to  carry  the  war  into  Africa.  Car- 
thage sent  three  hundred  and  fifty  ships  to  meet  the  foe. 
The  terrific  encounter  of  more  than  three  hundred  thousand 
combatants  took  place  on  the  coast  of  Sicily.  Such  another 
naval  spectacle  earth  has  perhaps  never  witnessed,  as  hour 
after  hour  these  maddened  legions  struggled  with  demoniac 
fury.  No  war  of  the  elements  ever  equalled  this  tempest  of 
human  passion. 

But  again  Rome  was  triumphant.  The  Carthaginians, 
having  lost  ninety-four  of  their  ships  either  captured  or 


84  .  ITALY 

sunk,  retreated  in  consternation  to  Carthage,  to  save  the 
citj,  if  possible,  from  the  invaders.  The  passage  to  Africa 
was  now  unobstructed.  The  fleet  pushed  vigorously  across 
the  sea,  and  the  troops  were  disembarked  upon  the  African 
coast,  a  short  distance  from  the  headland  of  Cape  Bon,  in 
the  bay  of  Tunis.  The  coast  here  runs  nearly  north  and 
south,  and  the  region  presented  an  aspect  of  opulence, 
thrift,  and  beauty,  such  as  has  rarely  been  surpassed.  The 
villas  of  the  Carthaginian  gentry,  embowered  in  olive  groves 
and  vineyards,  everywhere  decorated  the  rural  landscape. 
Cattle  browsed  upon  the  hills;  villages  were  scattered  over 
the  plains,  while  the  highest  attainments  of  agriculture, 
aided  by  an  African  sun,  spread  over  the  whole  country 
the  bloom  of  an  extraordinary  verdure. 

Into  this  inviting  region  the  Romans  plunged,  with  an 
army  of  fifteen  thousand  foot  and  five  hundred  horse.  The 
Carthaginians,  who  had  never  even  dreamed  of  such  an  in- 
vasion, were  quite  defenceless.  The  march  of  Regulus,  the 
Eoman  general,  was  unimpeded,  and  he  soon  sent  word  to 
Eome  that  he  had  plundered  over  three  hundred  walled 
towns.  Having  arrived  within  twenty  miles  of  Carthage, 
and  not  feeling  sufficiently  strong  to  storm  the  city,  the 
Carthaginians  having  made  the  most  extraordinary  efforts 
for  its  defence,  Regulus  threw  up  his  intrenchments  and 
went  into  winter  quarters.  Some  of  the  interior  African 
tribes,  lured  by  the  hope  of  plunder,  joined  the  Romans. 
The  Carthaginians  sent  to  Greece  to  engage  the  assistance 
of  renowned  Grecian  generals.  Among  others,  a  Spartan 
officer  named  Xantbippus,  a  man  of  much  military  experi- 
ence and  celebrity,  espoused  their  cause.  So  much  confi- 
dence did  he  inspire  that  he  was  intrusted  with  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Carthaginian  forces. 

Assembling  a  choice  army  of  veterans,  consisting  of 
twelve  thousand  foot,  four  thousand  cavalry,  with  one  hun- 
dred elephants,  Xanthippus  marched  from  Carthage  to  at- 
tack the  Romans  in  their  encampment  before  they  could  re- 
ceive re- enforcements  from  Rome.      The  battle  was  very 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND   CARTHAGE  85 

fierce  and  long  continued,  but  finally  the  flomans  were  en- 
tirely routed,  and  their  destruction  was  so  entire  that  Regu- 
lus  escaped  from  the  field  with  but  five  hundred  men.  He 
was  pursued,  overtaken,  and  made  prisoner,  while  every 
man  of  his  guard  was  slain.  Thus  the  Eoman  army  was 
absolutely  annihilated,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  body 
of  troops  left  in  garrison  at  Clypea,  an  important  town  on 
the  coast.  The  Carthaginian  armj^  returned  to  Carthage  in 
triumph,  leading,  as  a  glorious  trophy,  Regulus,  half  naked 
and  in  chains. 

The  Roman  senate,  informed  of  the  disaster,  and  unable 
immediately  to  attempt  to  repair  it,  sent  an  expedition  to 
Clypea,  to  bring  off  the  garrison,  which  was  closely  be- 
sieged. A  very  powerful  armament  was  despatched,  which 
beat  off  the  Carthaginian  fleet  advancing  to  repel  them,  and 
then  succeeded  in  rescuing  the  garrison.  But  as  they  were 
returning  home  along  the  southern  coast  of  Italy,  a  terrific 
storm  arose,  and  two  hundred  and  sixty  ships  were  wrecked. 
The  destruction  of  life  was  enormous,  it  being  estimated  that 
one  hundred  thousand  men  perished  in  this  awful  storm. 
The  shore  of  Sicily  for  many  leagues  was  covered  with  the 
fragments  of  ships  and  the  bodies  of  the  dead. 

The  Carthaginians,  encouraged  by  this  great  disaster 
which  had  befallen  their  foes,  sent  an  efficient  general, 
Hasdrubal,  with  an  army  and  one  hundred  and  forty  ele- 
phants to  drive  the  Romans  from  those  portions  of  Sicily 
of  which  they  had  taken  possession.  But  Roman  energy 
was  invigorated,  not  paralyzed,  by  adversity.  In  three 
months  a  fleet  of  three  hundred  and  twenty  ships  was  fitted 
for  sea,  crossed  the  straits  to  the  Sicilian  shore,  ravaged  a 
large  extent  of  country,  extorting  enormous  ransom  from 
their  wealthy  captives,  and  selling  thirteen  thousand  pris- 
oners, of  the  poorer  class,  as  slaves.  They  then  crossed 
the  sea  again  to  the  African  shore,  and  after  loading  their 
ships  to  their  utmost  capacity  with  plunder,  commenced 
their  return.  But  again  they  were  overtaken  by  a  storm, 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  their  ships  were  wrecked. 


86  ITALY 

The  Romans  and  Carthaginians  now  continued  the 
struggle  for  two  years,  with  ever  varying  success,  on  the 
plains  of  Sicily.  About  the  middle  of  the  third  summer, 
the  Komans  obtained  a  signal  victory,  which  placed  the 
whole  of  the  island  of  Sicily,  with  the  exception  of  one 
town,  Lilybaeiim,  in  their  hands.  The  Carthaginians,  dis- 
heartened, sent  an  embassy  to  Home  with  terms  of  peace, 
and  their  illustrious  prisoner,  the  Roman  general  Regulus, 
was  sent,  it  is  said,  with  this  embassy,  first  exacting  from 
him  the  promise  that  he  would  return  to  Carthage,  surren- 
dering himself  again  to  captivity  should  the  negotiation 
fail.  It  was  hoped  that  out  of  regard  to  his  own  safety  he 
would  urge  the  acceptance  of  the  terms. 

But  Regulus,  with  heroism  characteristic  of  his  race, 
willing  to  sacrifice  the  short  remainder  of  his  life,  he  being 
aged  and  infirm,  for  the  glory  of  his  country,  dissuaded  the 
senate  from  making  peace.  He  was  present  at  the  discus- 
sion, and  vehemently  urged  that  the  question  of  his  life 
should  not  be  at  all  considered,  while  deliberating  respect- 
ing the  glory  and  power  of  Rome;  and  that  the  best  inter- 
ests of  Rome  required  that  the  Roman  legions  should  spread 
triumphantly  over  the  domains  of  Carthage.  Seeing  that 
the  senate,  influenced  by  the  cruel  death  to  which  he  would 
be  subjected  on  his  return  to  Carthage,  still  hesitated,  he 
pretended  that  a  slow  poison  had  been  administered  to  him, 
which  would  infallibly  soon  end  his  days.  His  arguments 
were  effectual,  and  the  treaty  was  rejected.  Regulus  tore 
himself  from  the  embraces  of  his  weeping  friends  and  re- 
turned to  Carthage,  where  he  was  put  to  death  with  the 
most  dreadful  tortures. 

Such  is  the  story  of  Regulus,  which  has,  perhaps,  ob- 
tained more  renown  than  any  other  incident  in  ancient  Ro- 
man history.  It  develops  a  trait  of  character  so  honorable 
to  human  nature,  though,  like  pure  gold  embedded  in  quartz, 
it  is  surrounded  with  much  alloy,  that  we  could  earnestly 
wish  it  to  be  true.  But  historical  research  does  not  confirm 
it.     It  is  not  alluded  to  by  Polybius,  the  most  ancient  and 


ROME,  GREECE,  AND   CARTHAGE  87 

trustworthy  writer  in  those  times;  and  there  is  much  reason 
to  suppose  that  it  is  pure  fiction,  invented  by  some  eulogist 
to  shed  renown  upon  the  illustrious  consul  and  general, 
Regulus,  who  certainly  perished  in  captivity  in  Carthage. 

It  was  the  great  ambition  of  Eome  to  annex  the  island 
of  Sicily  to  her  domain.  The  next  year,  250  B.C.,  another 
immense  army  was  raised  to  drive  the  Carthaginians  from 
Lilybseum,  where  they  were  strongly  fortified.  For  two  or 
three  years  the  war  raged  with  all  of  war's  possible  fury. 
There  were  sea-fights  and  land-fights,  shipwrecks,  gory  bat- 
tlefields, defeats,  victories,  conflagrations,  and  miseries  which 
no  tongue  can  tell.  At  length,  as  the  awful  tragedy  was  pro- 
gressing, there  arose  a  Carthaginian  general  of  extraordinary 
ability  named  Hamilcar.  This  illustrious  man,  father  of  the 
world-renowned  Hannibal,  was  then  thirty  years  of  age. 
An  extraordinary  storm  of  disasters  fell  upon  the  Eomans. 
Their  armies  were  defeated,  their  camp  burned  up,  their 
fleets  wrecked.  The  Carthaginians,  becoming  thus  supreme 
masters  of  the  sea,  besieged  the  Romans  in  their  garrisons, 
and  even  landed  on  the  coast  of  Italy,  and  in  ravaging  the 
Roman  towns,  bitterly  avenged  the  losses  they  had  endured 
on  their  own  shores. 

Hamilcar,  with  great  military  genius,  thwarted  all  the 
plans  of  the  Roman  generals,  cut  o£f  their  supplies,  and 
while  avoiding  any  general  action,  crippled  all  their  move- 
ments. A  single  anecdote  may  be  related  to  illustrate  his 
noble  character.  After  a  severe  action,  in  which  Hamilcar 
was  defeated  and  many  of  his  men  slain,  he  sent  to  the  con- 
queror asldng  a  truce,  that  he  might  bury  his  dead.  The 
Roman  consul  haughtily  replied  that  Hamilcar  had  better 
devote  his  attention  to  the  living  than  to  trouble  himself 
about  the  dead.  A  short  time  after,  in  another  conflict, 
Hamilcar  was  victorious,  and  many  Romans  fell.  Hamilcar 
was  now  solicited  for  a  truce,  that  the  Roman  dead  might  be 
buried.  Scorning  the  vulgar  spirit  of  retaliation,  he  replied 
that  most  willingly  he  consented,  since  he  carried  on  war, 
not  against  the  dead,  but  against  the  living  only. 


88  ITALY 

Rome  was  now  convinced  tliat  Sicily  could  be  conquered 

only  by  the  most  energetic  efforts,  and  consequently  the  re- 
sources of  the  state  were  strained  to  the  utmost  in  construct- 
ing a  fleet  of  three  hundred  ships.  With  this  vast  squad- 
ron, admirably  manned,  they  attacked  the  Carthaginian 
fleet,  captured  sixty- three,  sunk  one  hundred  and  twenty, 
and  dispersed  the  rest.  In  this  conflict  fourteen  thousand 
Carthaginians  were  slain,  and  thirty-two  thousand  taken 
prisoners.  This  victory  placed  the  Romans  so  decisively 
in  the  ascendency  that  the  Carthaginians  sued  for  peace. 
Hamilcar  with  anguish  yielded  to  the  humiliating  terms 
which  Rome  exacted.  Sicily  was  surrendered  to  Rome. 
All  the  Roman  prisoners  were  given  up  without  ransom, 
and  an  immense  sum  of  money  was  exacted  from  Carthage 
to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war  which  Rome  had  commenced. 
Thus  terminated  what  is  called  the  first  Punic  war.  The 
losses  on  both  sides,  in  both  blood  and  treasure,  were  enor- 
mous. The  simple  transference  of  the  island  of  Sicily  from 
the  government  of  Carthage  to  that  of  Rome,  cost  Rome 
seven  hundred  ships  of  war,  and  Carthage  five  hundred. 
It  is  estimated  that  in  this  long  struggle  five  hundred  thou- 
sand men  perished  by  sword,  shipwreck,  and  pestilence. 
Carthage  was  humiliated,  not  crushed,  and  the  Carthagin- 
ians burned  with  desire  for  vengeance.  Rome,  elated,  was 
far  from  satisfied  with  this  vast  addition  to  her  domain,  and 
was  only  stimulated  with  still  more  intense  desires  for  con- 
quest. There  was  continually  developed  between  these  two 
great  republics  an  instinctive  hostility,  which  rendered  it 
inevitable  that  conflicts  would  be  incessantly  renewed,  until 
the  one  or  the  other  should  wholly  perish. 


THE   PASSAGE    OF   THE   ALPS   BY   HANNIBAL        89 


CHAPTER   V 

THE    PASSAGE    OF    THE    ALPS   BY    HANNIBAL 

FROM  ^41  B.C.  TO  217  B.C. 

Invasion  of  Spain  by  Carthage — "War  Renewed  between  Rome  and  Carthage 
— New  G-auhsh  Invasion — Anniliilation  of  the  Ganhsh  Army — Conquest 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul — Hannibal  Crosses  the  Rhone — Passage  of  the  Alps 
— Invasion  of  Italy — Battles  on  the  Ticino  and  the  Po — Discomfiture 
of  the  Romans — Hannibal  enters  Tuscany — Great  Battle  of  Thrasy- 
mene — Annihilation  of  the  Roman  Army — Commemorated  by  Byron 

AFTER  the  close  of  tlie  first  Punic  war  there  was  peace 
with  Carthage  for  twenty-two  years.  Rome  was  now 
undisputed  mistress  of  the  Italian  peninsula,  and  of 
the  island  of  Sicily.  The  early  years  of  this  period  of  peace 
were  devoted  to  internal  improvements.  The  island  of  Sar- 
dinia, which  had  for  some  time  been  in  possession  of  Car- 
thage, was  in  a  state  of  revolt  against  that  government. 
The  insurgents  entreated  Rome  to  espouse  their  cause. 
She  did  so,  and,  hunting  up  some  fancied  grievances,  de- 
clared war  against  Carthage.  Hamilcar,  not  yet  prepared 
to  renew  the  strife,  purchased  peace  by  the  surrender  of 
Sardinia  to  Rome. 

Hamilcar  was  at  this  time  gathering  his  forces  for  a  war- 
like expedition  against  Spain.  In  view  of  the  enterprise 
solemn  sacrifices  were  offered  to  propitiate  the  gods.  As 
Hamilcar  was  performing  these  rights  of  superstition,  he 
suddenly  requested  all  the  attendant  ofiicers  to  retire,  and 
calling  his  little  son  Hannibal  to  his  side,  a  boy  then  nine 
years  of  age,  led  him  up  to  the  altar,  and  offered  to  take 
him  to  Spain  if  he  would  give  his  solemn  vow  never,  so 
long  as  he  lived,  to  make  peace  with  the  Romans.  Hanni- 
bal eagerly  placed  his  hand  upon  the  sacrifice  and  took  the 
oath.  Faithfully  he  redeemed  his  pledge.  This  scene  pro- 
duced an  impression  on  the  child's  mind  which  was  never 


90  ITALY 

efiaced,  and  whicli  nerved  him  to  unswerving  purpose  and 
to  energy  of  action  whicli  has  won  the  admiration  of  the 
world. 

The  Eomans  watched  this  embassy  to  Spain  with  much 
uneasiness,  fearful  that  the  success  of  the  Carthaginians 
might  so  strengthen  them  as  to  disturb  their  own  suprem- 
acy. The  remonstrances  of  Eome  were  so  persistent  and 
menacing,  that  at  length  Hanno,  one  of  the  Carthaginian 
ambassadors,  exclaimed  to  the  Koman  senate  impatiently 
and  boldly: 

"If  you  will  not  make  peace  with  us,  then  give  us  back 
Sardinia  and  Sicily;  for  we  yielded  them  to  you,  not  to 
purchase  a  brief  truce,  but  your  lasting  friendship." 

Eather  reluctantly  Eome  consented  to  the  ratification  of 
amity  with  Carthage.  Still  they  kept  their  armies  disci- 
plined by  sending  them  on  military  expeditions  to  Sardinia, 
to  Corsica,  and  to  Cisalpine  Graul.  Many  of  these  semi- 
barbaric  people  were  taken  captive  and  transported  to  Italy, 
where  they  were  sold  as  slaves.  Twelve  years  after  the  end 
of  the  first  Punic  war,  the  Eomans  sent  a  body  of  troops 
across  the  Ionian  gulf  to  Illyria,  as  the  western  coast  of 
Greece  was  then  called.  This  expedition  consisted  of  a 
consular  army  of  twenty-two  thousand  men,  conveyed  by 
a  fleet  of  two  hundred  quinqueremes.  They  landed  almost 
unopposed,  and  sweeping  all  opposition  before  tbem,  rav- 
aged the  country  at  their  pleasure.  The  Illyrians  were 
soon  subjugated  and  their  country  placed  under  the  rule 
of  Demetrius,  a  Greek,  appointed  by  the  Eomans. 

Hamilcar,  the  renowned  general  pf  Carthage,  was  now 
sweeping  Spain  with  his  victorious  armies,  and  had  already 
reached  the  Tagus,  when  he  was  slain  in  battle,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son-in-law  Hasdrubal.  This  distinguished 
man,  alike  skilled  in  the  arts  of  war  and  of  peace,  devoted 
his  energies  to  the  consolidation  of  his  conquests,  and  to 
winning  the  friendship  of  the  Spaniards.  He  was  a  man  of 
commanding  stature,  and  of  very  courteous  bearing,  and 
was  eminently  fitted  to  obtain  an  ascendency  over  barbaric 


THE   PASSAGE    OF    THE    ALPS    BY    HANNIBAL        91 

minds.  In  his  efforts  he  was  signally  successful,  and  many 
of  the  native  Spanish  princes  crowded  around  him  seeking 
his  alliance. 

The  Komans,  with  an  anxious  eye,  watched  the  progress 
of  his  conquests,  and  the  vast  increase  of  his  power;  but  just 
then  Rome  was  threatened  with  a  Gaulish  invasion,  and  the 
senate  deemed  it  not  prudent  to  provoke  the  Carthaginians 
to  unite  with  the  Gauls.  In  the  early  spring  of  the  year  226 
B.C.  the  Transalpine  Gauls  crossed  the  Alps,  and  uniting 
with  their  brethren,  the  Cisalpine  Gauls,  commenced  their 
march  for  the  invasion  of  Italy.  They  advanced  in  such 
strength  that  Eonie  was  thoroughly  aroused,  and  the  most 
vigorous  measures  of  resistance  were  adopted.  A  careful 
list  was  made  of  every  individual  capable  of  bearing  arms 
throughout  the  Roman  states.  Active  armies  and  armies  of 
reserve  were  organized.  Immense  magazines  of  provisions 
and  military  stores  were  collected,  and  the  co-operation  of 
allies  was  secured  to  assail  the  foe  on  the  flanks  and  in  the 
rear.  The  Cenomanians  and  Venetians,  who  occupied  the 
region  now  called  Venice  and  much  of  Lombardy,  presented 
such  a  menacing  attitude  to  the  Gauls,  that  they  were  com- 
pelled to  leave  a  large  portion  of  their  force  to  protect  their 
own  territory.  Still  they  commenced  their  march  with  an 
invading  army  of  fifty  thousand  foot,  and  twenty  thousand 
war  chariots. 

There  were  two  roads  leading  from  Cisalpine  Gaul  to  the 
heart  of  Italy.  Both  of  these  roads  the  Romans  barricaded, 
one  with  an  army  of  Romans  and  allies  amounting  to  about 
sixty  thousand  men,  and  the  other  by  an  army  of  fifty- four 
thousand;  while  Rome  itself  was  protected  by  a  reserve 
force  of  over  fifty  thousand  troops.  The  whole  available 
military  force  of  the  Roman  republic,  should  it  be  found 
necessary  to  resort  to  a  levy  en  masse,  amounted  at  that  time 
to  seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men. 

With  music  and  banners  the  warlike  Gauls,  sanguine  of 
success,  pressed  along  their  march,  and  avoiding  the  two 
roads  which  the  Romans  had  so  carefully  guarded,  treaded 


92  ITALY 

the  defiles  of  the  Apennines,  pouring  througli  those  soli- 
tudes, like  torrents,  into  the  valley  of  the  Arno.  Unop- 
posed, they  pressed  along  the  banks  of  this  sunny  stream, 
and  then,  turning  to  the  right,  entered  the  heart  of  Etruria. 
They  had  thus  skilfully  eluded  two  Roman  armies,  fear- 
lessly leaving  them  in  their  rear. 

As  soon  as  informed  of  this,  both  of  these  armies,  in 
great  alarm,  commenced  pursuit  of  the  foe,  who  were  rush- 
ing upon  Rome.  One  of  these  armies,  consisting  of  fifty 
thousand  men,  under  a  Roman  pretor,  soon  overtook  the 
invaders.  The  Gauls  turned  upon  them  like  wolves  at 
bay,  and,  in  a  short  conflict,  routed  them  entirely.  For  a 
few  hours  they  delayed  pursuit,  to  plunder  the  Roman 
camp,  and  then,  encumbered  with  booty,  commenced  chas- 
ing the  fugitives.  After  the  march  of  a  few  leagues  they 
found  that  the  routed  troops  had  rallied  behind  the  solid 
columns  of  the  other  Roman  army,  now  consisting  of  sixty- 
seven  thousand  men,  under  the  command  of  the  consul, 
L.  Emilius. 

The  Gauls,  enriched  with  immense  plunder,  thought  it 
not  expedient  to  hazard  another  battle,  but  determined  to 
carry  their  prisoners  and  their  booty  to  their  own  country; 
and  then,  having  increased  and  recruited  their  battalions,  to 
commence  their  march  anew.  As  the  Roman  armies  were 
between  them  and  the  Apennines,  cutting  off  their  retreat 
through  the  defiles  of  the  mountains,  they  turned  short  to 
the  left,  and  followed  down  the  banks  of  a  little  stream 
called  the  Ombrone,  to  the  shores  of  the  sea.  They  then 
vigorously  commenced  their  march  homeward,  over  appar- 
ently an  unobstructed  path.  But  soon  a  new  foe  rose  like 
an  apparition  before  them — a  foe  as  much  astonished  to  see 
the  Gauls  as  the  Gauls  were  to  see  them. 

One  of  the  consuls,  C.  Regulus,  had  been  on  an  expedi- 
tion, with  a  large  army,  to  Sardinia.  He  was  now,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  state  of  affairs  at  home,  returning  with  his 
army.  He  had  landed  his  troops  at  Pisa,  to  be  ready  to  co- 
operate with  the  Roman  forces  in  that  region  if  necessary; 


THE   PASSAGE   OF   THE   ALPS    BY   HANNIBAL        93 

but  his  services  not  being  required,  he  was  marching  as  rap- 
idly as  possible  along  the  shore  of  the  sea  toward  Bome. 
Thus  unexpectedly  the  Gauls  and  the  Romans  came  upon 
each  other  like  two  railroad  trains  in  accidental  collision. 

There  was  nothing  to  do,  of  course,  but  to  fight,  retreat 
being  out  of  the  question  for  either  of  the  parties.  The  bat- 
tle had  hardly  begun  when  the  Gauls  were  appalled  by  the 
clangor  of  Roman  trumpets  and  the  waving  of  Roman  ban- 
ners in  their  rear.  It  was  the  army  of  the  enemy  in  eager 
pursuit.  They  were  now  between  two  armies.  The  mas- 
sacre was  soon  finished,  and  the  whole  Gaulish  host  passed 
away  in  a  wail  of  death.  One  of  the  Roman  consuls,  C. 
Regulus,  was  slain.  But  the  other,  L.  Emilius,  led  his  tri- 
umphant troops  across  the  frontier  into  Gaul,  and,  with  the 
savage  license  of  war,  killed,  plundered,  and  destroyed  in 
all  directions.  He  then  returned  to  Rome,  where  a  magnifi- 
cent triumph  awaited  him.  The  temple  of  the  Capitoline 
Jupiter  was  most  richly  ornamented  with  the  treasures  won 
in  this  campaign. 

The  Romans  now  determined  upon  the  entire  subjugation 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul;  and  for  three  years  all  their  energies  were 
devoted  to  the  attainment  of  this  end.  Barbarians  are  not 
easily  subdued,  as  we  have  often  learned  to  our  cost  in  our 
conflicts  with  the  American  Indians.  But  tribe  after  tribe 
was  subjugated,  and  province  after  province  was  annexed. 
During  all  these  wars  and  accessions  the  conflict  was  still 
continued  between  the  patricians  and  plebeians.  The  aris- 
tocracy were  ever  urging  measures  to  add  to  the  dignity  and 
the  exclusiveness  of  the  proprietors  of  the  soil;  while  the 
people  were  watching  with  an  eagle  eye  to  curb  the  power 
of  the  nobles.  At  this  time  the  celebrated  military  road, 
called  the  Flaminian  Way,  was  constructed  from  Rome 
through  the  defiles  of  the  Apennines,  to  the  shores  of  the 
Adriatic.  Flaminius,  the  censor,  who  constructed  this  road, 
administered  the  government  with  an  impartial  hand,  oppos- 
ing alike  the  assumptions  of  the  aristocracy  and  the  exactions 
of  the  populace. 


94  ITALY 

The  Carthaginians  were  still  pressing  the  war  in  Spain, 
when  Hasdrubal  was  assassinated  in  his  tent;  and  the  voice 
of  the  army,  echoed  back  by  the  equally  unanimous  voice 
of  Carthage,  called  Hannibal  to  the  supreme  power.  AVith 
great  energy  the  young  general  took  the  command,  and  in 
two  campaigns  made  such  rapid  strides,  that  the  Spaniards, 
in  their  alarm,  sent  to  Eome  for  help.  The  Komans  very 
gladly  listened  to  their  call,  and  sent  an  ambassador  to  Car- 
thage, forbidding  the  Carthaginians  to  advance  any  further 
in  the  conquest  of  Spain. 

"Twice  in  history,"  says  Thomas  Arnold,  "has  there 
been  witnessed  the  struggle  of  the  highest  individual  genius 
against  the  resources  and  institutions  of  a  great  nation,  and 
in  both  cases  the  nation  has  been  victorious.  For  seventeen 
years  Hannibal  strove  against  Rome;  for  sixteen  years  Na- 
poleon Bonaparte  strove  against  England.  The  efforts  of 
the  first  ended  in  Zama;  those  of  the  second  in  Waterloo." 

Hannibal  now  rises  upon  the  theatre  of  action  as  the 
great  genius  of  the  times;  and  for  some  years  all  the  prom- 
inent interests  of  the  world  seem  to  revolve  about  his 
person.  Hannibal  was  but  twenty-six  years  of  age  when, 
upon  the  death  of  Hasdrubal,  he  took  command  of  the 
Carthaginian  army  in  Spain.  On  the  eastern  coast  of  the 
Spanish  peninsula,  near  the  Mediterranean  shore,  stood 
the  important  city  of  Saguntum.  The  unimportant  town  of 
Murviedro,  about  sixty  miles  north  from  Valencia,  now 
occupies  the  spot  upon  which  Saguntum  once  stood. 
Hannibal,  defiant  of  the  frowns  of  Rome,  laid  siege  to  this 
city,  and,  after  a  conflict  eight  months  in  continuance,  took 
it  by  storm.  A  large  number  of  prisoners  and  an  immense 
amount  of  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conqueror. 

As  soon  as  Rome  heard  of  the  fall  of  Saguntum,  two  am- 
bassadors were  despatched  to  Carthage  with  a  message  of 
indignation,  and  to  demand  that  Hannibal  and  all  his  gen- 
erals should  be  given  up  to  Rome,  declaring  that  the  attack 
upon  Saguntum  was  a  breach  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  The 
Carthaginians  denied  that  the  attack  upon  Saguntum  was 


THE   PASSAGE   OF   THE    ALPS   BY   HANNIBAL        95 

a  violation  of  the  treaty  with  Rome.  But  the  Roman 
ambassadors,  eager  for  war,  were  not  in  a  mood  to  listen 
to  reason.  One  of  them,  M.  Fabius,  rolling  up  his  toga, 
held  it  out  and  insultingly  said; 

"Behold,  here  are  peace  and  war;  take  which  you 
please." 

The  Carthaginian  Judge,  unintimidated,  replied,  "Give 
whichever  thou  wilt." 

"Here,  then,"  said  Fabius,  shaking  out  the  folds  of  his 
toga,  "we  give  you  war."  The  Carthaginian  counsellors, 
roused  by  this  defiance,  shouted  with  one  voice,  "With  all 
our  hearts  we  welcome  it." 

The  Roman  ambassadors  immediately  left  Carthage,  and 
both  parties  prepared  for  war. 

The  energy  of  Hannibal  was  such,  and  the  wisdom  of  his 
measures  was  so  manifest,  that,  by  general  assent,  rather 
than  by  any  vote,  the  whole  management  of  affairs  was  left 
in  his  hands.  A  large  part  of  Spain  had  been  conquered 
by  the  Carthaginians  and  Hannibal  sent  Spanish  troops  to 
garrison  the  fortresses  of  Carthage,  and  all  the  Carthaginian 
troops  which  could  be  raised  were  despatched  across  the  sea 
to  Spain.  Ambassadors  were  sent  to  Gaul  to  explore  the 
passes  of  the  Alps,  and  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  that 
warlike  people  in  Hannibal's  contemplated  descent  upon 
the  plains  of  Italy. 

With  wonderful  energy  and  promptness  all  these  meas- 
ures were  prosecuted.  The  envoys  to  Gaul  soon  returned 
with  the  report  that  the  Gauls  were  eager  to  unite  with. 
Carthage  against  Rome,  and  that  though  the  natural  diffi- 
culties of  the  passage  of  the  Alps  were  great,  they  were 
by  no  means  insuperable.  Hannibal  assembled  his  troops 
and  thus  addressed  them: 

"The  Romans  have  demanded  that  I  and  my  principal 
officers  should  be  delivered  up  to  them  as  malefactors. 
Soldiers,  will  you  suffer  such  an  indignity  ?  The  Gauls 
are  holding  out  their  arms  to  us,  inviting  us  to  come  to 
them,  and  to  assist  them  in  avenging  their  manifold  injuries. 


96  ITALY 

The  country  which  we  shall  invade,  so  rich  in  corn,  and 
wine,  and  oil,  so  full  of  flocks  and  herds,  so  covered  with 
flourishing  cities,  will  be  the  richest  prize  that  could  be 
offered  by  the  gods  to  reward  your  valor. ' ' 

This  speech  was  greeted  by  the  huzzas  of  the  soldiers, 
and  with  shouts  of  enthusiasm  they  heard  the  day  desig- 
nated when  they  were  to  commence  their  march.  For  eigh- 
teen years  Hannibal  had  been  longing  for  this  event.  The 
memory  of  the  oath  he  had  taken  to  his  father  to  wage 
eternal  warfare  against  Rome  ever  inspired  him.  Like  all 
truly  great  men,  Hannibal  had  high  conceptions  of  a  Su- 
preme Being  who  controlled  human  events;  and  his  first 
impulse  was  to  seek  that  divine  aid  in  his  great  enterprise. 
Accompanied  by  his  staff,  he  went  to  one  of  the  temples  of 
the  supreme  God,  offered  sacrifices  and  fervently  implored 
the  assistance  of  Heaven. 

It  was  now  late  in  May,  and  Hannibal,  leaving  his 
younger  brother  Hasdrubal  in  command  of  the  conquered 
provinces  in  Spain,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  army 
of  one  hundred  thousand  men,  with  thirty-seven  elephants, 
and  commenced  his  march  along  the  shores  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, toward  the  Pyrenees.  Hannibal  was  now  twenty- 
seven  years  of  age,  and  he  consecrated  himself  to  the  enter- 
prise before  him  with  an  entireness  of  devotion  and  a  reck- 
lessness of  self-sacrifice  which  the  world  has,  perhaps,  never 
seen  surpassed,  and  has  rarely  seen  equalled. 

It  was  now  the  218th  year  before  the  birth  of  Christ. 
Cornelius  Scipio  and  Sempronius  Longus  were  Roman  con- 
suls. Scipio  took  a  large  army  and  sailed  with  a  fleet  of 
transports  and  fifty  quinquerenies  for  the  Rlione,  that  he 
might  make  a  stand  upon  the  eastern  bank  of  that  broad, 
deep,  rapid  stream,  and  prevent  the  passage  of  the  Cartha- 
ginian army.  Longus,  with  a  still  larger  fleet,  convoyed  by 
one  hundred  and  sixty  quinqueremes,  sailed  for  Sicily,  in- 
tending thence  to  pass  over  into  Africa,  and  carry  the  war 
to  the  walls  of  Carthage.  A  third  Roman  army  was  also 
raised  and  stationed  in  Cisalpine  Graul,  to  be  ready  for  any 


THE   PASSAGE    OF '  THE   ALPS   BY   HANNIBAL        97 

emergencies.  This  army  was  placed  under  the  command  of 
the  pretor  Lucius  Manlius  Vulso. 

Hannibal  crossed  the  Ebro,  then  called  the  Iberus,  un- 
opposed. This  stream  had  been  considered  the  boundary 
between  the  Carthaginian  and  Roman  conquests.  As  some 
of  the  tribes  between  the  Ebro  and  the  Pyrenees,  a  distance 
of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  remained  friendly  to 
the  Romans,  Hannibal  thought  it  prudent  to  take  military 
possession  of  the  whole  region,  that  his  line  of  communica- 
tion might  not  be  interrupted.  This  caused  delay,  several 
battles,  and  a  heavy  loss  of  men. 

When  he  arrived  at  the  Pyrenees  and  entered  those 
gloomy  defiles,  to  march  through  them  apparently  to  the 
ends  of  the  earth,  many  of  the  soldiers  were  alarmed  and 
began  to  murmur.  One  division  of  the  army,  consisting 
of  ten  thousand  men,  refused  to  advance.  Hannibal,  with 
the  tact  of  a  consummate  general,  assembled  them  in  the 
presence  of  his  whole  army  and  saying  that  he  wished  for 
no  cowards  to  accompany  him  on  his  expedition,  dismissed 
them  ignominiously,  and  sent  them  back  to  their  homes. 
This  act  redoubled  the  ardor  of  those  who  remained. 

The  Carthaginian  army,  now  amounting  to  but  fifty  thou- 
sand foot  and  nine  thousand  horse,  successfully  threaded  the 
defiles  of  the  Pyrenees,  and  emerged  upon  the  plains  of 
southern  France,  then  called  Gaul.  Marching  along  the 
shores  of  the  gulf  of  Lyons  for  two  hundred  miles,  and  en- 
countering no  opposition  from  the  tribes  through  whom  he 
passed,  Hannibal  reached  the  Rhone,  near  the  present  small 
village  of  Roquemoure,  about  twenty  miles  above  the  city 
of  Avignon.  The  river  was  here  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
in  width,  gliding  through  one  of  the  most  beautiful,  pic- 
turesque, and  delightful  regions  on  the  globe.  There  were 
no  bridges,  and  the  banks  of  the  barbaric  stream  were  cov- 
ered with  forests.  The  spears  and  banners  of  a  hostile  host 
were  seen  upon  the  eastern  shore,  giving  indubitable  evi- 
dence that  the  passage  of  the  stream  was  not  to  be  accom- 
plished without  a  conflict.     Scipio  had  just  landed  his  force 

Italy— 6 


98  ITALY 

at  the  mouth  of  the  eastern  branch  of  the  river,  and  having 
no  idea  that  Hannibal  could  have  advanced  so  far,  had 
leisurely  encamped,  and  was  recruiting  his  troops  sixty 
miles  below  the  spot  where  the  Carthaginians  were  prepar- 
ing to  cross  the  stream.  He,  however,  sent  out  a  recon- 
noitring party  of  three  hundred  horsemen  to  ascend  the 
river,  to  learn  what  they  could  respecting  the  movements 
of  the  enemy. 

Hannibal  immediately  seized  or  purchased  every  boat 
which  could  be  found  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Rhone, 
and  employed  all  the  mechanical  force  of  his  army  in  cut- 
ting down  timber,  digging  out  canoes,  and  constructing 
rafts.  The  foe,  upon  the  opposite  bank,  with  no  weapons 
but  arrows  and  javelins,  could  not  obstruct  his  works.  In 
two  days  he  was  prepared  to  attempt  the  passage.  By  night 
he  secretly  despatched  a  small  but  very  efficient  force  up 
the  river  twenty  miles,  there  to  cross,  and  then  to  march 
noiselessly  down  through  the  forest  on  the  opposite  shore, 
and  take  a  position,  to  be  ready  to  attack  tlie  foe  in  the 
rear.  As  soon  as  they  were  in  position  they  were  to  build 
a  fire,  the  smoke  of  which  would  be  a  signal  to  Hannibal. 

The  movement  proved  an  entire  success,  and  soon  a  col- 
umn of  smoke,  rising  through  the  distant  forest,  informed 
Hannibal  of  the  arrival  of  his  detachment;  and  all  things 
being  in  readiness,  the  army  was  instantly  put  in  motion. 
The  Gauls,  eagerly  watching,  lined  the  banks,  quite  confi- 
dent of  being  able  to  repel  their  assailants.  As  the  boats 
and  rafts  neared  the  eastern  shore,  and  the  tempest  of  war 
was  at  its  height,  the  air  being  filled  with  arrows  and  jave- 
lins, and  the  cry  of  battle  resounding  along  the  river  banks, 
the  Carthaginian  soldiers,  with  hideous  yells,  rushed  from 
their  ambush,  and  assailed  the  Gauls  in  the  rear.  For  a  few 
moments  there  was  a  scene  of  awful  confusion,  and  then  the 
Gauls,  bewildered  and  in  dismay,  broke  and  fled.  The  rout 
was  entire,  and  before  the  next  morning  the  whole  army  of 
Hannibal,  elephants  and  all,  were  encamped  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Rhone.     Just  at  this  time  a  delegation  of  the 


THE    PASSAGE    OF    THE    ALPS    BY   HANNIBAL        99 

Cisalpine  Gauls,  tliat  is  the  Gauls  from  tlie  Roman  side 
of  the  Alps,  arrived  in  the  Carthaginian  camp,  to  welcome 
their  allies,  and  to  proffer  aid. 

The  arrival  of  this  embassage  encouraged  the  soldiers 
exceedingly,  as  it  proved  that  the  passage  of  the  Alps  was 
practicable,  and  that  they  would  meet  friends  upon  the 
Italian  side.  Hannibal  gathered  his  army  around  him,  and 
after  addressing  them  in  cheering  words,  to  which  his  troops 
responded  with  most  enthusiastic  cheers,  he  offered  sacrifices 
to  God,  returning  thanks  for  the  prosperity  which  had  thus 
far  been  vouchsafed  him,  and  imploring  the  continuance 
of  divine  favor. 

In  the  meantime  Scipio's  scouts  had  fallen  in  with  a  small 
party  of  the  Carthaginians, and  a  skirmish,  sanguinary  though 
indecisive,  had  ensued.  Hannibal,  paying  no  attention  to 
the  foe  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  immediately  put  his  army 
in  vigorous  motion,  advancing  north  up  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Rhone.  Scipio,  also,  learning  from  his  reconnoitring 
party  the  position  of  the  Carthaginians,  commenced  a  pur- 
suit, following  up  also  the  left  side  of  the  river.  When  he 
arrived  at  the  spot  where  the  Carthaginians  had  crossed, 
he  found  it  deserted,  Hannibal  having  been  already  gone 
three  days.  It  was  in  vain  to  follow  a  foe  so  alert.  Scipio, 
therefore,  decided  to  return  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  Italy; 
his  route,  by  water,  being  the  chord  of  a  circle,  of  which 
Hannibal  was  necessitated  to  traverse  by  land  in  long  cir- 
cuit, the  arc.  He  accordingly  retraced  his  steps  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Rhone,  and,  re- embarking,  sailed  for  Pisa,  having  sent 
a  part  of  his  force  to  attack  Hasdrubal  in  Spain.  He  in- 
tended to  meet  Hannibal,  when,  exhausted  with  a  long  march, 
he  should  be  descending  the  eastern  declivities  of  the  Alps. 

The  Carthaginians  pressed  rapidly  forward,  and  in  four 
days  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Isere,  as  it  empties  itself  into 
the  Rhone,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  above  the 
mouth  of  the  latter  river.  The  Isere,  a  majestic  stream,  fed 
by  the  inexhaustible  glaciers  of  the  Alps,  enters  the  Rhone 
with  a  flood  almost  equal  to  that  of  the  stream  with  which 


100  ITALY 

its  waters  mingle,  and  in  which  they  lose  their  name.  Fol- 
lowing up  the  valley  of  the  Isere,  the  Carthaginians  marched 
northeast,  directly  toward  the  mountains.  At  this  point  the 
wild  Gaulish  tribes  of  what  was  called  the  Transalpine 
region,  began  to  manifest  hostility.  They  fortified  the 
passes,  and  laid  ambuscades;  but  Hannibal,  with  great 
energy  and  sagacity,  baffled  all  their  plans,  and  won  his 
way  through  incessant  battles.  Among  the  gloomy  defiles 
there  were  many  awful  scenes  of  confusion  and  carnage, 
the  barbarians  hurling  rocks  and  stones  from  the  cliffs,  and 
fighting  with  the  utmost  desperation;  but  Carthaginian  dis- 
cipline and  courage  were  invariably  victorious. 

In  a  march  of  nine  days  Hannibal  led  his  army,  from  the 
plains  of  Dauphine  through  the  ascending  defiles,  to  the 
summit  of  the  central  ridge  of  the  Alps.  It  was  near 
the  end  of  October.  The  gorge  through  which  he  was  pass- 
ing, elevated  many  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
river,  presented  but  one  wide  waste  of  barrenness  and  ice, 
while  mountain  peaks  towered  above  them,  glittering  in 
eternal  snow,  or  black  in  their  rocky  precipices  and  crags, 
swept  by  the  storms  of  uncounted  centuries.  Exhausted  by 
the  toil  of  the  ascent,  the  soldiers  rested  for  two  days  in 
these  wilds,  until  the  stragglers  could  gain  the  encampment. 
A  general  feeling  of  weariness  and  discouragement  pervaded 
the  army.  Hannibal  alone  was  firm.  Assembling  his  sol- 
diers, he  pointed  them  to  a  distant  descending  valley,  and 
said:  "That  valley  is  Italy.  Jt  leads  us  to  the  country  of 
our  friends,  the  Gauls,  and  is  our  direct  route  to  Eome. " 

After  two  days'  rest  the  army  commenced  the  descent  of 
the  mountains  on  the  Italian  side.  To  their  surprise  they 
found  the  perils  and  difficulties  of  the  descent  greater  than 
those  of  the  ascent.  The  gorges  were  blocked  up  with  snow. 
Fearful  chasms  were  bridged  over  .with  the  treacherous 
coverings  of  ice,  and  men  and  horses  fell  into  fathomless 
gulfs.  Avalanches  had  in  places  so  swept  the  path  that 
all  the  skill  of  the  Carthaginian  engineers  was  requisite  to 
render  it  possible  for  the  army  to  advance.     The  elephants 


THE   PASSAGE    OF   THE   ALPS    BY   HANNIBAL      101 

suffered  terribly  from  cold  and  hunger,  and  from  the  rugged 
travel  so  foreign  to  their  natures.  Nearly  all  of  these  ani- 
mals perished  by  the  way.  It  was  by  the  pass  now  called 
the  Little  Saint  Bernard  that  Hannibal  surmounted  the 
Alps,  and  descended  into  the  valley  of  the  Aosta.  Fifteen 
days  were  consumed  in  the  passage  of  the  mountains,  and 
five  months  had  now  elapsed  since  he  commenced  his  march 
from  Spain.  By  sickness,  casualties,  and  battle,  his  army 
had  now  dwindled  to  twenty  thousand  foot  and  six  thousand 
horse:  thirty- three  thousand  men  had  perished  on  this  march. 

But  the  Carthaginians  had  now  entered  into  fertile  val- 
leys where  flowers  regaled  the  eye  and  fruits  were  abundant, 
and  where  they  were  received  by  the  Cisalpme  Gauls  with 
hospitality  as  friends  and  allies.  In  the  meantime  Scipio 
had  landed  at  Pisa,  and  crossing  the  Po  at  Placentia,  had 
taken  command  of  the  pretor's  army  on  the  Ticino,  near 
Pavia,  and  was  marching  forward  to  meet  Hannibal,  by 
slowly  ascending  the  left  bank  of  the  Po.  It  was  well 
known  by  both  parties  that  the  barbarian  Gauls  would 
join  whichever  army  was  victorious;  for  love  of  the  spoils  is 
by  no  means  a  modern  invention.  Hannibal  had  followed 
down  the  valley  of  the  Aosta  and  the  Dora  Baltea  to  the 
Po,  and  was  descending  that  stream  also  by  the  left  bank. 
A  collision  was,  of  course,  inevitable,  and  both  parties  were 
pushing  forv/ard  light  troops  for  reconnoitring. 

The  two  armies  soon  met  in  fierce  battle.  The  Komans 
were  routed,  the  consul,  Scipio,  severely  wounded,  and  the 
army  was  saved  from  destruction  only  by  a  precipitate  re- 
treat. In  their  flight  they  crossed  the  Ticino,  and  so  great 
was  their  hurry  and  confusion  that  they  broke  down  the 
bridge,  to  arrest  pursuit,  leaving  six  hundred  men  thus  cut 
off,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  discomfited 
Romans  did  not  stop  in  their  flight  until  they  found  refuge 
behind  the  walls  of  Placentia. 

Hannibal  now  crossed  the  Po  in  boats,  and  descended 
unopposed  the  right  bank  of  the  stream.  Two  days'  march 
brought  him  again  in  sight  of  the  enemy  at  Placentia.     As 


102  ITALY 

they  declined  his  offer  of  battle,  he  took  an  important  posi- 
tion and  intrenched  himself  east  of  Placentia,  cutting  off 
the  line  of  retreat  and  communications  with  Kome.  Scipio, 
finding  his  road  to  Rome  thus  blocked  up,  abandoned  Pla- 
centia, and  marching  directly  westward,  crossed  the  Trebbia, 
and  strongly  intrenching  himself,  soon  gathered  re-enforce- 
ments, so  that  his  army  amounted  to  forty  thousand  men. 
Hannibal  also  obtained  recruits  from  the  Gauls,  and  with  a 
force  equal  to  that  of  the  Romans,  goaded  them  to  battle. 
The  emergency  had  recalled  the  consul  Sempronius,  who 
took  command  of  the  army,  as  his  colleague  Scipio  was  still 
suffering  from  his  wounds. 

It  was  now  midwinter.  The  Trebbia,  which  in  summer 
is  but  a  shallow  and  insignificant  stream,  was  swollen  by 
rain  and  melting  snows.  The  Romans  were  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Trebbia,  the  Carthaginians  on  the  right.  The  morn- 
ing dawned  lowering  with  clouds,  and  wind  and  snow  min- 
gled with  rain  swept  the  valley,  when  Sempronius,  lured  by 
a  stratagem  of  Hannibal,  led  his  troops  across  a  ford  of  the 
river  where  the  water  was  breast  high,  and  made  a  fierce 
attack  upon  the  lines  of  the  Carthaginians.  He  was  so  de- 
sirous of  taking  Hannibal  by  surprise  that  he  led  his  soldiers 
to  the  assault  in  the  early  morning  before  they  had  taken 
any  breakfast.  Hungry  and  chilled  by  fording  the  icy  river, 
they  were  but  poorly  prepared  to  meet  the  soldiers  of  Han- 
nibal, who,  anticipating  the  attack,  which  they  by  stratagem 
had  enticed,  had  eaten  their  breakfasts  in  their  tents,  and 
had  oiled  their  bodies  and  put  on  their  armor  quietly  around 
their  campfires. 

The  battle  was  long  and  bloody;  but  again  Hannibal 
was  victorious,  and  as  the  sun  went  down  the  Roman  army 
was  almost  annihilated.  A  few  had  cut  their  way  through 
the  lines  of  the  Carthaginians  and  had  taken  refuge  in  Pla- 
centia. A  few  others,  exhausted  and  bleeding,  plunged  into 
the  waves  of  the  Trebbia,  and  escaped  to  tlie  opposite  shore, 
where  the  Carthaginians  did  not  pursue  them.  This  battle 
left  Hannibal  master  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  thus  terminated 


THE   PASSAGE    OF    THE    ALPS    BY    HANNIBAL      103 

his  first  campaign  m  Italy.  Tiie  winds  of  winter  now  swept 
so  fiercely  over  the  ridges  of  the  mountains  that  it  was  im- 
possible any  longer  to  keep  the  field,  and  Hannibal  accord- 
ingly went  into  winter  quarters. 

The  alarm  at  Kome  was  great,  and  the  remainder  of  the 
winter  was  spent  by  both  parties  in  vigorous  preparation  for 
the  opening  of  the  campaign  in  the  spring.  At  the  earliest 
practicable  moment  Hannibal  was  again  upon  the  march. 
Crossing  the  Apennines  by  the  valley  of  the  Serchio,  with 
apparent  recklessness  he  left  a  powerful  Roman  army  behind 
him  at  Arretiura,  and  entered  the  plains  of  Italy.  Two  new 
consuls  had  now  been  elected,  Flaminius  and  Geminus.  The 
former  had  been  placed  in  command  of  the  army  raised  to 
arrest  the  march  of  Hannibal,  while  Geminus  remained  in 
the  vicinity  of  Rome  to  enlist  and  forward  new  levies. 

Flaminius,  while  quietly  encamped  at  Arretium,  learned 
to  his  astonishment  that  Hannibal  had  crossed  the  Apen- 
nines, and  was  marching  triumphantly  through  Tuscany, 
then  called  Etruria.  He  immediately  broke  up  his  camp 
and  pursued  the  foe,  sending  in  the  meantime  a  messenger 
to  inform  his  colleague  of  the  movements  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians. Hannibal  cruelly  devastated  the  country  on  his 
march,  while  carefully  watching  his  pursuers  and  looking 
for  a  favorable  opportunity  to  lead  them  into  an  ambuscade. 

On  the  northeast  corner  of  Lake  Perugia,  then  called 
Lake  Thrasymene,  near  the  present  village  of  Passignano, 
there  is  a  valley,  entered  from  the  north  by  a  narrow  defile, 
enclosed  on  all  the  remaining  sides  by  the  waters  of  the  lake 
and  by  steep  hills.  Hannibal  entered  this  defile  and  posted 
his  troops  in  ambuscade  among  the  rocks  and  shrubs  on  the 
slopes  of  the  hills  which  bounded  the  valley.  The  Romans 
incautiously,  in  eager  pursuit,  entered  the  trap  just  as  the 
sun  was  going  down.  Hannibal  had  so  thoroughly  studied 
the  ground  that  even  in  the  darkness  he  could  move  his 
troops,  and  when  the  morning  dawned  Flaminius  found 
himself  surrounded  by  foes,  who  were  posted  in  the  most 
advantageous  positions,  and  his  retreat  was  entirely  cut  off. 


104  ITALV 

The  battle  was  immediately  commenced  with  tremendous 
fury.  A  thick  fog  rose  from  the  lake,  which  concealed  from 
the  Eomans  their  foes.  Hopeless  of  victory,  they  fought 
with  the  energies  of  despair,  resolved  to  sell  their  lives  as 
dearly  as  possible.  But  they  were  overwhelmed.  A  storm 
of  arrows  and  javelins  descended  upon  them  as  from  the 
clouds.  Ponderous  stones  and  rocks  crushed  whole  com- 
panies with  the  resistless  power  of  the  avalanche.  When 
the  Eomans  were  thus  thrown  into  utter  confusion,  the  ter- 
rible cavalry  of  Hannibal  emerged  from  the  mist,  while  at 
the  same  moment  the  heavily  armed  Grauls  came  rushing 
down  the  hills,  and  in  co-operation  they  fell  upon  the  be- 
wildered, broken  battalions,  and  hewed  them  down  with 
enormous  slaughter. 

For  a  long  time  no  quarter  was  granted.  The  whole 
Eoman  army,  with  the  exception  of  about  six  thousand 
fugitives,  was  either  taken  captive  or  destroyed.  Flaminius 
himself  fell,  thrust  through  by  the  lance  of  a  Gaul.  The 
awful  deed  of  carnage  was  accomplished  'before  the  sun 
reached  the  meridian.  It  is  related  by  Livy  that  the  fury 
of  the  contest  was  such  that,  in  the  heat  of  the  fight,  a  vio- 
lent earthquake  occurred,  shaking  the  hills,  rolling  huge 
billows  from  the  lake  upon  the  shore,  and  destroying  many 
cities;  and  yet  this  terrible  phenomenon,  shaking  the  earth, 
and  whelming  cities  in  the  wave,  was  entirely  unheeded  by 
the  combatants  in  the  frenzy  of  the  battle. 

Such  was  the  sanguinary  and  decisive  battle  of  Thrasy- 
mene,  which  made  Hannibal  master  of  central  Italy.  Lord 
Byron,  in  "Childe  Harold,"  thus  alludes  to  this  event: 

"And  such  the  storm  of  battle  on  this  day,  " 

And  such  the  frenzy  whose  convulsion  blinds 
To  all  save  carnage,  that,  beneath  the  fray, 
An  earthquake  reel'd  unheedingly  away! 
None  felt  stern  nature  rocking  at  his  feet, 
And  yawning  forth  a  grave  for  those  who  lay 
Upon  their  bucklers  for  a  winding  sheet ; 
'         Such  is  the  absorbing  hate  when  warring  nations  meet." 


THE   ITALIAN   CAMPAIGNS    OF   HANNIBAL  105 


CHAPTEE   VI 

THE   ITALIAN   CAMPAIGNS   OF   HANNIBAL 

FROM  217  B.C.  TO  208  B.C. 

Devastating  March  of  Hannibal — Composition  of  his  Army — Terror  in 
Rome — Winter  Quarters  in  Apuha — Dissensions  in  the  Roman  Army — 
The  Battle  of  Cannae — Annihilation  of  the  Roman  Army — Increasing 
Peril  of  Hannibal — Retreating  from  Tifata — Marcli  upon  Rome — Siege 
of  Capua — Slavery  of  Captives — The  March  of  Hasdrubal — Passage  of 
the  Alps — New  Victories  of  Hannibal — Death  of  Hasdrubal  and  De- 
struction of  his  Array — The  Head  of  Hasdrubal — Exultation  in  Rome — 
Despair  of  Hannibal 

HANNIBAL  tarried  for  a  short  time  in  the  defile  of 
Thrasymene  to  bury  his  dead,  aud  to  take  care 
of  his  wounded.  He  sought  earnestly  among  the 
slain  for  the  body  of  the  Roman  consul  Flaminius,  wishing 
to  give  it  honorable  burial;  but  the  body  could  not  be 
found.  Again  resuming  his  march,  he  crossed  the  head 
waters  of  the  Tiber,  and  entered  the  plains  of  Urnbria. 
Scattering  his  forces  over  this  rich  country  he  devastated 
it  without  mercy.  The  war-cry  of  the  Gaulish  barbarians, 
in  alliance  with  the  Carthaginians,  echoed  along  the  banks 
of  the  Tiber,  and  the  terrified  people,  abandoning  their 
homes,  fled  to  the  mountains.  The  army  of  Hannibal  pre- 
sented a  singular  conglomeration  of  diverse  people.  There 
were  slingers  from  the  Balearian  Islands,  Spanish  foot- 
soldiers  from  the  mountains  of  Grenada,  with  their  pictur- 
esque attire  of  white  jackets  and  scarlet  edgings,  African 
infantry  with  their  long  and  slender  lances  and  polished 
shields,  wild  Numidians,  on  their  scraggy  horses,  without 
saddles  or  bridles,  scouring  the  plains  with  whoop  and 
halloo;  and  there  were  Gauls,  barbaric  and  skin-clad,  fierce 
as  the  wolves  which  howled  in  the  caves  of  their  forests. 
Advancing  to  Spoleto,  Hannibal  found  the  walls  so  high. 


106  ITALY 

and  so  well  guarded  that  he  could  not  take  the  city  by 
assault.  Not  wishing  to  lose  time  in  a  siege,  he  crossed  the 
Apennines  to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic  and  followed  along 
the  coast,  plundering  the  region  of  property  of  every  de- 
scription, and  loading  his  army  with  more  booty  than  they 
could  bear  along  with  them.  The  soldiers  revelled  in  such 
abundance  of  all  good  things,  that  it  was  reported  that  they 
even  bathed  their  horses  in  old  wine.  Every  Eoman  they 
met,  capable  of  bearing  arms,  was  by  the  order  of  Hannibal 
put  to  death. 

When  the  intelligence  of  the  battle  of  Thrasymene,  and 
of  the  advance  of  the  Carthaginians  reached  Eome,  the  dis- 
may was  inexpressible.  "Our  colder  temperaments,"  says 
Thomas  Arnold,  "scarcely  enable  us  to  conceive  the  effect 
of  such  tidings  on  the  lively  feelings  of  the  people  of  the 
south,  or  to  imagine  to  ourselves  the  cries,  the  tears, 
the  hands  uplifted  in  prayer  or  clenched  in  rage,  the  con- 
fused sounds  of  ten  thousand  voices,  giving  utterance,  with 
breathless  rapidity,  to  their  feelings  of  eager  interest,  of 
terror,  of  grief,  or  of  fury.  All  the  northern  gates  of  the 
city  were  beset  with  crowds  of  wives  and  mothers,  implor- 
ing every  fresh  fugitive  from  the  fatal  field  for  some  tidings 
of  those  most  dear  to  them. ' ' 

The  senate  was  immediately  called  together  and  contin- 
ued in  session  day  and  night  for  several  days.  No  one 
thought  of  peace.  A  dictator,  Q.  Fabius,  was  promptly 
appointed.  He  was  a  member  of  one  of  the  old  aristocratic 
families,  and  a  very  devout  man,  according  to  the  Koman 
system  of  religion.  One  of  his  first  measures  was  to  decree 
that  every  animal,  fit  for  sacrifice,  born  between  the  first  of 
March  and  the  thirteenth  of  April  of  that  year,  should  be 
offered  upon  the  altars  to  Jupiter.  Prayers  resounded  in 
all  the  temples,  and  new  temples  were  reared.  The  whole 
population  of  Rome  was  convened  day  after  day  to  attend 
upon  religious  rites. 

At  the  same  time  the  most  vigorous  measures  were 
adopted   for   active   warfare.     The   fortifications   of   Rome 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGNS    OF   HANNIBAL  107 

were  strengthened.  Bridges  were  broken  down  and  roads 
destroyed,  to  arrest  the  advance  of  the  enemy.  In  the  line 
of  Hannibal's  anticipated  march,  the  inhabitants  were  or- 
dered to  flee  to  the  walled  towns,  and  the  country  was  laid 
waste.  These  measures  were  quite  effectual  in  retarding 
the  march  of  Hannibal  upon  Kome.  Fabius,  wielding  the 
energies  of  dictatorial  authority,  soon  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  an  army  more  powerful  in  numbers  than  that  of 
Hannibal;  but  conscious  that  his  inexperienced  troops  could 
not  cope  with  the  veteran  legions  of  the  Carthaginian,  he 
prudently  avoided  giving  battle.  Keeping  ever  at  a  dis- 
tance of  five  or  six  miles  from  Hannibal  he  encamped  in 
strong  positions,  and  watched  the  movements  of  his  foe. 

The  skilful  measures  of  Fabius  soon  involved  Hannibal 
in  many  embarrassments.  Finding  himself  hedged  in  by 
hills  whose  defiles  were  guarded  by  the  Eomans  he  ordered 
all  his  Roman  prisoners,  whose  presence  endangered  the 
safety  of  his  army,  in  cold  blood  to  be  slain.  Then,  with 
characteristic  cunning,  he  selected  two  thousand  stout  oxen, 
and  bound  firmly  to  their  horns,  with  wire,  fagots  of  dry 
wood,  dipped  in  resin.  Two  hours  before  midnight  these 
oxen  were  driven  to  the  hills  and  the  fagots  set  on  fire. 
The  animals,  thus  cruelly  tortured,  ran  wild  and  bellowing 
in  all  directions.  The  leaves  and  branches  of  the  forest 
were  soon  blazing;  and  the  Romans,  astonished  by  the  tu- 
mult and  the  strange  spectacle,  supposing  that  the  Cartha- 
ginians were  coming  down  from  the  heights  to  attack  them, 
incautiously  left  one  of  the  passes  unguarded,  and  Hannibal 
quietly  marched  through  the  defile  to  a  place  of  safety. 

The  sagacious  warrior,  leaving  his  shamed  and  baffled 
foes  behind,  strode  onward,  marking  his  path  with  devasta- 
tion and  ruin.  The  summer  was  now  far  advanced,  and 
Hannibal  had  overrun  a  large  portion  of  Italy.  Still  not 
a  single  walled  city  had  as  yet  fallen  into  his  hands.  He 
had  ravaged  the  plains  of  Italy,  but  had  by  no  means  con- 
quered the  Romans.  It  was  now  necessary  for  him  to  retire 
to  winter  quarters.    He  accordingly  returned,  burdened  with 


108  ITALY 

plunder,  to  his  old  encampment  in  Apulia.  All  Italy  could 
not  afford  more  pleasant  winter  quarters  than  those  which 
Hannibal  selected  upon  the  edge  of  a  fertile  plain,  beneath 
the  protection  of  a  range  of  mountains.  Before  him  were 
boundless  fields  waving  with  harvests,  and  behind  him  wide 
pastures  upon  the  mountain  sides,  presenting  rich  forage  for 
his  horses,  while  sweeping  forests  afforded  him  an  ample 
supply  of  wood.  There  was  a  small  walled  town  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  proposed  encampment.  Hannibal  took  it, 
put  all  its  inhabitants  to  the  sword,  and  leaving  the  walls 
and  houses  standing,  used  the  buildings  as  a  great  magazine 
for  his  army;  while  the  soldiers  were  quartered  in  an  in- 
trenched camp  around  the  walls.  Having  made  these  ar- 
rangements, he  kept  one-third  of  his  soldiers  to  defend  the 
camp,  while  the  remaining  two-thirds  were  despatched  in 
all  directions  to  plunder  the  surrounding  country. 

Loud  outcries  arose  at  Rome  against  the  dictator  Fabius; 
but  he,  with  imperturbable  patience,  pursued  his  measures 
against  the  formidable  and  sagacious  foe.  Following  Han- 
nibal into  Apulia,  he  encamped  upon  impregnable  heights, 
and  watched  for  opportunities  to  harass  the  Carthaginians 
without  exposing  himself  to  the  perils  of  a  battle,  for  he  was 
fully  conscious  that  his  inexperienced  troops  wer^  not  able 
to  cope  with  the  veteran  warriors  arrayed  against  them. 
Minucius,  master  of  the  horse,  was  opposed  to  the  cautious 
measures  of  Fabius,  and  was  eager  for  a  more  vigorous 
prosecution  of  the  war.  His  cause  was  espoused  by  the 
eager  popular  party  at  Eome,  while  the  more  cautious  aris- 
tocratic party  rallied  around  Fabius.  After  violent  conten- 
tion a  bill  was  carried,  making  the  two  generals,  Fabius  and 
Minucius,  equal  in  command.  The  army  was  consequently 
divided  between  them,  and  they  encamped  about  a  mile  dis- 
tant from  each  other,  each  taking  one  half  of  the  military 
force. 

Hannibal  was  quite  elated  with  this  evidence  of  want  of 
co-operation,  and  eagerly  availed  himself  of  it.  By  a  skil- 
ful stratagem  he  allured  the  self-conlident  Minucius  into  an 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGNS    OF   HANNIBAL  109 

engagement,  and  then  falling  upon  him  with  five  thousand 
troops,  which  had  been  placed  in  ambuvsh,  he  would  have 
cut  his  army  entirely  to  pieces  had  not  Fabius  magnani- 
mously come  to  his  rescue.  Minucius,  with  rare  generosity, 
publicly  acknowledged  that  Fabius  had  saved  him  from  de- 
struction, and  relinquishing  his  separate  command,  placed 
himself  and  his  division  under  the  control  of  the  more  wary 
and  sagacious  dictator. 

In  the  meantime,  at  Eome,  party  politics  ran  high.  There 
was  a  new  election  of  consuls,  and  the  plebeian  party  suc- 
ceeded in  electing  C.  Terentius  Varro,  a  very  energetic,  elo- 
quent man,  who  had  raised  himself  to  distinction  from  the 
humble  condition  of  a  butcher's  boy.  The  aristocracy  suc- 
ceeded in  choosing  one  of  the  consuls  of  their  own  number, 
in  the  person  of  L.  Emilius  Paulus.  The  winter  and  the 
spring  passed  away  with  no  military  operations  of  impor- 
tance. Suddenly,  late  in  the  spring,  Hannibal  broke  up  his 
camp,  and,  descending  into  the  Apulian  plains,  surprised  and 
cajjtured  Cannae,  the  great  magazine  of  the  Eoman  army. 

All  Italy  was  now  exposed  to  spoliation  for  another  sum- 
mer. The  two  new  consuls  having  raised  a  large  army,  re- 
sol  \ed  to  give  battle.  Each  of  the  two  consuls  took  the 
supreme  command  alternately  every  other  day.  After 
many  weeks  of  marchings  and  counter-marchings,  each 
army  endeavoring  to  find  a  favorable  field  of  battle,  they 
at  last  ment  on  the  unobstructed  plain  of  Cannee,  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Aufidus,  on  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic. 

The  Koman  consuls  led  eighty-seven  thousand  troops 
upon  this  field,  and  their  plumes  of  mingled  red  and  black, 
a  foot  and  a  half  high,  lighted  up  the  vast  expanse  over 
which  they  spread  like  a  waving  forest.  Hannibal  led  a 
veteran  army  of  fifty  thousand  men.  The  sun  of  a  hot 
August  day  rose  cloudless  over  the  plain  when  the  battle 
began.  When  that  sun  went  down  the  Roman  army  was 
annihilated.  Over  eighty  thousand  Romans  lay  dead  upon 
the  field,  and  among  them  were  the  gory  bodies  of  the  con- 
sul Emilius,  the  master  of  the  horse,  Minucius,  and  eighty 


110  ITALY 

Eoman  senators.  Three  thousand  men  only,  of  the  whole 
Roman  army,  escaped. 

On  this  bloody  field  Hannibal  lost  but  six  thousand  men. 
Hannibal  was  greatly  elated  with  his  victory,  and  doubted 
not  that  Rome  itself  would  now  be  compelled  to  bow  before 
him.  Thus  far  his  march  had  been  resistless  and  desolat- 
ing, like  the  flow  of  a  lava  flood  down  the  sides  of  Vesuvius. 
When  the  tidings  arrived  in  Rome  of  the  utter  destruction 
of  the  army  the  consternation  was  inexpressible.  Witnin 
eighteen  months  one-fifth  part  of  the  whole  male  population 
of  Rome  over  seventeen  years  of  age  had  been  slain.  Every 
house  was  literally  in  mourning.  All  eyes  were  again  di- 
rected to  Fabius,  anS  every  measure  he  proposed,  though 
his  legal  dictatorship  was  at  an  end,  was  immediately 
adopted. 

The  consul  Varro,  at  the  head  of  seventy  horsemen,  had 
effected  his  escape  from  the  field,  and  despatches  were  soon 
received  at  Rome  from  him,  informing  the  senate  that  he 
had  rallied  the  wrecks  of  the  army  at  Canusium,  and  that 
Hannibal  was  not  advancing  upon  the  city.  With  much 
moral  courage  the  defeated  consul  then  hastened  to  Rome, 
and  presenting  himself  before  the  senate,  dissuaded  from  all 
thoughts  of  peace,  and  urged  the  desperate  prosecution  of 
the  war  to  the  last  extremity.  Thus  animated,  a  new  dic- 
tator, M.  Junius  Pisa,  was  chosen;  eight  thousand  slaves 
were  enlisted ;  all  the  criminals  and  debtors  were  released, 
upon  condition  of  their  taking  up  arms.  Thus  twenty-five 
thousand  men  were  speedily  raised,  and  at  the  head  of  this 
small  force,  Pisa  marched  to  embarrass  the  movements  of 
the  foe.  At  the  same  time  the  old  men  and  the  boys  in 
Rome  were  organized  into  military  bands  for  the  defence 
of  the  capital. 

Hannibal  had  now  crossed  the  Apennines  from  the  Adri- 
atic shore,  and  was  encamped  upon  the  right  bank  of  the 
Volturnus,  about  twelve  miles  above  Capua.  This  renowned 
city,  then  second  only  to  Rome,  had  capitulated  to  the  con- 
queror.    The  summer  had  now  passed  away,  and  Hannibal, 


THE    ITALIAN   CAMPAIGNS    OF   HANNIBAL  111 

gathering  liis  army  within  and  around  the  walls  of  Capua, 
went  into  winter  quarters.  The  soldiers,  fearing  no  assault 
and  surrounded  with  abundance,  surrendered  themselves  to 
luxurious  indulgence. 

Notwithstanding  Hannibal's  victories,  he  had  much  cause 
for  solicitude.  Upon  the  field  of  Cannae  he  had  lost  six 
thousand  of  his  best  troops.  He  was  far  from  home,  and 
his  army  was  daily  growing  weaker.  He,  therefore,  found 
it  very  convenient  to  remain  behind  the  walls  of  Capua, 
while  he  sent  to  Carthage  for  re-enforcements.  With  the 
opening  of  the  spring  active  operations  were  renewed. 
Three  Eoman  armies,  amounting  in  all  to  sixty  thousand 
men,  were  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Volturnus.  Han- 
nibal marched  out  of  Capua  and  took  a  strong  position  on 
the  heights  of  Mount  Tifata.  During  the  winter  Philip, 
king  of  Macedon,  had  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Hanni- 
bal, offensive  and  defensive.  Sicily  was  now  in  open  revolt 
against  Kome.  The  whole  summer,  however,  passed  away 
without  any  decisive  action,  the  two  hostile  armies  watching 
each  other  and  manoeuvring,  with  occasional  skirmishes,  to 
gain  the  advantage.  Still  on  the  whole  the  Eoman s  were 
recruiting  their  energies,  while  Hannibal  was  growing 
weaker. 

Through  almost  uninterrupted  victory  Hannibal's  army, 
far  from  home,  was  wasting  away,  while  from  every  defeat 
the  Eomans  rose  with  recruited  vigor.  For  many  months 
the  storm  of  battle  raged  around  the  walls  of  Capua,  re- 
cruits being  continually  sent  in  to  fill  up  the  broken  battal- 
ions of  the  Romans.  At  length  the  Romans,  with  an  army 
of  sixty  thousand  men,  surrounded  Capua,  and  in  concentric 
lines  threw  up  their  intrenchments,  so  that  the  city  was 
effectually  blockaded.  Hannibal  was  absent,  ravaging  the 
fields  of  southern  Italy,  when  he  heard  of  the  danger  of 
Capua  and  of  the  garrison  he  had  left  there.  With  charac- 
teristic energy  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry, 
some  regiments  of  light  infantry,  and  thirty-three  elephants, 
which  had  just  been  sent  to  him  from  Carthage,  and  de- 


112  ITALY 

scending  like  a  wliirlwind  into  the  plain  of  Capua,  com- 
menced a  fierce  attack  upon  the  Eoman  lines.  Bat  the 
Romans,  strongly  intrenched,  repelled  all  his  assaults,  and 
drove  him  back  to  the  mountains.  His  peril  was  now  great. 
The  country  all  around  had  been  converted  into  a  desert, 
and  the  horses  of  Hannibal,  which  constituted  the  most 
effectual  portion  of  his  army,  were  perishing.  Under  these 
circumstances  he  adopted  the  desperate  resolve  to  march 
upon  Rome. 

Leaving  his  camp-fires  burning  upon  the  ridges  of  tbe 
Tifata,  to  deceive  his  foes,  at  midnight  lie  commenced  his 
march  upon  the  eternal  city.  With  hasty  strides  he  ad- 
vanced to  the  upper  waters  of  the  Tiber,  and  then  descending 
the  left  bank  of  the  stream,  encamped  his  hosts  within  four 
miles  of  Rome.  Before  his  terrible  march  crowds  of  fugi- 
tives fled,  seeking  refuge  behind  the  walls  of  the  city,  while 
in  his  rear  his  route  was  marked  with  lurid  flames,  blood, 
smoke,  and  ashes.  The  gleam  of  his  spears  and  banners, 
as  the  awful  apparition  thus  unexpectedly  appeared  before 
the  walls  of  Rome,  created  the  utmost  consternation.  The 
women  fled  in  dismay  to  the  temples,  imploring  the  aid  of 
the  gods.  Every  man  capable  of  bearing  arms  rushed  to 
the  walls.  It  so  happened  that  just  at  this  time  a  political 
festival  had  assembled  within  the  walls  of  Rome  ten  thou- 
sand men  from  the  cities  and  villages  around,  and  they 
eagerly  united  with  the  citizens  to  repel  the  assault. 

Hannibal,  apprised  of  these  vigorous  measures  of  de- 
fence, deemed  an  attack  hopeless;  but  he  was  in  one  of  the 
most  inviting  regions  the  world  could  present  for  plunder. 
For  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  no  enemy  had  approached 
the  walls  of  Rome.  This  long  period  of  peace  had  secured 
a  dense  population;  cities  and  villages  abounded,  filled  with 
all  the  creations  of  opulence,  while  the  fields  waved  with 
harvests.  Hannibal  swept  the  country,  accumulating  vast 
stores  of  plunder  and  unnumbered  prisoners.  It  is  said  that 
at  the  head  of  a  body  of  cavalry  he  rode  up  to  the  Colline 
gate  of  the  city  and  defiantly  hurled  a  dart  against  it. 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGNS    OF   HANNIBAL  113 

For  more  than  six  years  Hannibal  had  been  ravaging  the 
territory  of  the  Eomans,  and  he  had  slain  more  of  the  Ro- 
mans than  were  then  left  living  capable  of  bearing  arms 
against  him;  and  now  his  troops  were  surrounding  the 
walls  of  Rome  itself,  challenging  the  inhabitants  to  a  con- 
flict which  they  dared  not  accept.  The  Romans,  who  were 
besieging  Capua,  learning  that  Rome  was  in  danger,  hur- 
riedly broke  up  their  encampment  and  hastened  to  the  de- 
fence of  the  capital.  Hannibal  commenced  a  retreat,  cau- 
tiously pursued  by  the  Romans.  Suddenly  he  turned  upon 
his  foe,  in  a  midnight  attack,  and  routed  them  with  great 
slaughter.  He  then  marched  unobstructed  through  southern 
Italy,  plundering  and  burning  in  all  directions. 

Capua,  thus  abandoned,  was  soon  starved  into  submis- 
sion, and  surrendered  to  the  Romans.  Their  punishment 
for  lending  compulsory  assistance  to  the  foe  was  as  cruel  as 
fieudlike  malignity  could  devise.  Many  of  the  most  illus- 
trious men  were  sold  into  slavery;  many  were  mercilessly 
scourged  and  then  beheaded;  and  many  were  thrown  into 
dungeons,  where  they  were  left  to  the  lingering  torments  of 
starvation. 

The  reconquest  of  Capua  encouraged  the  Romans,  and 
struck  terror  into  the  revolted  provinces,  which  had  allied 
themselves  with  the  Carthaginians.  The  position  of  Han- 
nibal was  becoming  daily  more  perilous,  and  the  tide  of 
fortune  was  manifestly  turning  against  him.  His  hopes 
of  rallying  a  coalition  of  the  Italian  states  against  Rome 
were  at  an  end.  But  still  he  was  at  the  head  of  a  victorious 
army;  he  had  met  his  foes  but  to  trample  them  beneath  his 
feet;  and  in  a  resistless  march  of  hundreds  of  miles  he  had 
plundered  and  desolated  the  plains  of  Italy.  He  conse- 
quently doubted  not  that  he  could  hold  his  position  as  long 
as  he  pleased,  supporting  his  army  at  the  cost  of  his 
enemies. 

In  the  meantime  the  war  between  Rome  and  Carthage 
was  raging  in  Spain,  in  Greece,  and  in  Sicily,  with  varying 
success.     There  is  but  little  worthy  of  note  in  these  scenes 


11-i  ITALY 

of  savage  cruelty  and  blood.  The  siege  of  Syracuse,  in 
Sicily,  has  obtained  a  world-wide  renown  in  consequence 
of  the  defence  organized  and  conducted  by  the  genius  of 
Archimedes.  Marcellus,  the  E.oman  general,  who  had  com- 
mand of  the  fleet,  attacked  the  city  by  water.  Appius 
Claudius  conducted  the  land  attack,  bringing  his  ships  up 
to  the  sea-wall,  and  attempting  to  scale  the  battlements  by 
means  of  immense  ladders,  raised  by  ropes  running  through 
blocks  attached  to  the  masts. 

But  Archimedes  had  armed  the  ramparts  with  enginery 
of  such  terrific  power  as  to  baffle  all  the  efforts  of  the  be- 
siegers. A  storm  of  stones,  arrows,  and  javelins  swept  the 
deckfe  of  the  ships  as  they  approached.  When  the  ladders 
were  placed  against  the  walls  it  was  found  that  the  walls 
were  loopholed  so  that  the  men,  as  they  attempted  to  ascend, 
were  shot  by  an  unseen  enemy.  Long  poles  were  thrust  out 
from  the  battlements,  dropping  down  from  their  gigantic 
arms  immense  rocks  and  masses  of  lead,  which  fell  with 
crushing  violence  upon  the  ships  below.  Enormous  cranes 
were  also  thrust  over  the  wall,  with  iron  grapples  affixed 
which  seized  hold  of  the  stem  or  stern  of  the  ship,  and  then 
by  the  application  of  an  immense  mechanical  power,  raised 
the  end  upward  many  feet,  and  then  dropped  it  into  the  sea 
with  violence,  which  either  upset  the  ship  or  filled  it  with 
water.  On  the  land  side  also,  with  equal  vigor,  the  assault 
was  repelled.  Marcellus,  at  length,  in  despair  relinquished 
the  attempt  to  take  the  place  by  storm,  and  prepared,  by  a 
regular  blockade,  to  starve  out  the  garrison. 

In  the  haze  of  these  distant  ages  we  see  fleets  incessantly 
coming  and  going,  and  hear  the  smothered  roar  of  battle, 
but  it  is  now  quite  impossible  to  give  a  chronological  narra- 
tive  of  many  of  the  events  as  they  ensued.  Poly  bins  states 
that  the  blockade  of  Syracuse  lasted  eight  months,  and  the 
city  finally  surrendered  to  the  Eoman  arms,  as  is  supposed, 
in  the  year  213  B.C.  Marcellus,  having  reconquered  the 
island  from  the  Carthaginians,  again  took  possession  of  it 
in  the  name  of  the  Eoman  people.     But  for  two  years  the 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGNS    OF   HANNIBAL  115 

Carthaginians  maintained  a  foothold  in  many  fortresses  of  the 
island,  and  the  fluctuations  of  the  war  were  such  that  at  one 
time  there  were  sixty-two  towns  in  a  state  of  revolt  against 
the  Eomans.  But  though  the  billows  of  war  thus  rose  and 
fell,  the  Eoman  arms  were  steadily  in  the  ascendant,  and  in 
the  year  210  before  Christ,  word  was  sent  to  Kome  that  the 
war  in  Sicily  was  at  an  end.  We  read  the  brief  record  of 
this  stern  strife  with  composure.  But  no  imagination  can 
conceive  the  horrors  of  the  conflict.  The  whole  island  was 
for  years  swept  with  flame  and  deluged  with  blood. 

Both  parties  were  equally  merciless.  There  was  no  pity 
for  the  widow  or  the  orphan,  the  matron  or  the  maiden. 
The  captives  were  scourged  and  then  beheaded,  or  sold  into 
perpetual  slavery.  This  horrible  bondage  was  not  the  doom 
of  any  particular  race  or  color,  but  men  of  senatorial  dig- 
nity, and  maidens  of  exalted  birth  and  of  richest  accomplish- 
ments, were  sold  unscrupulously  in  the  slave-marts  of  Rome 
and  Carthage.  This  is  the  slavery  which  existed  in  the  time 
of  our  Saviour,  and  which  we  are  now  told  that  Christ  and 
His  apostles  regarded  without  disapprobation.  And  this  bar- 
baric system  of  selling  captives  of  all  conditions  taken  in 
war,  is  appealed  to  as  an  argument  in  support  of  slavery  in 
the  midst  of  the  Christian  institutions  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury. The  Romans  came  in  crowds  to  Sicily,  purchased  at 
a  merely  nominal  price  vast  tracts  of  land,  which  war  had 
depopulated,  and  cultivated  their  extended  plantations  by 
the  unpaid  toil  of  these  woe-stricken  brothers  and  sisters  of 
the  human  family  whom  barbaric  war  had  enslaved.  Nei- 
ther whites  nor  blacks  will  long  endure  such  wrongs. 
Eighty  years  passed  away,  when  a  servile  insurrection 
broke  out,  and  the  Roman  slave-holders  bit  the  dust. 

Hannibal  was  now  in  Apulia  recruiting  his  soldiers,  and 
undecided  as  to  the  direction  in  which  he  would  lead  his 
army.  The  terrible  severity  with  which  Rome  had  pun- 
ished the  insurgents  of  Capua,  and  those  in  Sicily  who  had 
espoused  the  Carthaginian  cause,  intimidated  all  the  tribes 
of  Italy  who  had  any  disposition  to  unite  with  Hannibal  in 


116  ITALY 

the  endeavor  to  throw  off  the  Roman  yoke.  Two  consular 
armies  were  now  sent  into  Apulia  to  operate  against  the  in- 
vaders. But  even  these  two  united  dared  not  meet  Hanni- 
bal in  the  open  field.  Concentrating  his  band  of  veterans, 
he  marched  to  and  fro,  whithersoever  he  pleased,  all  opposi- 
tion flying  before  him.  He  burned  farm-houses  and  vil- 
lages, plundered  the  granaries,  trampled  down  the  harvests, 
and  drove  off  the  cattle.  Famine,  and  its  invariable  con- 
comitant, pestilence,  followed  in  his  path. 

With  stratagem  characteristic  of  this  shrewd  chieftain, 
Hannibal  detached  one  of  the  consular  armies,  that  of  Fa.- 
bins,  from  its  ally,  fell  upon  it  unexpectedly,  and  almost 
every  man  was  hewn  down  by  the  sabres  of  his  cavalry. 
But  notwithstanding  these  successes,  no  one  thought,  even, 
of  proposing  terms  of  peace  with  the  invader.  The  terror, 
however,  which  the  individual  powers  of  Hannibal  inspired, 
is  conspicuous,  from  the  fact  that  while  he  was  almost  with- 
out opposition  plundering  the  plains  of  Italy,  Rome,  fearing 
to  meet  him  in  battle,  sent  armies  across  the  sea  to  carry  the 
war  to  the  walls  of  Carthage.  The  war  now  was  spread  over 
almost  the  whole  of  southern  Europe  and  northern  Africa. 
The  crash  of  arms  and  cry  of  onset  were  heard  in  Italy, 
Spain,  Africa,  Sicily,  Greece,  and  everywhere  upon  the 
waves  of  the  Mediterranean,  as,  in  gigantic  conflict,  Rome 
and  Carthage  struggled  for  the  sovereignty  of  the  world. 

Tidings  now  reached  the  senate  that  Hasdrubal,  the 
brother  of  Hannibal,  was  leaving  Carthage  with  a  strong 
re-enforcement,  to  traverse  Spain  and  Gaul,  and  convey  to 
his  brother  in  Italy  succors,  which  would  render  him  invin- 
cible. The  danger  was  considered  so  imminent  that  a  dictator 
was  immediately  appointed.  Q.  Fulvius,  one  of  the  most 
renowned  generals  of  the  empire,  was  placed  in  this  respon- 
sible post,  arid  was  also  appointed  consul,  with  another  re- 
nowned general,  Fabius,  as  his  colleague.  These  two  gen- 
erals in  co-operation  with  Marcellus,  the  conqueror  of  Sicily, 
combined  all  their  energies,  aided  by  dictatorial  power,  in 
organizing  a  campaign  for  crushing  Hannibal  before  his 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGNS    OF   HANNIBAL  117 

brother  could  arrive  with  his  re-enforcements.  Each  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  a  fall  consular  army,  and  from  differ- 
ent directions  they  commenced  their  march  into  Apulia  to 
overwhelm  the  foe  who  had  so  long  set  Eome  at  defiance. 
The  doom  of  Hannibal  seemed  now  sealed.  It  was  not 
doubted  that  Hannibal,  in  the  south  of  Italy,  would  thus  be 
destroyed  before  Hasdrubal  could  bring  his  re-enforcements 
across  the  Alps. 

In  this  perilous  hour  the  military  genius  of  Hannibal 
shone  forth  with  even  unwonted  splendor.  Like  a  lion  at 
bay  he  sprang  first  upon  Fulvius,  and  drove  his  legions 
broken  and  bleeding  in  utter  rout  from  the  field.  Utterly 
exhausted  by  the  blows  he  had  received,  the  vanquished, 
humiliated,  breathless  consul  took  refuge  within  the  walls 
of  Venusia,  where  he  was  compelled  to  remain  repairing 
damages  and  healing  wounds  for  the  remainder  of  the  cam- 
paign. Freed  from  this  enemy  Hannibal  turned,  with  a 
tremendous  bound,  upon  Marcellus.  The  approach  of  the 
Carthaginians,  impetuously,  like  the  rush  of  the  tornado, 
struck  the  inferior  band  with  terror.  They  fled  to  a  hill 
for  safety.  Here  they  were  surrounded,  and  only  saved 
themselves  from  a  bloody  grave  by  an  unconditional  sur- 
render. 

"Without  the  loss  of  a  day  Hannibal  then  turned  upon 
Fabius,  whose  troops  had  marched  to  the  assault  of  the  im- 
pregnable walls  of  Tarentum,  which  city,  capable  of  repel- 
ling any  foe,  was  held  by  the  Carthaginians.  But  treachery 
betrayed  the  frowning  fortresses  into  the  hands  of  the  Ro- 
mans, and  when  Hannibal  had  arrived  within  five  miles  of 
the  gates,  to  his  utter  consternation  he  learned  that  the  gar- 
rison had  capitulated,  and  that  the  Roman  banners  were 
floating  over  the  towers  of  the  city.  He,  however,  advanced 
to  the  walls,  and  encamped,  for  a  few  days,  before  the  city, 
practicing  every  stratagem  to  lure  the  Romans  out  to  battle. 
Failing  in  this,  he  resumed  his  resistless  march  of  devasta- 
tion and  plunder. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  caused  great  disappointment. 


118  ITALY 

Though  Tarentum  had  been  gained  by  the  Romans,  the  ac- 
quisition was  the  result  of  treason,  not  of  military  prowess, 
and  the  superiority  of  Hannibal  was  more  manifest  than 
ever  before.  The  indignation  against  Mareellus,  who  had 
taken  shelter  behind  the  walls  of  Venusia  for  the  whole  sum- 
mer, was  so  strong  that  one  of  the  most  venerable  of  the 
tribunes  brought  in  a  bill  before  the  people  to  deprive  him 
of  his  command.  Mareellus  returned  to  Rome  to  plead  his 
own  cause.  He  declared  that  he  had  done  the  best  he 
could;  that  it  was  not  his  fault  if  he  had  been  conquered 
by  one  whom  none  other  of  the  Roman  generals  had  yet 
been  able  to  withstand.  No  one  could  seriously  doubt  the 
courage  of  the  old  man,  and  the  people,  moved  by  his  mor- 
tification, generously  forgave  him  his  want  of  success,  re- 
jected the  bill  of  impeachment,   and  elected  him  consul. 

Again  the  cloud  of  adversity  began  to  darken  over  the 
Roman  republic.  Hasdrubal  was  advancing,  with  rapid 
strides,  through  the  passes  of  the  Alps.  Hannibal  seemed  to 
be  invincible.  Twelve  of  the  Roman  colonies,  dreading  his 
ravages,  refused  longer  to  contribute  to  carry  on  the  war 
against  him,  and  there  were  many  indications  that  the  Etrus- 
cans, one  of  the  most  powerful  of  the  Italian  nations  in  alli- 
ance with  Rome,  were  preparing  to  receive  Hasdrubal  as  a 
deliverer. 

The  spring  of  the  year  208  B.C.  now  came,  opening  the 
eleventh  campaign  of  this  memorable  war.  Two  consular 
armies  were  raised  amounting  to  forty  thousand  men,  and 
were  sent  against  Hannibal.  As  these  troops  were  on  the 
march,  confident  from  their  superiority  in  numbers  that 
Hannibal  would  not  venture  to  risk  a  battle,  they  were 
suddenly  assailed,  in  the  flanks  of  their  column,  by  the 
whole  Carthaginian  cavalry.  The  Romans,  taken  by  sur- 
prise, were  routed,  trampled  down,  and  scattered  in  all 
directions.  In  a  skirmish,  which  soon  after  ensued,  Mar- 
eellus himself  was  slain.  The  Romans  retreated  to  a  hill 
where  they  threw  up  intrenchments  and  stood  upon  the  de- 
fensive.    They  no  longer  thought  of  assailing  Hannibal,  but 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGNS    OF   HANNIBAL  119 

hoped  only  to  escape  from  his  terrible  arm.     For  the  re- 
mainder of  the  season  the  field  was  left  free  to  Hannibal. 

Again  a  fearful  wave  of  dismay  was  rolled  over  Rome. 
The  tidings  came  that  Hasdrubal,  with  a  large  army,  had 
succeeded  in  crossing  the  Alps  and  was  advancing  with 
his  exultant  troops  through  the  plains  of  Cisalpine  Gaul. 
Hasdrubal  crossed  the  Pyrenees  at  their  western  extremity, 
and  thus  eluded  the  soldiers  sent  to  oppose  his  march  by 
guarding  the  eastern  passes  of  the  mountains.  He  continued 
his  march  across  Gaul,  passed  the  Rhone  near  Lyons,  and 
struck  the  route  of  Hannibal  in  the  plains  of  Dauphine, 
at  the  foot  of  the  Alps.  There  were  now  two  Carthaginian 
armies  marching  upon  Rome — Hannibal  from  the  south, 
and  Hasdrubal  from  the  north. 

Again  Rome  roused  all  her  energies,  and  created  and 
equipped  two  consular  armies  for  the  conflict.  Nero  and 
Livius  were  chosen  consuls,  both  men  of  great  energy. 
The  whole  Roman  force  sent  into  the  field  for  this  cam- 
paign, consisting  of  Romans  and  their  allies,  amounted  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men.  But  for  her  allies,^ 
Rome  would  now  inevitably  have  been  crushed;  for  the 
whole  population  of  Roman  citizens,  capable  of  bearing 
arms,  amounted  at  this  time  to  but  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
seven  thousand  one  hundred  and  eight.  So  great  was  the 
demand  for  men  that  the  slaves  were  invited  to  enlist, 
and  two  legions  were  composed  of  them.  The  consul  Livius, 
a  very  stern  old  man,  was  sent  to  oppose  Hasdrubal,  and 
the  consul  Nero  led  the  army  against  Hannibal. 

Hasdrubal  issued  from  the  Alps,  through  the  same  de- 
files his  brother  had  threaded  eleven  years  before,  and 
crossing  the  Po,  descended  the  right  bank  to  Placentia. 
A  Latin  colony  held  this  city,  and,  faithful  to  Rome,  it 
closed  its  gates  against  the  invaders.  Hasdrubal,  having 
no  enginery  of  war  sufficiently  powerful  to  batter  down  the 
walls,  after  a  delay  of  a  few  days  marched  on  toward  the 
shores  of  the  Adriatic.  He  immediately  despatched  six 
horsemen  to  his  brother  to  inform  him  of  his  approach, 


120  ITALY 

and  to  propose  a  union  of  their  two  armies  in  Umbria,  and 
a  prompt  march  upon  Rome  by  the  Flaminian  road. 

Hasdrubal  advanced  in  such  strength  that  Livius  was 
unable  to  oppose  him,  and  he  consequently  retreated,  and 
intrenched  himself  behind  the  Metaurus,  near  the  maritime 
colony  of  Sena.  Nero,  with  an  army  of  forty  thousand  in- 
fantry, and  twenty-five  thousand  cavalry,  was  at  Venusia, 
ojDerating  to  prevent  Hannibal  from  marching  north  to  co- 
operate with  his  brother.  There  was  also  a  Roman  army  of 
twenty  thousand  men  in  the  rear  of  Hannibal  at  Tarentum. 
Still  Hannibal  baffled  all  the  endeavors  of  Nero.  Marching 
to  and  fro  he  gathered  supplies  and  increased  his  force, 
and  encamped  in  strong  array  at  Canerinum,  waiting  for 
tidings  from  his  brother. 

In  the  meantime  the  six  horsemen  despatched  by  Has- 
drubal, with  wonderful  bravery  and  sagacity  traversed  the 
whole  length  of  Italy,  through  many  hairbreadth  escapes, 
until,  losing  their  way,  they  arrived  near  Tarentum,  where 
they  encountered  a  foraging  party  of  the  Romans,  by  whom 
they  were  taken  prisoners,  and  despatched  under  a  strong 
escort  to  Nero.  The  letter  found  in  their  possession,  re- 
vealed to  Nero  a  full  plan  of  Hasdrubal's  contemplated 
operations.  Nero  despatched  the  letter  to  the  Roman  senate, 
recalled  to  his  banners  all  the  scattered  divisions  of  his 
army,  and  summoned  to  his  camp  every  Roman  citizen 
capable  of  bearing  arms.  Leaving  this  force  under  the 
command  of  his  lieutenants,  to  check  any  movement  of 
Hannibal,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  select  body 
of  seven  thousand  men,  one  thousand  of  whom  were  cavalry, 
and  starting  from  his  camp  at  midnight,  by  forced  marches, 
hastened  to  the  banks  of  the  Metaurus  to  join  his  colleague 
Livius,  and  aid  him  in  crushing  Hasdrubal  before  Hannibal 
could  march  to  his  aid. 

As  he  advanced  on  this  secret  expedition,  he  revealed 
to  his  soldiers  his  plan.  They  shared  the  spirit  of  their 
leader,  and  with  great  enthusiasm  pressed  on  their  way. 
As  they  passed  rapidly  along,  the  whole  population  crowded 


THE   ITALIAN   CAMPAIGNS   OF   HANNIBAL  121 

the  roadside  with  oJSerings  of  meat,  drink,  clothing,  horses, 
and  carriages.  Altars  were  reared  to  the  gods  at  various 
points  on  their  route,  which  were  incessantly  smoking  with 
incense  to  propitiate  divine  favor.  The  soldiers  were  so 
eager,  that  they  pressed  on  day  and  night,  hardly  allowing 
any  halt.  In  seven  days  the  march  was  accomplished,  and 
Nero,  with  his  army  increased  to  eight  or  ten  thousand,  in 
the  darkness  of  the  night  entered  the  Roman  camp  of  Livius, 
which  was  then  intrenched  upon  some  eminences  fourteen 
miles  south  of  the  Metaurus.  Hasdrubal  had  also  crossed 
that  river,  and  had  established  his  lines  at  but  half  a  mile 
'distant  from  the  Roman  ramparts,  preparing  to  give  battle. 

Nero  had  so  secretly  entered  the  encampment  of  Livius, 
that  Hasdrubal  was  as  unconscious  of  his  arrival  as  Hanni- 
bal was  of  his  departure.  But  the  next  morning  as  Has- 
drubal rode  out  to  reconnoitre,  he  was  struck  with  the 
vast  increase  in  the  number  of  his  foes,  an  increase  so 
great  as  to  demand  his  immediate  retreat  across  the  Metau- 
rus. He  attempted  it  the  next  night,  leaving  all  his  camp- 
fires  burning.  But  Livius  and  Nero  vigorously  followed; 
attacked  him  vehemently  u]3on  the  precipitous  and  wooded 
banks  of  the  stream,  and,  after  a  desperate  battle,  over- 
whelming him  with  numbers,  cut  his  whole  army  to  pieces. 
Hasdrubal,  seeing  that  all  was  lost,  spurred  his  horse  into 
the  midst  of  a  Roman  cohort  and  fell  pierced  by  innumer- 
able wounds,  selling  his  life  as  dearly  as  possible.  The 
whole  Carthaginian  camp,  with  all  its  wealth,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  conquerors.  Of  the  ten  elephants  which  Has- 
drubal had  led  across  the  Alps,  six  were  killed  in  the  action 
and  four  were  taken  alive.  Three  thousand  Roman  prison- 
ers were  found  in  the  camp,  and  set  at  liberty.  Hasdrubal's 
army  was  thus  utterly  destroyed,  and  Hannibal  was  left 
alone  to  struggle  against  the  Roman  power  now  rising  with 
new  energies. 

Nero  cut  off  the  head  of  Hasdrubal,  and  returning  rapidly 
to  Apulia,  where  Hannibal  was  impatiently  waiting  for  in- 
telligence from  his  brother,  threw  the  gory  head  into  the 

Italy — 6 


122  ITALY 

Carthaginian  camp.  This  was  the  first  intelligence  Hanni- 
bal received  of  the  irreparable  disaster.  For  a  moment  he 
was  overwhelmed,  exclaiming: 

"My  fate  is  sealed.  All  is  lost.  I  shall  send  no  more 
news  of  victory  to  Carthage.  In  losing  Hasdrubal  my  last 
hope  is  gone." 

When  the  tidings  of  the  great  victory  was  received  in 
Rome,  a  scene  of  exaltation  and  joy  was  witnessed  such  as 
Rome  had  never  displayed  before.  The  two  consuls  were 
honored  with  the  most  gorgeous  triumph  Rome  could  then 
furnish.  Victories,  as  well  as  reverses,  often  come  in  troops. 
While  Rome  was  blazing  with  illuminations,  and  echoing, 
with  the  huzzas  of  the  people,  news  came  that  the  Roman 
legions  in  Spain  were  also  trampling  down  their  foes. 
Scipio  was  there  marching  from  conquest  to  conquest, 
crushing  all  opposition  before  him.  He  had  reached  and 
captured  New  Carthage,  now  Cartagena,  the  proud  capital 
of  Carthaginian  power  in  the  peninsula. 

Scipio,  the  young  general  now  rising  so  rapidly  to  re- 
nown in  the  war  in  Spain,  merits  sjDecial  notice.  When  but 
twenty-six  years  of  age,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  Roman  troops  in  Spain,  under  circumstances  very 
similar  to  those  in  which  Napoleon  took  charge  of  the  army 
of  Italy  in  1796;  and  Scipio  wielded  the  powers  placed  in  his 
hands  with  scarcely  less  of  skill  and  energy  than  Napoleon 
subsequently  displayed.  It  is  said  that  he  marched  from 
the  Ebro  to  New  Carthage,  a  distance  of  three  hundred  and 
twenty-five  miles,  in  seven  days.  Cartagena,  as  the  city  is 
now  called,  stands  at  the  head  of  its  world-renowned  bay, 
and  spreads  its  streets  widely  over  hills  and  valleys.  These 
valleys  were  then  lagoons,  and  the  city  was  built  on  a 
peninsula,  connected  by  a  very  narrow  isthmus  with  the 
mainland.  Scipio,  after  a  short  siege,  took  the  city  by 
storm,  in  one  of  the  fiercest  fights  on  record,  he  having 
inspired  his  soldiers  with  his  own  invincible  daring.  The 
slaughter  of  the  wretched  inhabitants  was  dreadful,  ten 
thousand  only  being  reserved  as  captives.     These  the  con- 


FOREIGN   CONQUESTS    AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS      123 

queror  treated  with  great  liumanitj,  and  thus  secured  their 
gratitude  and  their  loyalty.  His  honorable  bearing,  so  un- 
usual in  those  dark  days,  and  particularly  the  delicacy  with 
which  he  treated  his  female  prisoners,  produced  a  deep  im- 
pression in  his  favor  all  over  Spain. 


CHAPTER  VII 

FOREIGN   CONQUESTS   AND    INTERNAL   FEUDS 

FROM  208  B.C.  TO  121  B.C. 

Scipio — His  Character  and  Career — The  Conquest  of  Spain — Quelh'ng  the 
Mutiny — Military  Prowess  of  Hannibal — He  Retires  from  Italy — Scipio 
Invades  Africa — Destruction  of  the  Carthaginian  Army — Truce  and 
Humiliation  of  Carthage — Landing  of  Hannibal  in  Africa — Battle  of 
Zama — Close  of  the  Second  Punic  War — Conquest  of  G-reece — Invasion 
of  Syria — Third  Punic  War — Destruction  of  Carthage — The  Numidian 
War — Barbarian  Invasion — The  Plebeian  and  Patrician  Contiict — Grac- 
chus and  Octavius 

THE  victories  of  Scipio  in  Spain,  and  the  skill  with 
which  he  combined  humanity  with  severity,  speedily 
created  a  strong  disposition  with  the  Spaniards  to 
throw  off  their  alliance  with  Carthage  and  receive  the 
Romans  as  their  protectors  and  masters.  Many  Spanish 
tribes  joined  the  army  of  Scipio.  This  young  Roman  gen- 
eral was  one  of  those  marked  men  born  to  command.  In 
both  form  and  feature  he  was  remarkably  attractive  and 
imposing.  He  was  courteous  and  polished  in  his  manners, 
and  displayed  that  consciousness  of  greatness,  blended  with 
gentleness,  magnanimity,  and  an  entire  absence  of  arrogance, 
which  naturally  wins  the  homage  of  all  human  hearts.  The 
Carthaginian  generals  complained  that  no  Spanish  troops 
could  be  trusted,  if  they  were  once  brought  within  the 
sphere  of  his  influence. 

As  soon  as  Scipio  received  the  news  of  the  great  victory 
of  the  Metaurus,  he  was  roused  to  the  strongest  desire  to 
emulate   that   victory   by  a   still    more   decisive   action  in 


124  ITALY 

Spain.  A  general  by  the  name  of  Hasdrubal  Grisco  was 
now  in  command  of  the  Carthaginian  forces,  having  an 
army  of  seventy  thousand  foot  soldiers  and  four  thousand 
horse,  with  thirty-two  elephants.  As  Scipio  could  not  bring 
into  the  field  more  than  forty- five  thousand  foot  and  three 
thousand  horse,  Hasdrubal  felt  sanguine  in  his  ability  to 
crash  him.  Notwithstanding  the  superiority  of  the  Cartha- 
ginian force,  Scipio  was  eager  for  a  general  battle.  But 
when  he  had  led  his  troops  within  sight  of  the  foe,  and 
found  them  strongly  intrenched  in  such  overwhelming  num- 
bers, he  was  very  uneasy  lest  the  courage  of  his  Spanish 
allies  should  fail.  He,  therefore,  formed  his  line  of  battle, 
placing  his  Koman  soldiers  on  the  right  and  left,  and  en- 
circling, as  it  were,  the  Spaniards  in  the  centre.  With 
evolutions  of  wonderful  skill,  Scipio  led  his  veteran  col- 
umns to  the  assault,  using  his  Spanish  auxiliaries  to  intimi- 
date by  their  formidable  array,  while  sheltering  them  from 
the  storm  of  war.  The  battle  raged  demoniacally  for  a  day. 
It  was  the  old  story  of  confusion,  clangor,  misery,  and 
blood. 

By  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  the  Carthaginians  were 
routed  and  flying  in  all  directions.  Their  camp,  with  all  its 
magazines  and  treasures,  would  have  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  victors,  but  for  a  tempest  of  thunder,  wind,  and  rain 
which  suddenly  burst,  with  almost  inconceivable  fury,  upon 
the  field  of  battle.  The  Komans,  exhausted  by  the  toils  of 
their  great  achievement,  were  compelled  to  seek  the  shelter 
of  their  tents.  The  great  victory  virtually  ended  the  Cartha- 
ginian dominion  in  Spain;  and  the  vast  peninsula  was  trans- 
ferred to  Eome,  to  swell  the  renown  and  the  power  of  that 
nation,  as  yet  but  five  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  age,  and 
destined  so  soon  to  be  the  mistress  of  the  world.  The 
routed  Carthaginians  fled  to  the  sea,  and  embarking  in 
their  ships,  escaped  to  their  own  land.  The  native  chiefs 
crowded  around  Scipio  with  offers  of  homage,  and  it  was 
soon  announced  to  him  that  no  enemy  was  to  be  found  in 
the   field,    from   the  Pyrenees  to  the  Pillars  of  Hercules. 


FOREIGN   CONQUESTS    AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS      125 

Scipio  despatched  his  brother  to  Rome  to  announce  the 
conquest  of  Spain. 

The  successful  general,  with  sagacity  and  energy,  which 
had  given  him  lasting  renown,  now  resolved  to  carry  the 
war  into  Africa.  Syphax,  a  king  of  one  of  the  African 
nations,  was  then  in  alliance  with  Carthage.  Scipio,  hav- 
ing sounded  him  through  an  ambassador,  embarked  with 
only  two  quinqueremes,  and  was  so  fortunate  as  to  elude 
all  the  Carthaginian  ships,  and  to  enter  the  maritime 
metropolis  of  Syphax  in  safety.  It  so  happened  that  Has- 
drubal  Cisco  had  just  arrived  in  the  same  port,  with  seven 
ships,  seeking  aid  from  his  ally.  Syphax  invited  them  both 
to  his  table  in  a  gorgeous  entertainment.  The  genius  of 
Scipio  was  here  so  conspicuous,  that  Hasdrubal  is  said  to 
have  declared  that  Scipio  appeared  to  him  more  dangerous 
in  peace  than  in  war.  Syphax  was  brought  completely  under 
the  sway  of  his  mind,  and  entered  cordially  into  a  treaty 
with  him.  Scipio  then  returned  to  New  Carthage,  in  Spain, 
well  satisfied  with  the  results  of  his  mission. 

A  mutiny,  in  consequence  of  arrearages  of  pay,  broke 
out  in  the  army,  which  was  quelled  by  Scipio  with  charac- 
teristic severity  and  wisdom.  The  mutineers,  in  a  body, 
marched  upon  New  Carthage  to  demand  redress.  Scipio, 
informed  of  their  approach,  sent  seven  tribunes  to  meet 
them  with  fair  words.  Thus  encouraged  they  marched  into 
the  open  gates  of  New  Carthage  in  high  spirits.  Scipio  sent 
them  a  flattering  message,  and,  in  perfect  confidence,  they 
dispersed  to  their  quarters  for  the  night.  In  the  meantime 
Scipio  had  obtained  the  names  of  thirty-five  of  the  prom- 
inent actors  in  the  revolt,  and  had  ordered  their  secret 
arrest.  In  the  earliest  dawn  of  the  morning  strong  bodies 
of  troops  were  stationed  at  each  gate  of  the  city,  so  that  no 
one  could  escape.  The  insurgents  were  then  invited  to  meet 
Scipio  at  the  forum,  as  if  to  receive  the  redress  of  their 
grievances.  All  unconscious  of  danger,  they  crowded  the 
market-place,  unarmed,  as  was  customary  on  such  occasions. 

Scipio  was  seated  upon  a  throne.     Gradually  the  suspi- 


126  ITALY 

cion  spread  through  the  ranks  of  the  insurgents  that  they 
were  betrayed.  Troops,  in  solid  column,  were  marched 
from  appropriate  stations,  and  they  occupied  all  the  streets 
leading  to  the  place  of  general  gathering.  The  crier,  with 
a  loud  voice,  commanded  silence.  Breathless  stillness  en- 
sued. The  thirty-five  ringleaders  were  brought  up  in  chains. 
Scipio  then  declared  that  all  of  the  mutinous  soldiers  he 
would  forgive,  inflicting  punishment  only  on  those  who  had 
misled  them.  Bach  of  these  thirty-five  officers  was  then 
stripped  and  bound  to  a  stake,  and  after  being  terribly 
scourged,  they  were  all  beheaded.  The  mutiny  was  thus 
effectually  quelled,  and  Scipio  gained  a  new  ascendency 
over  the  minds  of  his  soldiers. 

The  whole  of  the  Spanish  peninsula  now  was  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Romans.  Scipio,  thus  victorious,  hoped  to 
attain  the  consulship,  and  leaving  his  army  under  the  com- 
mand of  lieutenants,  returned  to  Rome.  With  great  pomp 
he  entered  the  imperial  city,  conveying  immense  wealth, 
gained  from  the  plundered  provinces,  which  he  deposited 
in  the  treasury.  He  was  greeted  with  great  enthusiasm, 
and  by  acclaim  was  raised  to  the  consulship.  Scipio  now 
prepared,  with  great  vigor,  to  drive  Hannibal  from  Italy. 

The  destruction  of  Hasdrubal's  army  had  reduced  Hanni- 
bal to  the  necessity  of  acting  solely  on  the  defensive.  He 
had  sent  to  Carthage  for  fresh  recruits  to  be  despatched  to 
him  across  the  sea,  and  he  now  hoped  only  to  maintain  his 
ground,  until  these  re-enforcements  should  arrive.  His  mili- 
tary renown  was  so  extraordinary,  that  the  Romans  dared 
not  attack  him.  Mago,  a  younger  brother  of  Hannibal, 
with  the  wreck  of  the  Carthaginian  army  which  had  been 
driven  out  of  Spain,  landed  in  Italy  and  took  Genoa  by 
surprise.  For  a  few  months  he  carried  on  a  vigorous  war 
against  the  Romans,  strugglmg  to  fight  his  way  to  the  relief 
of  his  brother.  Four  Roman  legions  were  sent  against  him, 
and  after  many  obstinate  battles  he  was  driven  to  his  ships, 
he  himself  being  mortally  wounded.  As  the  fleet  was  re- 
turning to  Africa,  when  off  the  coast  of  Sardinia,   Mago 


FOREIGN    CONQUESTS   AND    INTERNAL   FEUDS      127 

died,  suffering  far  more  from  disappointment  and  chagrin 
than  from  his  festering  wounds. 

The  wonderful  genius  of  Hannibal  is  conspicuous  in  the 
fact,  that  for  four  years  after  the  death  of  Hasdrubal  he 
maintained  his  position  in  southern  Italy,  in  defiance  of 
all  the  power  of  Eome.  During  all  this  time  he  received 
no  supplies  from  home,  and  had  no  other  naval  force  at  his 
disposal,  but  such  vessels  as  he  could  build  and  man.  Con- 
scious that  his  name  would  live  and  his  exploits  be  renowned 
through  ages  to  come,  he  reared  several  monumental  col- 
umns at  Lacinium,  upon  which  he  engraved  minute  particu- 
lars of  his  campaigns.  At  length,  after  spending  fifteen  years 
in  ravaging  Italy,  he  embarked  his  troops,  to  return  to 
Carthage,  without  the  slightest  opposition  from  the  Eomans. 
For  fifteen  years  he  had  ravaged  Italy,  from  one  end  to  the 
other  with  fire  and  sword,  and  yet,  through  an  almost  incessant 
series  of  battles,  had  never  experienced  a  decided  defeat. 

Scipio  had  already  gone  with  a  large  army  to  Africa,  to 
carry  on  the  war  to  the  walls  of  Carthage.  With  a  large 
fleet  he  crossed  the  Mediterranean,  and  landed  within  five 
miles  of  the  metropolitan  city.  He  did  not  venture  imme- 
diately to  attack  the  formidable  capital,  but,  imitating  the 
policy  of  Hannibal,  he  ravaged  the  adjacent  country,  and 
sent  to  Eome  eight  thousand  unhappy  captives,  men, 
women,  and  children,  to  be  sold  into  slavery.  Two  large 
Carthaginian  armies  were  raised  to  oppose  him,  and,  as 
winter  was  fast  approaching,  Scipio  retired  to  winter  quar- 
ters, near  the  sea,  where,  supported  by  his  fleet,  he  waited 
an  opportunity  to  strike  some  efiiectual  blow. 

The  Carthaginians  did  not  venture  to  attack  him  behind 
his  intrenchments,  but  encamped  at  a  short  distance  to 
watch  his  movements.  Scipio,  to  throw  them  off  their 
guard,  sent  commissioners  to  negotiate  terms  of  peace, 
pretending  that  he  was  exceedingly  anxious  to  come  to  an 
amicable  settlement  of  their  difficulties.  In  the  meantime 
he  had  ascertained  that  the  Carthaginian  camp  was  com- 
posed of  huts  constructed  of  stakes,  and  thatched  with  dry 


128  ITALY 

\eaves  and  grass.  Disguising  some  of  his  soldiers  as  slaves, 
they  were  introduced  into  the  enemy's  camp,  as  forming  a 
part  of  the  suite  of  the  officers  engaged  in  the  negotiation; 
and  these  pretended  slaves,  unsuspected,  acted  as  efficient 
spies,  in  gaining  all  the  information  which  was  desired. 

At  length  he  suddenly  broke  off  all  communication  with 
the  enemy,  having  succeeded  in  introducing,  under  various 
disguises  and  pretexts,  several  of  his  emissaries  into  their 
camp.  In  a  dry  and  windy  night,  the  torch  was  touched  to 
the  thatched  cottages.  The  flames  spread  with  a  rapidity 
which  no  human  power  could  check.  The  Carthaginians, 
imagining  the  conflagration  to  be  the  result  of  accident, 
were  thrown  off  their  guard,  and  they  crowded  together  in 
the  utmost  disorder  in  the  attempt  to  extinguish  the  flames, 
or  to  escape  from  them. 

While  in  this  helpless  state  of  confusion,  Scipio,  with  his 
whole  force,  fell  upon  them.  Neither  resistance  nor  flight 
was  of  any  avail.  The  flames,  sweeping  in  all  directions, 
raged  like  a  furnace.  Every  avenue  was  choked  by  a  crowd 
of  men  and  horses,  in  confusion  and  terror  indescribable. 
All  the  enginery  of  Eoman  warfare  was  brought  to  bear 
upon  them;  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours 'an  army  of 
ninety  thousand  men  was  annihilated,  all  being  slain  or 
dispersed. 

Scipio,  thus  exultant,  was  still  not  sufficiently  strong  to 
make  an  attack  upon  the  walled  city  of  Carthage.  But  he 
surrounded  one  of  the  neighboring  cities,  and  vigorously 
pressed  its  siege.  The  retributive  providence  of  Grod  is  here 
wonderfully  prominent,  a  retribution  which  extends  to  na- 
tions as  well  as  to  individuals.  "For  whatsoever  a  man 
soweth,  that  shall  he  also  reap."  Scipio  was  now  ravaging 
the  Carthaginian  realms  in  almost  precisely  the  same  man- 
ner in  which  Hannibal  had  ravaged  Italy.  Soon  the  Cartha- 
ginians had  organized  another  army  of  thirty  thousand  men. 
But  no  sooner  had  they  emerged  from  the  walls  of  the  city, 
than  Scipio  fell  upon  them,  and  with  much  slaughter  drove 
them  panting  and  bleeding  back  behind  their  ramparts. 


FOREIGN    CONQUESTS    AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS      129 

Scipio  now  swept  to  and  fro  with  resistless  force,  com- 
pelling the  submission  of  the  surrounding  towns,  and  en- 
riching his  soldiers  with  immense  plunder.  He  advanced 
to  Tanis,  then  a  strong  post  in  the  vicinity  of  Carthage,  and, 
finding  it  abandoned  by  the  garrison,  established  himself 
there.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Carthaginians  im- 
plored peace.  The  terms  which  the  haughty  conqueror  de- 
manded were  humiliating  in  the  extreme.  The  conditions 
he  dictated  were,  that  the  Carthaginians  should  evacuate  all 
Italy  and  Gaul;  that  Spain  and  all  the  islands  between 
Africa  and  Italy  should  be  ceded  to  Eome;  that  all  the 
Carthaginian  ships,  but  twenty,  should  be  surrendered  to 
the  conqueror;  and  that  Carthage  should  pay  an  immense 
contribution  in  provisions  and  money  to  the  Koman  army. 
Hard  as  these  terms  were,  the  Carthaginians  acceded  to 
them,  and  a  truce  was  concluded,  while  embassadors  were 
sent  to  Rome  to  procure  the  ratification  of  the  senate  and 
people. 

Matters  were  in  this  condition  when  Hannibal,  having 
evacuated  Italy,  landed  with  his  troops  in  Africa,  and  the 
truce  was  immediately  broken.  He  disembarked  his  force 
at  Leptis,  and  advanced  to  Zama,  a  town  about  five  days' 
march  from  Carthage.  Scipio  and  Hannibal  had  a  mutual 
admiration  for  each  other's  military  genius,  and  as  the 
armies  approached,  the  two  illustrious  generals  held  a 
private  interview,  perhaps  hoping  to  effect  a  termination 
of  hostilities.  The  meeting  led  to  no  peaceful  results,  and 
the  next  day  the  antagonistic  hosts  were  led  into  the  field 
for  a  decisive  battle.  The  numbers  engaged  on  either  side 
are  not  now  known.  The  battle  of  Zama  is  renowned  in 
history  as  one  of  the  fiercest  and  most  decisive  which  has 
ever  been  fought.  The  Carthaginians  were  utterly  routed., 
Twenty  thousand  were  left  dead  upon  the  plain,  and  an 
equal  number  were  taken  prisoners.  Hannibal,  with  the 
mere  wreck  of  his  army,  escaped  to  Adrimetum. 

This  was  one  of  the  decisive  battles  which  seems  to  have 
decided  the  fate  of  the  world.     There  was  no  longer  any 


130  ITALY 

force  to  be  rallied,  sufficient  to  withstand  the  march  of 
Rome  toward  universal  conquest.  The  Carthaginians,  ut- 
terly dejected,  again  sent  embassadors  to  Scipio,  with  the 
most  humiliating  supplications  for  peace.  The  conqueror, 
with  imperial  airs,  reproached  them  for  their  past  miscon- 
duct, and  consented  to  peace  only  on  condition  that  they 
should  make  ample  amends  for  the  injuries  done  to  the 
Romans  during  the  truce,  surrender  all  deserters  and  pris- 
oners, give  up  all  their  ships  of  war  but  ten,  engage  in  no 
war  whatever  without  the  consent  of  the  Romans,  feed  the 
Roman  army  for  three  months,  and  pay  all  the  Roman  sol- 
diers their  wages  until  they  should  be  recalled  home;  pay 
an  immediate  contribution  of  ten  thousand  Euboic  talents 
(eleven  million  seven  hundred  and  ninety-seven  thousand 
five  hundred  dollars),  and  also  pay  annually,  for  fifty  years, 
two  hundred  talents  (two  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  fifty  dollars),  and  give  two  hundred  hos- 
tages, between  the  ages  of  fourteen  and  thirty,  to  be  selected 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  Roman  general,  and  to  be  sent  to 
Rome,  there  to  be  held  in  captivity  as  security  for  the  ful- 
filment of  the  treaty. 

Even  Hannibal  was  so  conscious  that,  for  the  present, 
further  resistance  was  vain,  that  he  urged  the  acceptance  of 
these  merciless  conditions.  Peace  was  accordingly  signed, 
and  the  Roman  army  returned  to  Italy.  Thus  terminated 
the  second  Punic  war.  Rome  received  Scipio  with  triumph, 
and  in  reward  for  his  services  conferred  upon  him  the  name 
of  Scipio  Africanus.  During  this  war,  at  times  so  disas- 
trous, Rome  had  made  enormous  strides.  Her  dominion 
now  extended  over  all  Italy,  Spain,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and 
Corsica.  Even  Carthage  had  become  virtually  a  dependent 
and  tributary  province.  The  destruction  of  the  Carthagin- 
ian fleet  had  made  the  Romans  masters  of  the  sea;  and  their 
own  fleet  was  now  rapidly  increasing,  as  a  large  navy  was 
necessary  to  maintain  communication  with  their  possessions 
out  of  Italy.  From  the  height  which  Rome  had  now  at- 
tained, she  looked  abroad  over  the  world  and  coveted  the 


FOREIGN    CONQUESTS   AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS      131 

possession  of  unlimited  power.  Republican  equality  was 
dominant  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and  the  highest 
offices  of  state  were  accessible  to  all  who  had  talents  and 
energy  to  win  them. 

Hannibal,  unable  to  eadure  the  disgrace  of  his  country 
and  his  own  humiliation,  fled  to  Syria.  For  some  years  he 
wandered  from  court  to  court  hoping  to  form  a  coalition  to 
resist  the  encroachments  of  Rome.  Pursued  by  his  foes, 
he  was  ever  in  danger  of  arrest,  and  at  length  life  became 
an  insupportable  burden.  A  wretched  fugitive  he  had 
reached  Bithynia,  one  of  the  kingdoms  of  Asia  Minor. 
The  king  of  Bithynia,  trembling  before  the  power  of  the 
Romans,  in  reply  to  their  demands,  agreed  to  deliver  him 
up.  Hannibal,  now  a  world-weary  old  man,  nearly  seventy 
years  of  age,  in  despair  went  to  his  chamber,  drank  poison 
and  died. 

The  greed  of  conquest  kept  alive  a  warlike  spirit,  and 
every  man,  emulous  of  renown,  sought  to  attain  it  on  fields 
of  blood.  The  second  Punic  war  being  thus  successfully 
terminated,  Rome  now  turned  her  eyes  to  Macedonia  deter- 
mined to  crush  the  power  of  Philip,  its  energetic  sovereign. 
It  was  easy  to  find  occasion  for  a  quarrel.  A  fleet  was  dis- 
patched conveying  a  large  army  to  the  shores  of  Greece,  and 
for  three  years  the  hills  and  valleys  of  that  fair  land  were 
swept  by  the  storms  of  war.  At  length  Philip,  defeated  in 
a  decisive  battle  in  Thessaly,  was  compelled  to  accept  peace 
on  such  terms  as  the  Romans  thought  proper  to  dictate. 

In  anguish  the  Macedonian  monarch  surrendered  to  Rome 
and  her  allies  every  city  he  possessed  out  of  the  limits  of 
Macedonia,  both  in  Europe  and  Asia.  He  was  also  forced 
to  deliver  up  nearly  his  whole  navy  to  Rome,  and  also  to 
pay  a  subsidy  of  one  million  one  hundred  and  seventy-nine 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 

The  Roman  armies  thus  victorious  in  Greece,  again  en- 
tered their  ships  and  crossed  the  sea  into  Syria.  Antiochus, 
the  king,  fought  bravely.  In  battle  after  battle  he  was  de- 
feated,   and   he   slowly    retired,    mile    by   mile,    struggling 


132  ITALY 

against  the  invaders.  A  decisive  battle  at  length  brought 
him  upon  his  knees  before  triumphant  Rome.  The  terms 
exacted  were  remorseless.  Antiochus  surrendered  all  his 
possessions  in  Europe,  all  in  Asia  west  of  Mt.  Taurus,  reim- 
bursed the  expenses  of  the  war;  paid  immediately  in  cash 
a  sum  equal  to  five  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  a  vast 
quantity  of  corn.  He  also  surrendered  twenty  hostages  to 
be  selected  by  the  Eoman  consul,  and  agreed  to  pay  a  sum 
amounting  to  nearly  eighteen  million  of  dollars,  in  instal- 
ments extending  through  eleven  years.  Antiochus  also 
surrendered  all  his  elephants  and  his  whole  navy  to 
Eome. 

In  all  these  wars  Eome  was  merciless.  In  Epirus,  after 
all  hostilities  were  at  an  end,  seventy  towns  were  sacked 
and  destroyed  in  a  day,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
human  beings  were  sold  as  slaves.  It  is  Christianity  alone, 
which  has  divested  war  of  such  horrors.  Gradually  all  the 
states  of  Greece  lost  their  independence  and  became  Roman 
provinces.  Beautiful  Corinth  fell  in  ruins  and  ashes  before 
the  march  of  the  ruthless  invaders.  Metellus  took  it  by 
storm  in  the  year  146  B.C.  Most  of  the  male  citizens  were 
surrendered  to  the  sword.  The  women  and  children  were 
sold  for  slaves.  The  city  was  plundered,  and  houses  and 
temples  were  given  up  to  the  flames.  With  the  fall  of 
Corinth  perished  Grecian  independence. 

But  again  Carthage  roused  herself  for  a  death  struggle 
against  her  foes.  We  enter  upon  the  memorable  period  of 
the  Third  Punic  war.  Since  the  termination  of  the  Second 
Punic  war,  Carthage  had  remained  humiliated  and  silent, 
not  daring  to  utter  even  a  remonstrance  against  any  degree 
of  insult  or  outrage.  With  the  most  extraordinary  docility 
she  yielded  to  every  demand,  never  declining,  whenever 
called  upon,  to  aid  the  Romans  with  her  arms.  Her  little 
fleet  was  ever  compelled  to  sail,  at  the  bidding  of  Rome,  to 
co-operate  in  Roman  conquests.  Still  the  power  of  Car- 
thage was  such  that  Rome  regarded  the  distant  common- 
wealth with  a  jealous  eye;  and  in  the  Roman  senate  the 


FOREIGN   CONQUESTS   AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS      133 

suggestion  was  not  unfrequentlj  thrown  out,  that  Carthage 
ought  no  longer  to  be  permitted  to  exist. 

When  there  is  a  disposition  to  quarrel,  it  is  never  diffi- 
cult to  find  a  pretext.  Two  consular  armies,  with  a  large 
fleet,  were  soon  sent  to  Africa.  The  Carthaginians,  over- 
awed by  the  magnitude  of  the  force,  attempted  no  resist- 
ance; but,  through  their  ambassadors,  surrendered  them- 
selves unreservedly  to  the  disposal  of  Eome.  The  Eoman 
consuls  had  no  pity.  They  demanded  three  hundred  chil- 
dren of  the  first  families  as  hostages.  It  was  granted,  and 
the  weeping  children  were  surrendered  amid  the  lamenta- 
tions of  their  parents.  They  demanded  all  the  Carthaginian 
weapons  of  war,  both  offensive  and  defensive.  An  immense 
train  of  wagons  conveyed  the  arms  to  the  Koman  camp.  In 
a  vast  concourse  the  most  illustrious  men  of  Carthage  fol- 
lowed the  train,  hoping  by  their  abject  submission  to  con- 
ciliate their  terrible  foes.  But  haughty  Rome  had  decreed 
that  Carthage  must  be  destroyed.  With  consternation  in- 
expressible the  Carthaginians  then  heard  the  demand  that 
they  should  abandon  their  city  entirely,  every  man,  woman, 
and  child,  and  establish  themselves  anywhere  they  pleased 
at  a  distance  of  at  least  ten  miles  from  the  sea.  "We  are 
resolved,"  said  the  consuls,  "to  raze  Carthage  to  the 
ground." 

This  demand  roused  the  energies  of  despair.  As  the 
exhausted  stag  turns  upon  the  dogs,  protracting  but  for  a 
few  moments  his  inevitable  doom,  so  unarmed,  helpless  Car- 
thage turned  upon  Eome.  The  whole  population  rose  in  a 
frenzy.  Men,  women  and  children  worked  night  and  day 
fabricating  arms,  and  throwing  up  fortifications.  The  con- 
suls immediately  put  their  armies  in  motion,  and  approach- 
ing the  city  commenced  a  siege.  The  strength  of  the  forti- 
fications were  such,  and  the  defenders  so  desperate,  that 
every  assault  was  repulsed.  For  two  years  the  terrible 
conflict  raged  around  the  walls  of  Carthage.  But  Eome 
incessantly  sent  new  recruits  to  fill  up  the  vacancies  death 
occasioned,  while  Carthage  was  continually  growing  weaker. 


13J:  ITALY 

The  misery  in  the  city  from  famine  and  pestilence  was 
dreadful  beyond  description.  At  length  the  Eomans  forced 
their  way  through  a  breach  into  one  of  the  quarters  of  the 
city,  and  then  the  horrible  struggle  was  continued  for  six 
days  and  six  nights,  from  street  to  street,  and  from  house 
to  house,  until  the  assailed,  utterly  exhausted,  could  resist 
no  more;  and  the  smouldering  city,  with  its  dying  inhabi- 
tants, was  surrendered  at  discretion. 

Hopeless  slavery,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex  or 
condition,  was  the  doom  of  the  captured.  Fifty  thousand 
Carthaginians  were  sent  to  the  slave  markets  of  Rome, 
where  they  were  sold  at  g,uction  and  dispersed  over  the 
empire.  Men  of  consular  dignity,  matrons  of  illustrious 
lineage  and  character,  and  young  ladies  beautiful  and  en- 
dowed with  the  highest  accomplishments  of  that  day,  suf- 
fered the  doom  of  life-long  bondage,  a  doom  which  was  also 
transmitted  to  their  offspring.  This  was  but  one  hundred 
and  forty  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ.  Such  was  the 
slavery  upon  which  our  Saviour  and  His  apostles  are  im- 
piously accused  of  having  looked  with  complacency. 

For  many  days  the  Roman  soldiers  were  employed  in 
plundering  the  city.  Then  every  building,  which  had  with- 
stood the  storm  of  battle,  was  levelled  with  the  ground.  A 
decree  was  passed  that  no  one  should  rear  another  building 
upon  the  spot,  and  the  whole  territory  was  placed  under  the 
dominion  of  a  Roman  governor.  Thus  was  Carthage  de- 
stroyed, in  the  608th  year  after  the  building  of  Rome,  and 
146  years  before  the  Christian  era.  Thus,  in  this  brief  and 
final  conflict,  terminated  the  Third  Punic  war;  and  the 
Carthaginian  empire  fell  to  rise  no  more. 

Though  the  Carthaginians  had  been  driven  from  Spain, 
many  of  the  Spanish  tribes  independent  and  warlike,  were 
yet  unsubdued.  Rome,  animated  purely  by  the  pride  of 
conquest,  sent  her  armies  for  their  subjugation.  The  annals 
of  the  protracted  war  with  these  tribes,  are  replete  with  deeds 
of  perfidy  and  cruelty  perpetrated  by  the  great  conqueror. 
An  army  of  sixty  thousand  men  for  many  years  ravaged  the 


FOREIGN   CONQUESTS   AND    INTERNAL   FEUDS      185 

Spanish  peninsula.  The  cities  of  the  natives  were  destroyed, 
and  the  captive  citizens  sold  into  slavery.  At  the  same 
time,  and  with  similar  success,  Rome  was  extending  her 
conquests  over  the  neighboring  tribes  of  Gaul,  adding  ter- 
ritory after  territory  to  her  domain.  In  Africa,  also,  the 
tramp  of  the  Roman  legions  and  the  clash  of  Roman  arms 
were  incessantly  heard.  West  and  southwest  of  Carthage 
there  was  an  extensive  country  called  Numidia.  A  re- 
nowned prince,  Jugurtha,  ruled  over  this  domain.  War 
was  declared  against  this  prince  on  grounds  then  deemed 
sufficient,  and  a  consular  army  was  sent  over  to  Africa  to 
invade  his  realms.  For  several  years  the  war  was  carried 
on  with  varying  success,  Jugurtha  displaying  much  heroism 
and  military  sagacity. 

The  renowned  Caius  Marius,  a  man  of  humble  birth,  but 
of  indomitable  energy,  secured  his  election  to  the  consul- 
ship, and  eagerly  took  command  of  the  army  for  the  subju- 
gation of  Jugurtha.  The  atrocities  of  Roman  warfare  are 
illustrated  by  the  fact  that  Capsa,  one  of  the  most  important 
fortified  cities  of  the  country,  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Romans,  they  massacred  all  the  male  inhabitants,  sold  the 
women  and  children  into  slavery,  and  plundered  and  burned 
the  town.  By  the  most  atrocious  perfidy,  Jugurtha  was  at 
length  betrayed  and  delivered  into  the  hands  of  Marius. 
The  unhappy  Numidian  prince  was  led  a  captive  to  Rome, 
to  grace  the  triumph  of  his  conqueror.  With  his  two  sons 
he  was  dragged  along,  humiliated  and  chained,  in  the  tri- 
umphal procession;  and  then  all  three  were  put  to  death. 
The  iniquity  of  Rome  is  not  diminished  by  the  fact  that 
Jugurtha  merited  his  doom;  for  had  he  been  an  angel  of 
light,  his  treatment  would  have  been  the  same.  It  was  thus 
that  the  whole  of  Numidia  became  a  Roman  province,  in  the 
year  106  before  Christ. 

A  new  foe  of  appalling  character,  and  from  an  unantici- 
pated quarter,  now  assailed  Rome.  The  forests  of  northern 
Europe,  from  the  Alps  to  the  Frozen  Ocean,  and  from  the 
British  Isles  to  China,  were  at  this  time  swarming  with  bar- 


136  ITALY 

barian  hordes.  They  were  outside  of  the  limits  of  the  civil- 
ized world,  and  neither  Greece  nor  Rome  had  cognizance  of 
their  numbers,  their  names,  or  their  habits.  Just  at  the 
close  of  the  Jugurthine  war,  two  of  these  savage  nations, 
called  the  Cimbri  and  the  Teutones,  made  an  irruption  into 
the  province  of  Illyricum,  and  falling  fiercely  upon  a  con- 
sular army,  nearly  cut  it  to  pieces.  After  much  wanton 
cruelty  and  destruction,  they  retired  like  wolves  howling  to 
their  forests.  After  a  few  years  they  appeared  again.  Two 
consular  armies  were  despatched  to  repel  them.  But  the 
barbarians  were  again  triumphant,  dispersing  their  foes  with 
merciless  slaughter.  Rome  itself  was  struck  with  terror; 
and  Marius  was  raised  to  the  consulship  as  the  only  com- 
mander equal  to  the  emergency.  Marius  was  successful, 
and  chastised  the  invaders  so  terribly  that  they  fled,  and 
for  many  years  did  not  venture  again  to  insult  the  territory 
of  Rome. 

And  now  arose  internal  troubles;  and  we  enter  upon  that 
period  of  civil  wars  which  for  more  than  a  hundred  years 
desolated  the  whole  Roman  territory,  until  the  common- 
wealth disappeared,  and  the  monarchy  of  Julius  Caesar  rose 
upon  its  ruins.  This  long  conflict  was  waged  between  the 
rich  and  the  poor.  The  patricians  were  ever  struggling  to 
rear  an  impassable  barrier  between  themselves  and  the 
plebeians,  and  to  monopolize  all  the  honors,  powers,  and 
emoluments  of  office.  The  plebeians  had  ever  been  striving 
to  break  down  that  barrier,  and  to  establish  the  democratic 
principle  of  equal  rights  for  all.  At  the  time  when  this  con- 
flict broke  out  into  open  war,  no  wealth,  culture,  abilities 
or  virtue  could  raise  a  plebeian  to  the  rank  of  a  patrician. 
All  intermarriages  between  the  two  classes  were  prohibited. 
The  government  was  an  hereditary  oligarchy,  which  essen- 
tially excluded  the  whole  mass  of  the  nation  from  any  par- 
ticipation in  the  administration  of  affairs. 

The  community  then  consisted  of  three  classes:  the  aris- 
tocracy, the  plebeians,  and  the  slaves.  This  latter  class  was 
very  numerous,  composed  of  the  victims  of  Rome's  innu- 


FOREIGN    CONQUESTS    AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS      137 

merable  wars.  They  had  few  rights  which  either  plebeian 
or  patrician  was  bound  to  respect.  Thej  were  not  con- 
sidered citizens.  They  could  hold  no  property  but  by  the 
sufferance  of  their  masters.  And  having  neither  money  nor 
friends,  the  law  could  rarely  afford  them  any  protection 
against  outrage,  however  terrible  that  outrage  might  be. 
The  number  of  these  slaves  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact 
that  fifty  thousand  were  taken  in  the  destruction  of  Carthage 
alone;  and  that  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  were  driven 
away  from  the  sack  of  seventy  towns  in  Greece.  They  were 
generally  purchased  by  the  great  landed  proprietors  of  Italy, 
and  were  driven  by  the  lash  to  cultivate  their  fields.  It  will 
thus  be  perceived  that  the  state  of  things  was  essentially 
the  same  as  prevailed  in  our  slave- holding  States,  only  that 
the  slaves  were  generally  whites  instead  of  blacks.  As  most 
of  the  labor  was  performed  by  slaves,  the  poor  free  people, 
unable  to  find  employment,  were  reduced  to  great  distress, 
so  that  it  was  often  said  that  the  slaves  were  better  off  than 
the  plebeian  free. 

It  was  not  considered  safe  to  intrust  the  slaves  with  arms. 
The  patricians  were  the  officers;  the  plebeians  the  com- 
mon soldiers,  who  fought  and  bled.  They  gained  great 
victories,  of  which  the  patricians  reaped  all  the  bene- 
fits, while  the  plebeians  saw  their  condition  yearly 
growing  worse  and  worse.  The  plebeians,  proud  of  tiieir 
nominal  freedom,  which  thus  elevated  them  above  the 
slaves,  in  the  country  gained  a  wretched  living  by  culti- 
vating small  plots  of  ground.  In  the  cities  they  were  shop- 
keepers and  mechanics;  and  there  were  vast  numbers  of 
them  who  had  no  ostensible  means  of  support.  The  mild- 
ness of  the  climate  rendered  but  little  clothing  necessary. 
They  lived  upon  fruit,  vegetables,  and  oil.  Education  was 
confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  rich.  The  plebeians  in 
the  country  were  a  more  respectable  class  than  those  in  the 
city.  The  popular  party  was  thus  composed  of  many  well- 
meaning,  industrious  men,  and  also  of  many  who  were 
utterly  worthless. 


138  ITALY 

The  aristocratic  party  were,  as  a  class,  rich,  proud,  cruel, 
selfish,  and  domineering.  Accustomed  to  unlimited  control 
over  their  slaves,  they  were  insolent  in  their  manners,  and 
looked  down  with  contempt  upon  all  who  were  not  on  their 
own  fancied  level.  The  plebeians  often  complained  of  the 
sanguinary  wars  which  were  waged,  asserting  that  the  no- 
bility sought  to  involve  the  nation  in  hostilities,  merely  for 
the  gratification  of  their  own  ambition.  But  when  the  seat 
of  war  became  further  removed,  and  the  national  vanity  be- 
came gratified  by  the  renown  of  conquest,  and  the  soldiers 
were  enriched  by  plunder,  these  popular  murmurs  ceased. 

The  slaves  had  now  become  so  numerous  that  they  seemed 
to  compose  the  whole  of  the  visible  population.  In  Sicily 
these  bondmen  rose  in  insurrection,  and  maintained  a  long 
war  with  the  Koman  government,  spreading  devastation 
over  the  whole  island.  There  was  at  this  time  in  Rome  a 
young  man  of  noble  birth,  and  of  great  energy  and  ability, 
who,  in  consequence  of  some  affronts  he  had  received  from 
the  aristocratic  party,  espoused  the  cause  of  the  people. 
His  name  was  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus,  and  he  was 
the  son  of  Cornelia,  who  was  a  daughter  of  the  elder 
Scipio.  Tiberius  had  a  younger  brother,  named  Caius, 
who  sympathized  with  him  in  his  popular  tendencies. 
As  discontents  were  rising,  placards  were  posted  upon 
the  walls  of  Rome,  urging  Gracchus  to  place  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  plebeians,  in  their  endeavor  to  gain  a  share  of 
the  public  lands,  which  the  patricians  had  monopolized. 
Fearlessly  Gracchus  came  forward  and  proposed  a  home- 
stead bill,  which  provided  that  each  father  of  a  family 
should  be  entitled  to  three  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  pub- 
lic or  conquered  land,  in  his  own  right,  and  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  more  in  the  right  of  each  of  his  sons; 
and  that  any  man  who  possessed  more  land  than  this, 
should  restore  it  to  the  nation  upon  receiving  a  fair  price 
for  it  from  the  treasury. 

There  were  several  others  of  the  aristocracy  who  gener- 
ously espoused  the  cause  of  the  oppressed  people,  and  go- 


FOREIGN   CONQUESTS   AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS      139 

operated  with  Gracchus  in  his  endeavors  to  meliorate  their 
condition.  But  the  aristocracy,  in  general,  violently  op- 
posed this  law.  The  irrepressible  conflict  between  aristo- 
cratic usurpation  and  popular  rights  was  now  opened. 
From  all  parts  of  Italy  there  was  a  rush  of  the  most  in- 
fluential patricians  and  plebeians  to  Eome,  to  aid  in  carry- 
ing the  measure  or  to  crush  it.  M.  Octavius  headed  the 
patrician  party.  The  struggle  between  these  two  illustri- 
ous men,  each  availing  himself,  with  wonderful  sagacity, 
of  all  the  forms  of  the  constitution  and  the  laws,  is  one  of 
the  most  interesting  recorded  in  history.  But  Gracchus  tri- 
umphed. He  carried  a  vote,  in  an  assembly  of  the  tribes, 
with  a  majority  of  but  one,  that  Octavius  should  be  de- 
graded from  the  tribuneship.  Octavius  was  present  in  this 
hour  of  his  humiliation.  The  nobles  looked  on  with  un- 
utterable indignation,  as  an  officer  was  immediately  sent  to 
drag  Octavius,  one  of  their  own  number,  from  the  seat  he 
occupied  as  a  tribune.  The  populace,  exulting  in  their  vic- 
tory, shamefully  broke  over  the  restraints  of  law,  and  fell 
upon  him  with  such  violence  that  with  great  difficulty  he 
was  rescued  from  their  hands.  One  of  the  slaves  of  Octa- 
vius lost  an  eye  in  his  heroic  attempts  to  defend  his  master. 

The  law  of  Gracchus  was  now  passed  without  difficulty, 
no  one  venturing  longer  to  oppose  it.  Gracchus,  thus  hope- 
lessly alienated  from  the  nobles,  threw  himself  entirely  into 
the  arms  of  the  people,  and,  without  reserve,  espoused  their 
cause.  A  commission  was  appointed  to  carry  the  reform 
law  into  effect.  It  consisted  of  Gracchus,  his  younger 
brother  Caius,  and  his  father-in-law  Appius  Claudius. 
The  king  of  Pergamus  just  at  this  time  died,  bequeathing 
his  treasure  and  his  dominions  to  the  Roman  people. 
Gracchus  at  once  proposed  that  the  treasure  should  be 
divided  among  the  citizens,  and  that  the  government  of 
the  kingdom  should  be  lodged  exclusively  with  the  pop- 
ular assembly. 

Gracchus  was  now  the  idol  of  the  populace,  while  the 
aristocracy  pursued  him  with  the  most  envenomed  hatred. 


140  ITALY 

To  secure  him  from  assassination,  the  people  guarded  his 
house.  The  public  excitement  swelled  higher  and  higher, 
until  a  tumult  arose,  and  the  aristocracy,  arming  their 
partisans  and  slaves,  fell  upon  the  friends  of  Gracchus, 
routed  them  with  great  slaughter,  and  Gracchus  himself 
was  slain  in  the  melee.  His  body  was  thrown  ignomini- 
ously  into  the  Tiber,  and  the  triumphant  nobles  pursued 
their  victory  with  great  cruelty.  Even  Cicero,  ever  prone 
to  eulogize  the  rising,  rather  than  the  setting,  sun,  alludes  to 
the  murder  of  Gracchus  in  terms  of  commendation.  For  his 
espousal  of  the  popular  cause  he  was  deemed  a  fanatic,  and 
fanaticism  is  ever  one  of  earth's  unpardonable  sins. 

Though  Gracchus  had  thus  fallen,  the  laws  which  he  had 
established  could  not  be  so  easily  subverted.  A  powerful 
popular  party,  extending  through  all  the  Eoman  states,  had 
been  organized,  and  they  rallied  anew  to  resist  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  nobles.  The  most  vigorous  measures  were 
adopted  to  carry  the  popular  homestead  bill  into  effect. 
The  enforcement  of  this  law  deprived  many  of  the  nobles 
of  their  enormous  landed  estates,  which  of  course  excited 
great  indignation,  and  every  possible  impediment  was 
thrown  in  the  way  of  its  operation.  The  popular  party,  to 
increase  their  power,  made  efforts  to  extend  very  consider- 
ably the  right  of  suffrage.  Thus  the  conflict  raged  with 
varying  success,  until  Caius  Gracchus,  the  younger  brother 
of  Tiberius,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  plebeian  party. 
He  was  then  a  young  man  thirty  years  of  age,  and  by  his 
energy  and  eloquence  was  peculiarly  adapted  to  be  a  pop- 
ular leader.  The  death  of  his  brother  had  fired  his  soul 
with  most  determined  hostility  to  the  nobles.  All  we  know 
respecting  the  contest  which  ensued  is  mainly  derived  from 
Plutarch's  life  of  Caius  Gracchus;  and  his  accuracy  is  in 
this  case  possibly  not  reliable.  He  wrote  two  hundred  years 
after  the  scenes  he  describes,  and  we  are  not  informed  from 
what  sources  he  gained  his  information. 

Plutarch  relates  that  Caius  commenced  his  career  by  most 
inflammatory  appeals  to  the  people,  in  which  he  incessantly 


FOREIGN    CONQUESTS    AND    INTERNAL    FEUDS      141 

bewailed  the  fate  of  his  brother.  From  his  position  in  the 
tribuneship  he  was  enabled  to  exert  a  powerful  legislative 
influence.  With  untiring  zeal  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
work  of  repressing  aristocratic  usurpation,  and  strengthen- 
ing the  influence  of  the  popular  mind  and  arm.  His  in- 
creasing popularity  soon  invested  him  with  almost  absolute 
power.  He  constructed  roads,  bridges,  granaries,  and  vari- 
ous other  works  of  ornament  or  utility.  He  was  ever  sur- 
rounded by  a  crowd  of  contractors,  engineers,  and  men  of 
science,  and  he  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  universal  genius. 
At  the  close  of  his  year  of  tribuneship,  though,  by  the  law, 
he  was  not  again  eligible,  the  will  of  the  people  evaded  the 
law,  and  he  was  again  elected  with  enthusiasm.  The  aris- 
tocratic senate,  at  last  alarmed  by  his  strides,  made  the 
desperate  attempt  to  curtail  his  influence,  by  proposing 
measures  even  more  democratic  than  Gracchus  had  intro- 
duced. A  very  adroit  politician,  Drusus,  was  now  the  ac- 
knowledged leader  of  the  nobles.  He  seemed  to  be  getting 
the  advantage,  and  at  last  a  tumult  was  aroused,  and  one 
of  the  aristocratic  party  was  slain.  The  senate  summoned 
Caius  Gracchus  to  their  tribunal.  Instead  of  obeying  he 
retired,  with  his  friends,  to  the  Aventine  hill,  and  invited 
the  slaves,  by  promises  of  freedom,  to  aid  him  in  resisting 
the  demands  of  the  senate. 

Gracchus  was  now  in  the  position  of  a  rebel.  The  laws 
were  against  him;  and  he  lost  all  his  energy.  A  strong  force 
of  soldiers  was  sent  to  attack  him.  The  conflict  was  short. 
Gracchus,  escaping  from  the  carnage,  fled  across  the  Tiber, 
and  finding  escape  hopeless,  was  killed,  at  his  own  request, 
by  a  slave  who  accompanied  him.  His  head  was  cut  off, 
and  carried  to  the  senate,  while  his  body,  with  those  of 
his  followers  who  perished  with  him,  was  thrown  into  the 
Tiber.  His  property  was  confiscated,  his  wife  even  being 
deprived  of  her  jointure.  The  aristocratic  party  pursued 
their  victory  with  relentless  cruelty,  sending  to  the  scaffold 
many  who  were  merely  the  personal  friends  of  those  who 
were  engaged  in  the  sedition.    It  is  recorded  that  more  than 


142  ITALY 

three  thousand  of  the  popular  party  perished  in  the  action 
on  the  Aventine  hill,  and  in  the  executions  which  fol- 
lowed. The  aristocracy  were  now  again  in  almost  undis- 
puted ascendency. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE     SOCIAL    WAR 

FROM  121  B.C.  TO  82  B.C. 

Corruption  of  the  Nobles — Restlessness  of  the  People — Demagogism  of 
Marius — Servile  Insurrection  in  Sicily — Heroism  of  Eunus — Miseries 
of  the  Servile  Wars — Sumptuary  Laws — Struggle  for  Rights  of  Citizen- 
ship— Commencement  of  the  Social  War — Contemplated  Reorganization 
of  Italy — Sylla — War  with  Milhridates — Internal  Dissensions  at  Rome 
— Civil  War  in  the  Streets — Vibration  of  the  Pendulum  of  Parties — 
Cinna — The  Rallying  of  the  People — Marius  Recalled — Scenes  of  An- 
archy— Death  of  Marius — Return  of  Sylla — Pompey  Enters  the  Arena 
— Battles  and  Assassinations 

THE  developments  of  human  nature  eighteen  hundred 
years  ago  were  the  same  as  now.  Carbo,  one  of  the 
most  zealous  of  the  popular  leaders,  abandoned  his 
party,  and  passed  over  to  those  who  had  become  the  sole 
dispensers  of  honors  and  emoluments.  The  Eoman  nobles 
were,  at  this  time,  plunged  into  a  state  of  extreme  corrup- 
tion. The  government  of  the  empire  had  passed  entirely 
into  their  hands.  The  governors  of  the  provinces  rioted  in 
luxury,  the  means  of  which  were  acquired  by  the  most  un- 
relenting extortion.  Wars  were  frequently  waged  for  the 
sole  object  of  plunder.  The  line  of  separation  between  the 
nobles  and  the  plebeians  was  never  more  broadly  marked. 
The  nobles  had  but  little  occasion  for  any  intercourse  with 
the  plebeians,  as  their  own  numerous  slaves  supplied  them 
with  laborers,  tradesmen,  and  even  with  instructors  for  their 
children.  The  masses  of  the  people  were  treated  by  the 
aristocracy  with  the  most  insulting  pride  and  oppression. 
The  people  were  restless,  and  at  times  almost  stung  to  mad- 
ness, and  they  needed  but  a  leader  to  rouse  them  to  bloody 
vengeance. 


THE   SOCIAL    WAR  143 

Such  a  leader  soon  arose.  It  was  Caius  Memmius.  He 
began  by  bitterly  inveighing  against  the  corruption  of  the 
nobility,  and  claiming  for  the  people  a  larger  share  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs.  The  senate  was  compelled,  by  the 
popular  clamor,  to  appoint  a  court  of  inquiry,  and  live  per- 
sons, of  the  highest  rank,  were  punished  by  fines  and  ban- 
ishment. Marius,  himself  a  plebeian  of  the  humblest  origin, 
who,  in  spite  of  the  scorn  of  the  nobles,  had  forced  his  way 
to  the  head  of  the  army,  was  conspicuous  in  his  endeavors 
to  bring  the  populace  into  power,  and  to  humble  those  from 
whom  the  lowly  in  rank  had  endured  so  much  of  contempt 
and  outrage. 

The  ever- vibrating  pendulum  of  parties  was  again  bring- 
ing the  people  into  power.  Marius  had  attained  the  consu- 
lar chair.  Saturninus,  one  of  the  most  profligate  of  dema- 
gogues, by  effrontery  which  nothing  could  abash,  and  by 
murder,  had  secured  a  seat  in  the  tribuneship,  and  Glaucia, 
a  man  of  kindred  spirit,  was  one  of  the  pretors.  Both  par- 
ties in  the  struggle  resorted  to  bribery;  and  Marius,  a  suc- 
cessful general,  overawed  opposition  by  the  presence  of  his 
army,  who  were  devoted  to  his  person. 

The  animosity  of  the  two  parties  daily  increased,  and  the 
struggle  between  them  grew  more  fierce.  There  were  fre- 
quent tumults  in  Eome,  and  antagonistic  mobs  swept  the 
streets.  At  length  there  was  open  war — the  masses  of  the 
people,  ignorant,  vicious,  and  degraded  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  aristocracy,  rich,  insolent,  and  hopelessly  corrupt  upon 
the  other.  Marius,  as  consul,  was  forced  by  his  position  to 
administer  the  decrees  of  the  senate,  though  in  heart  he  was 
in  sympathy  with  the  populace.  The  people  took  posses- 
sion of  the  capitol,  but  Marius  reluctantly  cut  off  the  pipes 
which  supplied  the  city  with  water,  and  compelled  them  to 
surrender.  The  insurgents,  thus  taken  prisoners,  and  un- 
armed, were  assailed  by  their  foes,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
efforts  of  Marius  to  protect  them,  were  all  murdered. 

The  insurrection  of  the  slaves  in  Sicily,  to  which  we 
have   before   alluded,    and  which   was   quelled   about   this 


144  ITALY 

time,  deserves  more  particular  notice;  for  Sicily  was  to 
Italy  what  Cuba  may  yet  possibly  be  to  us.  Large  estates 
had  been  purchased  by  the  Romans  in  this  beautiful  and 
fertile  island,  and  these  estates  were  stocked  with  vast  num- 
bers of  slaves,  Eunus,  a  slave  of  Syrian  birth,  had  acquired 
great  influence  among  his  companions  in  bondage.  The 
slaves  on  a  neighboring  plantation,  exasperated  by  the 
cruelty  of  their  master  and  mistress,  applied  to  Eunus  for 
counsel.  He  encouraged  them  to  conspire  with  the  slaves 
on  the  several  estates  in  the  neighborhood,  in  an  immediate 
revolt,  promising  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  move- 
ment. Four  hundred  men,  armed  with  such  weapons  as 
they  could  suddenly  grasp,  were  speedily  assembled  to 
strike  for  freedom.  Their  masters  were  smitten  down,  the 
plantations  destroyed,  and  without  an  hour's  delay  they 
marched  for  the  town  of  Enna.  The  slaves  in  the  town 
immediately  joined  them.  Enna  was  taken  by  storm,  set 
on  fire,  and  the  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  its  free  citizens 
ensued,  men,  women  and  children,  with  the  exception  of 
such  citizens  as  understood  the  manufacture  of  arms,  whom 
Ennus  reserved  to  supply  his  followers  with  weapons. 

The  successful  Syrian,  thus  striking  for  freedom,  and  at 
the  head  of  a  small,  determined,  but  rapidly  increasing 
army,  now  assumed  the  title  of  king,  and  formed  a  cabinet 
council,  composed  of  those  of  his  associates  who  were  most 
eminent  for  courage  and  wisdom.  In  three  days  six  thou- 
sand men  were  rallied  beneath  his  banners,  heroically  re- 
solved to  regain  their  liberty  or  perish  in  the  attempt. 
Every  hour  the  roused  captives  were  rushing  from  all  di- 
rections to  swell  his  ranks.  The  example  became  conta- 
gious. In  another  part  of  the  island  another  sagacious 
man,  named  Cleon,  roused  his  fellow-bondmen  to  arms, 
and  acknowledging  Eunus  as  king,  sent  to  him  for  orders 
that  he  might  effectually  co-operate  in  a  general  movement. 
The  Sicilians  had  no  force  to  meet  the  crisis.  Home  sent 
eight  thousand  of  her  veterans  to  crush  the  insurgents. 
Eunus,  with  outnumbering  bands,  urged  by  the  energies  of 


THE   SOCIAL    WAR  145 

despair,  fell  upon  them  and  cut  them  to  pieces.  Another 
Homan  army  was  sent,  and  still  another,  which  met  with 
the  same  fate. 

Several  months  had  now  passed  away,  and  the  slaves 
were  in  possession  of  many  of  the  principal  towns  in  the  is- 
land. The  insurrection  was  so  successful  and  had  become 
so  formidable  that  Eome  made  a  decisive  effort  to  quell  it. 
An  overwhelming  force  was  sent  to  Sicily,  which  first  be- 
sieged the  town  of  Taurominium.  With  great  bravery  and 
skill  these  unfortunate  men,  who  had  so  nobly  struck  for 
freedom,  repelled  every  assault  until,  at  last,  reduced  to 
the  utmost  extremity  by  famine,  they  were  unable  to  resist 
the  rush  of  their  foes,  and  were  all  mercilessly  put  to  death. 
The  victors,  with  floating  banners  and  gory  swords,  sur- 
rounded Enna,  the  first  scene  of  the  revolt,  and  the  strong- 
hold of  the  insurgents.  The  power  brought  against  them 
was  such  that  their  state  was  hopeless.  Cleon  was  slain  iu 
a  sally.  By  famine  and  the  sword,  Eunus  and  all  his  fol- 
lowers soon  perished  miserably.  Such  is  usually  the  end  of 
a  servile  insurrection.  And  yet  slaves,  in  their  despair, 
will  ever  strike  for  freedom;  and  though  they  perish  in 
the  attempt,  they  take  awful  vengeance  upon  their  op- 
pressors. 

The  revolt  was  thus  apparently  suppressed,  yet  many 
years  the  disturbances  continued,  and  there  were  innumer- 
able local  insurrections,  causing  great  carnage  and  unspeak- 
able misery.  A  E.oman  knight,  Titus  Minucius,  harassed 
by  debt,  and  annoyed  by  the  importunities  of  his  creditors, 
through  revenge  incited  an  insurrection,  and  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  three  thousand  slaves.  A  bloody  battle  en- 
sued before  he  was  put  down.  Soon  after  this,  two  very 
able  slaves,  Sabrius  and  Athenio,  headed  revolts.  Their 
forces  were  marshalled  in  well- disciplined  bands,  and  for 
some  time  they  successfully  repelled  all  the  power  Eome 
could  bring  against  them.  Several  Roman  armies  were  de- 
feated with  great  loss,  and  the  whole  island  was  surrendered 
to  blood  and  violence.      The  poorer  class  of  the  free  inhabi- 

Italy — 1 


146  ITALY 

tants  availed  themselves  of  the  general  confusion  to  indulge 
in  unrestrained  license  and  devastation.  This  insurrection 
became  so  formidable  that  again  Eome  was  compelled  to 
rouse  her  energies,  A  consular  army  was  sent,  which 
drove  the  insurgents  into  their  strongholds,  and  then  sub- 
dued them  by  the  slow  process  of  siege.  The  carnage  and 
misery  resulting  from  these  servile  wars  no  tongue  can  tell. 
The  whole  power  of  the  Roman  empire  was  pledged  to  put 
down  insurrections;  and  though  the  captives  could  avenge 
their  wrongs  and  sell  their  lives  dearly,  it  was  in  vain  for 
them  to  hope  for  ultimate  success. 

A  law  was  now  passed  prohibiting  any  slave  from  carry- 
ing a  warlike  weapon.  Eigorously  was  this  law  enforced. 
At  one  time  a  boar  of  remarkable  size  was  sent  as  a  present 
to  L.  Domicius,  then  pretor  of  the  island.  He  inquired  who 
had  killed  it.  On  being  informed  that  it  was  a  slave,  who 
was  employed  as  a  shepherd,  he  summoned  the  man  before 
him,  and  asked  how  he  had  contrived  to  kill  so  powerful  an 
animal.  The  shepherd  replied  that  he  had  killed  it  with  a 
boar  spear.  The  merciless  Domicius  ordered  him  immedi- 
ately to  be  crucified  for  having  used  a  weapon  in  violation 
of  the  law.  This  rigor  was  pursued  so  unrelentingly  that, 
for  a  long  period,  there  were  no  more  revolts. 

The  progress  of  the  world  to  its  present  state  of  political 
intelligence  has  been  very  slow.  A  decided  advance  was 
made  when  a  law  was  passed  declaring  that  every  decree 
should  be  published  on  three  successive  market  days,  and 
should  then  be  submitted  to  the  vote  of  the  people,  not  as 
heretofore,  tied  to  other  enactments,  to  be  voted  for  in  th6 
lump,  so  that  all  must  be  rejected  or  all  accepted,  but  that 
each  clause  should  be  acted  on  by  itself.  A  sumptuary  law 
had  been  enacted  in  a  time  of  general  distress,  when  Hanni- 
bal was  thundering  at  the  gates  of  Home,  which  regulated 
the  amount  of  ornament  which  a  lady  might  be  permitted  to 
wear,  and  which  forbade  the  ladies  of  Rome  from  using  a 
carriage,  except  in  their  attendance  upon  the  public  sacri- 
fices.    This  law  was  called  the  Oppian  law,  from  Gains  Op- 


THE    SOCIAL    WAR  147 

plus,  who  introduced  it.  It  was,  however,  repealed  as  soon 
as  the  national  distress  had  subsided. 

An  enactment  had  also  been  established  some  years  be- 
fore, limiting  the  number  of  guests  to  be  admitted  to  any 
entertainment,  and  ordering  that  the  doors  of  the  house 
should  be  left  open  during  the  meal,  to  guard  against  any 
secret  violation  of  the  rule.  By  a  similar  decree,  the  prin- 
cipal citizens  were  obliged  to  take  an  oath  that  they  would 
not  expend  upon  any  entertainment  a  sum  amounting  to 
more  than  about  forty  dollars;  and  they  were  not  to  use 
any  other  wine  than  that  made  in  Italy;  and  they  were  not 
to  display  upon  their  tables  more  than  a  hundred  pounds 
weight  of  silver.  Many  very  unwise  and  oppressive  laws 
of  this  kind  had  been  enacted,  often  descending  to  the 
minutest  details  of  domestic  expenses. 

We  now  enter  upon  new  troubles,  perhaps  more  replete 
with  calamity  than  Eome  had  ever  experienced  before. 
The  number  of  Eoman  citizens  was  at  this  time  very  small, 
nearly  all  the  subjugated  tribes  of  Italy  being  deprived  of 
the  right  of  suffrage,  and  of  all  voice  in  the  government. 
They  were  subjects — not  citizens — enormously  taxed,  and 
these  taxes  were  collected  by  men  called  publicans,  or  farm- 
ers of  the  revenue,  who  practiced  the  most  atrocious  extor- 
tion and  cruelty.  These  subjugated  tribes  sometimes  occu- 
pied the  position  of  conquered  people,  who  were  left  to  the 
independent  administration  of  their  own  local  laws,  but  who 
were  compelled  to  pay  taxes  to  Kome,  and  to  send  contin- 
gents of  troops  in  case  of  war.  Thirty- five  tribes,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Eome,  had,  in  the  lapse  of  time,  and  in  various 
ways,  become  incorporated  with  the  kingdom,  and  had  se- 
cured the  rights  of  citizenship.  Occasionally  this  privilege 
was  conferred  upon  a  stranger,  as  a  great  honor,  in  reward 
of  some  signal  services. 

Discontent  had  long  been  fomenting  among  the  numer- 
ous tribes  of  Italy,  from  whom  the  political  franchise  was 
withheld.  Taxation  without  representation  seems  to  have 
been   as  obnoxious  then  as  now.      L.    Drusus,   a  tribune, 


148  ITALY 

pleaded  their  cause  at  Kome.  He  was  deemed  a  fanatic  and 
an  incendiary,  and  was  assassinated.  This  outrage  threw 
these  remote  Italian  nations  into  great  excitement.  All 
their  hopes  were  blighted,  and  henceforth,  it  was  feared, 
there  would  be  no  one  who  would  dare  plead  their  cause. 
Thus  exasperated,  they  prepared  for  that  conflict  which  is 
renowned  in  history  as  the  Social  War.  It  broke  out  in 
the  year  90  B.C.  and  lasted  eighteen  years. 

The  Italian  tribes  or  nations  who  formed  themselves  into 
a  confederacy  for  the  redress  of  their  grievances  were  ten  in 
number — the  Picini,  Vestinians,  Marrusinians,  Marsians, 
Pelignians,  Samnites,  Trentanians,  Hirpinians,  Lucanians, 
and  Apulians.  The  deputies  of  these  nations  in  revolt  met 
at  Asculum,  to  prepare  for  the  terrible  conflict  against  all 
the  power  of  Eome.  From  the  imperial  city  two  legates 
were  sent  to  remonstrate  with  them.  They  were  both  mur- 
dered by  the  infuriated  insurgen  ts,  and,  in  the  blind  rage  of 
the  tumult,  all  the  Eoman  citizens  in  the  place  were  put  to 
death.  The  confederates  determined  that  Rome  should  be 
utterly  destroyed,  and  that  all  Italy  should  be  formed  into 
one  republic,  with  Corfinium  for  its  capital.  The  govern- 
ment was  to  be  administered  by  two  annual  consuls,  twelve 
pre  tors,  and  a  senate  of  five  hundred  members.  They  chose 
their  two  consuls,  Marsian  and  Mutilus,  and  marshalled  their 
forces  for  the  war. 

The  Eoman  consuls,  this  year,  were  Lucius  Julius  Caesar, 
and  P.  Rutilius  Lupus.  In  the  first  campaign  the  Eoman 
legions  were  in  almost  every  battle  defeated,  and  Eome  it- 
self narrowly  escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Italians. 
The  city  was  only  saved  by  the  exertions  of  the  powerful 
Latin  tribes,  whose  fidelity  was  purchased  by  extending  to 
them  the  rights  of  citizenship.  Having  obtained  these  rights 
for  themselves,  ignobly  they  fought  against  their  brethren, 
to  prevent  them  from  securing  the  same.  They  acted  the 
part  of  the  slave  who  pays  for  his  own  emancipation,  by 
riveting  the  shackles  upon  the  limbs  of  his  brother.  The 
law,  granting  this  franchise  to  the  Latins,  was  called  the 


THE   SOCIAL    WAR  149 

Julian  Law,  from  its  author.  The  Eomans  were  so  severely- 
pressed  by  the  foe,  that  they  were  constrained  to  admit 
emancipated  slaves  into  their  armies. 

In  the  campaign  of  the  next  year  the  Romans  were  more 
successful.  The  siege  of  Asculum  was  conducted  to  a  suc- 
cessful termination.  This  caused  great  exultation  at  Rome, 
as  Asculum  had  first  set  the  example  of  revolt.  The  con- 
federate Italians  removed  their  capital  to  ^sernia.  A  new 
Roman  general,  Sjlla,  was  now  rising  rapidly  to  renown. 
He  was  a  man  whose  commanding  talents  and  energy  were 
almost  eclipsed  by  his  profligacy.  With  the  sweep  of  a 
hurricane  he  demolished  his  foes,  and  in  the  exultation 
of  success  sought  and  obtained  the  consulship.  The  con- 
federates, utterly  vanquished,  and  having  lost  all  their  prin- 
cipal cities,  were  compelled  to  accept  terms  from  the  victor. 
In  this  brief  but  desperate  struggle,  the  Italians  lost  more 
than  300,000  of  their  sons;  and  many  of  their  most  flourish- 
ing towns  were  changed  to  heaps  of  ruins.  The  rights  of 
citizenship  were,  however,  by  this  conflict,  greatly  extended; 
but  the  embers  of  war  still  slumbered  in  tire  bosoms  of  those 
whose  rights  were  not  yet  recognized.  The  newly  formed 
citizens  were  organized  into  some  eight  or  ten  tribes,  and 
we  soon  find  the  total  number  of  tribes,  composing  the  free 
citizens  of  Rome,  amounting  to  fifty. 

Mithridates  was,  at  this  time,  monarch  of  Pontus,  an 
energetic  kingdom  in  the  northeast  part  of  Asia  Minor. 
He  was  a  man  of  commanding  abilities,  and  one  of  the 
most  illustrious  generals  of  that  day.  The  Romans,  during 
their  lull  in  the  Social  War,  picked  a  quarrel  with  Mithri- 
dates, and  sent  an  army,  collected  from  the  effeminate  in- 
habitants of  Asia  Minor,  to  conquer  him.  Mithridates 
trampled  them  down  beneath  the  feet  of  his  veterans. 
Thus  victorious,  he  continued  his  march  westward,  eman- 
cipating subjugated  nations  from  the  Roman  yoke,  while 
the  Greeks  with  great  enthusiasm  rallied  around  him.  With 
the  characteristic  cruelty  of  those  times,  in  one  day  Mithri- 
dates put  to  death  80,000  Roman  citizens,  whom  he  had 


150  ITALY 

found  in  Asia  Minor.  He  then  dispatched  one  of  his  gen- 
erals, Archelaus,  with  an  army  flushed  with  victory,  into 
Macedonia  and  Greece  to  drive  out  the  Eomaus.  This  was 
in  the  year  83  B.C.  Thebes,  Athens,  and  most  of  the  im- 
portant towns  of  the  Grecian  peninsula,  threw  open  their 
gates  and  received  Archelaus  as  their  deliverer. 

In  the  meantime  Kome  was  still  ravaged  by  the  most 
cruel  internal  dissensions.  Sulpicius,  one  of  the  tribunes, 
was  urging  upon  the  government  the  extension  of  the  rights 
of  citizenship  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  Italy.  This  was  emi- 
nently a  popular  measure,  though  it  was  abhorred  by  the 
aristocracy.  Sulpicius,  thwarted  by  the  nobles,  became 
more  violent  in  his  proceedings,  and  anticipating  that  his 
foes  might  soon  attempt  to  crush  him,  by  physical  force,  he 
organized  a  band  of  his  determined  partisans  for  his  defence. 
A  body  of  three  thousand  gladiators  were  ready  to  rally  at 
his  call;  and  six  hundred  young  men,  of  the  equestrian 
order,  whom  the  nobles  affected  to  despise,  ever  attended 
him. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  Rome,  when  the  news 
arrived  that  Mithridates  had  overrun  all  the  Eoman  domin- 
ions of  Asia  Minor.  Soon  a  riot  ensued.  Sulpicius  was 
victorious,  and  the  government  was  compelled  to  place 
nearly  all  the  Italian  nations,  whom  they  had  subjugated, 
on  an  equality  with  the  Eomans  in  the  right  of  voting. 
The  popular  party  was  thus  again  triumphant.  Thus 
slowly,  in  all  ages,  have  popular  rights  struggled  against 
aristocratic  privilege.  Sylla,  who  had  vigorously  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  aristocracy,  was  dismissed  from  his  com- 
mand in  the  army,  and  Marius,  a  friend  of  the  people,  was 
transferred  to  the  vacant  post.  The  soldiers,  attached  to 
their  victorious  leader,  who  had  rewarded  them  with  plun- 
der, and  indulged  them  in  every  license,  were  indignant; 
many  assassinations  ensued,  and  finally  the  army,  consist- 
ing of  six  legions,  amounting  to  about  thirty  thousand  men, 
in  a  mutiny,  broke  up  its  quarters,  and,  led  by  Sylla,  com- 
menced a  menacing  march  upon  Rome.     Sylla  was  at  this 


THE   SOCIAL    WAR  151 

time  consul,  and  he  was  joined  by  his  colleague  Pompeius. 
They  approached  the  city,  by  stratagem  entered  the  gates, 
and  quartered  their  troops  upon  the  inhabitants. 

Marius  and  Sulpicius,  in  their  extremity,  invited  the 
slaves  to  join  them,  with  the  promise  of  freedom,  the  high- 
est reward  which  can  be  offered  to  a  slave.  With  such  force 
as  they  could  raise  they  threw  up  barricades,  and  from  the 
housetops  hurled  down  missiles  upon  their  foes.  A  woful 
warfare  was  now  waged  in  the  streets  of  Eome.  Sylla,  with- 
out scruple,  set  fire  to  the  houses  from  whence  he  was  as- 
sailed, and  swept  the  streets  with  his  veteran  troops.  The 
populace  were  speedily  vanquished,  and  Marius  and  Sul- 
picius, with  their  principal  friends,  sought  safety  in  flight. 

Martial  law  was  established  in  Eome.  Sylla  assembled 
the  senate,  and  passed  a  decree  declaring  Marius  and  Sul- 
picius to  be  public  enemies,  and  offering  a  reward  for  their 
heads.  Marius,  through  numberless  romantic  adventures 
and  hairbreadth  escapes,  succeeded  in  reaching  Africa. 
Sulpicius,  betrayed  by  one  of  his  slaves,  was  arrested  and 
put  to  death.  The  popular  party,  deprived  of  its  leaders, 
and  overawed  by  the  presence  of  the  victorious  army,  sub- 
mitted without  further  resistance.  The  laws  which  had 
been  passed  by  Sulpicius  were  immediately  annulled,  and 
again  the  aristocratic  party  were  in  the  ascendency.  But 
the  struggle  for  equality  of  rights,  in  the  human  breast,  is 
irrepressible.  The  people,  though  again  baffled,  were  more 
eager  than  ever  before  to  resume  the  conflict. 

The  next  year  they  succeeded  in  choosing  Cinna  to  the 
consulship,  one  of  the  most  able  of  the  advocates  of  the 
popular  interest.  His  colleague  was  Octavius,  a  patrician 
of  the  aristocracy.  Cinna  immediately,  through  the  trib- 
unes, threatened  Sylla  with  a  prosecution  for  his  assault 
upon  the  city.  To  escape  this  peril,  Sylla  rejoined  his 
soldiers,  and  sailed  for  Greece,  to  escape  the  storm  which 
threatened  him,  and  to  arrest,  if  possible,  the  alarming 
career  of  Mithridates.  The  popular  cause  was  now  alto- 
gether too  strong  to  be  silenced  by  any  single  defeat. 


152  ITALY 

Marius,  proscribed  and  an  exile,  became  the  idol  of  the 
people.  Immediately  upon  the  departure  of  Sylla  for 
Greece,  Cinna  re-enacted  the  law  of  Sulpicius,  conferring 
upon  all  the  Italian  tribes  the  rights  of  citizenship.  Great 
crowds  of  those  whom  this  law  was  intended  to  benefit 
flocked  to  Rome,  to  aid,  by  their  swords,  should  need  be, 
the  advocate  of  their  cause.  Riots  soon  broke  out  again  in 
Rome,  and  great  numbers  on  both  sides  were  killed.  Cinna 
summoned  the  slaves  to  his  standard.  Octavius,  his  col- 
league, headed  the  senate  and  the  aristocratic  party.  Cinna 
was  overpowered,  and  with  his  adherents  fled  from  the  capi- 
tal. The  senate,  by  an  act  hitherto  unprecedented,  declared 
that  he  had  forfeited  his  consulship,  and  they  elected  an- 
other, Cornelius  Merula,  in  his  stead. 

The  country  people  regarded  the  cause  of  Cinna  as  their 
own.  They  rallied  around  him  in  great  numbers,  bringing 
with  them  arms  and  money.  He  was  soon  at  the  head  of 
quite  an  army,  who  acknowledged  him  as  their  consul,  and 
took  the  oath  of  military  obedience  to  his  commands.  Mul- 
titudes of  the  popular  party  in  Rome  repaired  to  his  camp. 
The  Italian  cities,  rejoicing  at  so  favorable  an  opportunity 
of  resuming  the  contest,  espoused  his  cause  with  the  utmost 
ardor  and  energy.  So  widespread  was  the  enthusiasm,  that 
in  a  short  time  there  were  rendezvoused  beneath  the  banners 
of  Cinna  thirty  legions,  amounting  to,  at  least,  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  men. 

Cinna  despatched  a  messenger  immediately  to  Marius,  in 
Africa,  inviting  his  return.  The  exile,  rejoicing  at  this  un- 
expected turn  of  fortune,  landed  in  Tuscany  with  a  few  fol- 
lowers. Assuming  the  garb  and  aspect  of  extreme  poverty, 
he  appealed  to  the  compassion  of  the  people,  who  were 
deeply  affected  by  the  contrast  between  his  present  penury, 
and  the  splendor  with  which  he  formerly  had  been  invested. 
He  soon  had  an  army  of  six  thousand  men,  with  whom  he 
formed  a  junction  with  Cinna.  The  senate  sent  an  army  to 
meet  the  foe.  A  battle  was  fought,  attended  with  immense 
slaughter,  but  with  no  decisive  results.     The  battle  took 


THE   SOCIAL    WAR  153 

place  almost  beneatli  the  walls  of  the  city.  Marius  now 
with  his  cavalry  swept  the  country  around  Rome,  encoun- 
tering no  opposition,  and  cutting  oS  all  supplies  from  the 
capital. 

The  army  of  the  aristocratic  party,  under  the  command 
of  Octavius,  and  an  illustrious  young  general,  Metellus,  was 
intrenched,  in  very  considerable  force,  on  the  hill  of  Alba. 
But  they  did  not  dare  to  risk  a  decisive  battle,  for  they  had 
not  full  confidence  in  the  fidelity  of  their  soldiers;  and  a 
defeat  would  place  Eome,  with  all  its  proud  inhabitants, 
entirely  at  the  mercy  of  their  foes.  Cinna,  by  proclaiming 
freedom  to  the  slaves,  found  his  forces  rapidly  increasing, 
while  desertions  were  continually  taking  place  from  the 
army  of  the  senate.  Eome  was  now  so  strictly  blockaded 
that  the  inhabitants  began  to  feel  the  pressure  of  famine,  and 
they  clamored  for  the  cessation  of  the  hopeless  struggle. 

The  senate,  humiliated,  were  constrained  to  send  to 
Cinna  to  treat  for  peace.  Cinna,  seated  in  his  consular 
chair,  proudly  received  the  deputies,  exacting  from  the 
senate  the  acknowledgment  that  he  was  legitimately  consul, 
and  demanding  unconditional  surrender.  Marius  stood  by 
his  chair,  still  ostentatiously  dressed  in  the  mean  garb  of 
exile,  while  his  eyes  flashed  with  passion  and  with  menace. 
Cinna  triumphantly  entered  the  walls  of  Rome,  and  infa- 
mously sent  a  band  of  soldiers  to  murder  Octavius,  his  col- 
league. The  deed  was  mercilessly  performed,  and  the  head 
of  Octavius  was  suspended  over  the  rostrum,  bloody  trophy 
of  Cinna' s  triumph.  The  wheel  of  revolution  had  again 
turned.  The  aristocratic  party  were  in  the  dust,  helpless 
and  hopeless.  The  popular  leaders  now  strode  through  the 
streets,  looking  in  vain  for  an  acknowledged  foe. 

Marius  proudly  refused  to  enter  the  city  until  his  sen- 
tence of  exile  was  regularly  repealed.  But  impatient  of 
the  delay,  which  the  mockery  of  a  vote  required,  after  a 
few  tribes  had  cast  their  ballots,  he  took  possession  of  one 
of  the  gates  of  the  city,  and  entered  the  town  at  the  head  of 
a  band,  zealously  devoted  to  him,  consisting  principally  of 


154  ITALY 

peasants  and  fugitive  slaves.  Then  his  emissaries  immedi- 
ately commenced  the  work  of  murder.  There  seems  to  have 
been  no  forgiveness  or  pity  in  the  bosom  of  the  democratic 
Marius.  Those  nobles  who  had  displeased  him  were  eagerly 
marked  as  his  victims.  They  were  hunted  out  through  all 
concealments,  and  in  cold  blood  butchered.  Some,  to  es- 
cape the  dagger  of  the  assassin,  fell  upon  their  own  swords. 
Some  were  slain  openly  in  the  streets,  and  it  is  said  that 
Marius  gratified  himself  with  the  sight  of  their  agony. 

A  scene  of  universal  license  and  anarchy  ensued.  Slaves 
murdered  their  masters,  plundered  their  dwellings,  and  per- 
petrated every  conceivable  outrage  upon  their  families. 
The  wife  and  children  of  Sylla,  concealed  by  their  friends, 
very  narrowly  escaped  the  general  slaughter.  Never  before 
had  Eome  endured  such  misery.  In  this  massacre,  Lucius 
Julius  Caesar,  and  his  brother  Caius,  both  perished,  and  their 
gory  heads  were  exposed  over  the  rostrum.  Marius,  when 
seated  at  the  supper  table,  was  informed  that  the  place  of 
retreat  of  Antonius,  whom  he  had  long  been  seeking,  was 
discovered.  He  immediately  arose  from  the  table  to  enjoy 
the  gratification  of  seeing  him  killed.  But,  dissuaded  by 
his  friends,  he  resumed  his  seat,  ordering  his  soldiers  to 
bring  him  the  head  of  his  foe.  Crassus,  after  seeing  his 
son  murdered,  killed  himself.  Merula,  who  had  been  chosen 
consul  by  the  senate  in  the  place  of  Cinna,  preferring  to  die 
by  his  own  hands,  opened  his  veins,  and  as  his  bood  flowed 
upon  the  altar  of  Jupiter,  he  invoked  the  vengeance  of  God 
upon  his  murderers.  Catulus,  who  had  voted  for  the  pro- 
scription of  Marius,  finding  that  there  could  be  no  escape 
from  the  executioner,  suffocated  himself  by  the  fumes  of 
burning  charcoal. 

Cinna  and  Marius  now  declared  themselves  to  be  consuls 
for  the  ensuing  year,  and,  like  most  demagogues,  proved 
themselves  utterly  traitorous  to  the  rights  of  the  people. 
The  enormities  of  Marius,  with  his  servile  bands,  at  length 
excited  the  indignation  of  the  populace.  Cinna  was  dis- 
gusted with  the  atrocities  of  his  colleague,  and  finding  him- 


THE   SOCIAL    WAR  155 

self  utterly  -unable  to  check  them,  he  one  night  secretly  as- 
sembled a  body  of  troops,  and  attacking  the  band  of  Marius 
in  their  quarters,  put  them  all  to  the  sword.  Marius  was 
precluded  from  revenge  by  a  sudden  attack  of  disease,  which 
put  an  end  to  his  life,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age.  In 
the  delirium  of  his  dying  hour,  he  imagined  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  legions,  hurling  them  against  the  ranks  of  Mith- 
ridates.  With  vehement  gestures,  and  loud  shouts  which 
were  heard  far  into  the  streets,  he  issued  his  commands. 
Though  the  light  of  revealed  religion  had  never  dawned 
upon  his  mind,  no  one  can  doubt  his  responsibility  at  God's 
bar  for  his  manifold  crimes. 

Cicero  relates  that  at  the  funeral  of  Marius,  a  furious 
man,  named  Fimbria,  made  an  attempt  upon  the  life  of 
Scaevola,  one  of  the  most  virtuous  men  of  those  times. 
The  victim  escaped  with  but  a  flesh  wound.  Fimbria,  ex- 
asperated, declared  that  he  would  bring  Scsevola  to  trial 
before  the  people.  Being  asked  what  charge  he  would 
bring  against  one  whose  character  was  so  pure,  he  replied, 
"I  shall  accuse  him  of  not  having  given  my  dagger  a  more 
hearty  welcome."  Such  was  the  condition  of  Eome  at 
this  time. 

Marius  being  dead,  Cinna  remained  absolute  sovereign, 
with  no  one  to  dispute  his  power.  The  massacres  had  now 
ceased,  and  to  restore  the  usual  forms  of  the  constitution, 
Flaccus  was  chosen  colleague  consul  with  Cinna.  The  con- 
dition of  Rome  under  this  democratic  sway  much  resembled 
that  subsequently  witnessed  in  Paris  during  the  Reign  of 
Terror.  Many  of  the  nobles  left  Italy,  and  sought  refuge 
in  the  camp  of  Sylla,  in  Greece;  while  others  fled  trem- 
bling from  the  dangers  of  the  city  to  their  country  seats. 
Cicero  describes  the  three  years  which  succeeded  the  vic- 
tory of  Cinna  as  a  period  in  which  the  republic  enjoyed 
neither  dignity  nor  laws. 

Cicero  was  at  this  time  at  Rome,  devoting  himself  to  the 
study  of  eloquence  and  philosophy,  and  laying  up  those 
stores  of  wisdom  and  knowledge  which  enabled  him  subse- 


156  ITALr 

quentlj  to  fulfil  so  brilliant  a  career.  A  curious  sort  of 
bankrupt  law  was  passed  bj  the  democratic  government, 
by  whicb  a  debtor  was  allowed  to  liquidate  all  claims 
against  him  by  paying  one-fourth  of  the  amount.  The 
provinces  accepted,  without  opposition,  the  government 
established  in  the  metropolis.  But  Sylla,  at  the  head  of 
his  army  in  Grreece,  was  breathing  threats  of  vengeance. 
Openly  he  declared  his  intention,  so  soon  as  he  should 
finish  the  war  with  Mithridates,  to  return  to  Eome,  and 
punish  with  the  utmost  severity  Cinna  and  his  supporters. 
Sylla  soon  reconquered  all  Greece,  and  crossing  over  to 
Asia  Minor,  prosecuted  the  war  with  sucli  vigor  that  Mith- 
ridates was  glad  to  accept  terms  of  peace. 

Cinna  began  now  to  manifest  alarm,  and  apprehensive 
of  the  return  of  Sylla  with  a  victorious  army,  commenced 
endeavors  to  conciliate  the  rich,  whose  heads  he  had  so 
long  been  crushing  with  his  heel.  It  was  evident  that  the 
wheel  of  fortune  was  about  to  experience  another  revolu- 
tion. Cinna  was  not  a  man  to  fall  without  a  struggle,  fie 
raised  an  army  to  crush  Sylla;  but  public  opinion,  even 
in  the  army,  turned  against  him.  The  soldiers  rose  in  a 
mutiny,  and  Cinna  in  his  endeavors  to  quell  it  was  slain. 
Sylla  soon  landed  in  Italy,  with  forty  thousand  men.  This 
was  a  small  force,  with  which  to  meet  the  two  hundred 
thousand  whom  the  popular  party  had  raised  to  oppose 
him,  but  they  were  veteran  soldiers,  flushed  with  victory, 
and  the  whole  aristocratic  party  was  ready  to  join  them. 

Sylla  landed  at  Brundusium,  where  he  encountered  no 
opposition.  Immediately  commencing  his  march  upon  Rome, 
he  advanced  through  Calabria  and  Apulia.  The  two  armies 
met  near  Capua,  and  the  whole  consular  army  in  a  body 
went  over  to  the  aristocratic  Sylla,  leaving  their  com- 
mander Scipio,  alone  with  his  son,  in  his  tent;  a  memor- 
able instance  of  popular  fickleness  and  caprice.  With  new 
vigor  Sylla  pressed  on  toward  Rome,  wantonly  ravaging 
the  country  through  which  he  passed.  The  nobility  were 
on  all  sides  flocking  to  his  camp;  and  Carbo,  who  had  been 


\ 


THE   SOCIAL    WAR  157 

the  consular  colleague  of  Cinna,  to  check  this  spirit,  caused 
a  decree  to  be  passed,  that  all  who  united  with  Sylla,  should 
be  declared  to  be  public  enemies. 

And  now  Cn.  Pompeius,  or  as  he  is  generally  called, 
Pompej  the  Great,  first  makes  his  appearance  upon  this 
stage  of  wild  adventure.  He  was  the  son  of  a  late  pro- 
consul of  that  name,  and  he  lived  at  Picenum,  in  circum- 
stances of  moderate  wealth.  The  family  was  popular  in 
the  region  of  their  residence.  The  sympathies  of  Pompey 
were  strongly  with  Sylla,  and  he  warmly  espoused  the 
aristocratic  side,  in  this  stern  strife.  With  the  energy  which 
rendered  his  subsequent  life  so  illustrious,  he  raised  an  army 
of  three  legions,  amounting  to  about  seventeen  thousand 
men,  and  with  the  necessary  supplies  marched  to  join  Sylla. 
He  was  then  but  twenty- three  years  of  age,  and  had  never 
filled  any  public  office.  Sylla  appreciated  the  extraordinary 
energy  of  one  so  young,  and  received  him  with  the  most 
flattering  marks  of  distinction.  By  this  time,  however,  the 
campaign  weather  of  summer  had  passed  away  and  all 
the  belligerents  retired  to  winter  quarters. 

Carbo,  who  was  now  consul,  secured  the  election,  as  his 
colleague,  of  the  younger  Marius,  the  nephew  and  adopted 
son  of  the  renowned  demagogue  of  that  name.  Though 
Marius  was  but  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  he  was  already 
renowned  for  his  profligacy.  The  winter  was  long  and 
severe,  and  it  was  not  until  late  in  the  spring  that  military 
operations  were  resumed.  Soon  a  division  of  the  consular 
army,  under  Marius,  encountered  Sylla,  at  Sacriportum, 
near  the  city  of  Prseneste.  Their  defeat  was  entire.  Marius 
having  lost  twenty  thousand  slain,  and  eight  thousand  pris- 
oners, with  difficulty  escaped.  In  the  tumult  of  the  rout,  it 
was  not  safe  to  open  the  gates  of  Prasneste,  and  Marius  was 
drawn  up  into  the  city  by  ropes  thrown  down  to  him  from 
the  top  of  the  wall. 

Marius  had  fixed  on  Prteneste  as  the  great  rendezvous  of 
his  army,  and  the  point  from  which  he  would  sally  forth 
in  all  his  operations.     The  town,  built  on  the  side  of  a  hill. 


158  ITALY 

but  twenty  miles  from  Eome,  was  almost  impregnable  in  its 
fortifications.  The  battlements  of  Prseneste  were  distinctly 
visible  from  the  eternal  city.  Mar  ins,  during  the  winter, 
had  added  greatly  to  the  strength  of  the  place,  having 
robbed  the  temples  of  Rome,  that  he  might  convert  the 
treasure  into  money  to  pay  his  soldiers.  As  Sylla  advanced 
with  his  veteran  legions,  Marius,  conscious  that  the  aristo- 
cratic party  in  the  capital  would,  at  the  first  opportunity, 
rise  to  welcome  and  join  him,  sent  a  summons  for  the  senate 
to  assemble  in  the  Curia  Hostilia.  Unconscious  of  the 
premeditated  treachery  the  nobles  obeyed  the  summons. 
Marius  then  closed  the  avenues  by  armed  men,  and  desig- 
nated those  ^7hom  he  wished  to  be  massacred.  Three  illus- 
trious senators  were  struck  down  in  the  senate  house.  One 
was  killed  in  attempting  to  escape.  Quintus  Mucins  Scsevola, 
who  was  then  Pontifex  Maximus,  the  same  who  had  been 
attacked  by  the  fanatic  Fimbria,  a  man  of  spotless  character, 
yet  renowned  for  his  heroism,  seeing  a  party  advancing  to 
murder  him,  fled  to  the  temple  of  Yesta.  He  was  pursued 
and  cut  down,  with  sacrilegious  hands,  drenching  the  altar 
with  his  blood. 

The  most  prominent  of  the  aristocratic  party  being  thus 
slain,  Marius  and  Carbo  hoped  to  retain  their  supremacy. 
But  the  terrible  defeat  of  Sacriportum  blighted  all  these 
anticipations.  Marius  was  now  blocked  up  in  Pr^eneste, 
and  the  road  was  open  for  Sylla  to  Rome.  The  gates  of 
the  city  were  thrown  open  to  him,  and  he  rode  triumph- 
antly into  the  streets,  greeted  by  the  acclamations  of  those 
who  but  a  few  months  before  had  denounced  him  as  a  rebel 
and  an  outlaw. 

The  wheel  of  fortune  had  indeed  revolved  again.  Sylla 
organized  his  government,  replenished  his  military  chests 
with  the  proceeds  of  the  confiscated  estates  of  the  popular 
party,  and  leaving  a  portion  of  his  army  to  conduct  the 
siege  of  Praeneste,  with  another  portion  hastened  to  Tus- 
cany to  confront  Carbo,  who  was  strongly  intrenched  there. 
Victory   seemed   everywhere    to    light   upon    his   banners. 


THE   SOCIAL    WAR  159 

Desertion  thinned  the  ranlcs  of  Carbo,  and  treachery  sur- 
rendered whole  divisions  of  his  army  to  the  foe.  Verres, 
whose  infamy  Cicero  has  embalmed  in  the  amber  of  his 
eloquence,  abandoned  his  general,  and  purchased  the  par- 
don of  Sylla,  by  the  treasure  of  money  and  military  stores 
which  he  surrendered  to  his  hands.  Carbo,  thus  deserted, 
fled,  and  taking  a  boat  with  a  few  followers,  escaped  to 
Africa. 

The  triumph  of  the  aristocratical  party  now  seemed  com- 
plete, and  yet  at  this  last  moment  one  of  those  sudden  turns 
of  fortune,  which  often  baffle  all  the  calculations  of  human 
wisdom,  came  nigh  to  wrest  the  victory  from  their  hands. 
The  Italian  allies,  who  had  thus  far  looked  quietly  on,  well 
pleased  to  see  Eonian  slaughter  Roman,  were  alarmed  at  the 
decisive  victory  which  the  nobles  were  gaining,  for  they 
knew  full  well  that  the  triumph  of  the  aristocratic  party 
would  toll  the  knell  of  their  rights.  They  immediately 
combined  and  hastened  to  the  relief  of  Praeneste.  The 
wrecks  of  Carbo' s  army  rushed  to  their  standards.  The  j)op- 
ular  party  all  over  Italy  were  animated  to  new  courage,  and 
sprang  to  arms.  Sagaciously  and  secretly,  they  resolved  to 
make  a  bold  strike  for  Rome,  which,  not  having  the  slight- 
est apprehension  of  such  an  attack,  was  quite  defenceless. 

Breaking  up  suddenly,  in  a  dark  night,  from  before  the 
walls  of  Prgeneste,  the  dawn  of  the  morning  found  them  in 
military  array  within  a  mile  of  the  gates  of  Rome,  marching 
energetically  toward  the  Col  line  gate.  Rome  was  in  conster- 
nation. All  the  young  men  of  the  city,  formed  into  a  body 
of  cavalry,  sallied  from  the  walls  to  hold  the  foe  in  check 
till  aid  could  arrive  from  Prseneste.  But  they  were  routed 
and  driven  back  with  great  slaughter.  In  the  midst  of  the 
confusion  and  carnage,  the  peal  of  trumpets  was  heard, 
and  the  gleam  of  banners  was  seen  in  the  distance,  and 
nearly  a  thousand  helmed  and  veteran  horsemen,  from 
Sylla's  legions,  came  thundering  upon  the  plain.  Behind 
them  Sylla  himself  followed,  leading  his  infantry,  panting, 
with  their  almost  superhuman  exertions,  and  upon  the  full 


160  ITALY 

run.  It  was  indeed  a  wild  scene  of  turmoil,  clamor  and 
blood,  upon  which  the  unclouded  sun  looked  down  that 
morning,  so  different  from  the  quietude  upon  which  its 
evening  rays  had  fallen,  when  no  sound  disturbed  the  song 
of  the  bird  and  the  chirp  of  the  insect,  and  the  fields  slum- 
bered in  solitude. 

The  Italian  chieftains  rode  along  their  ranks  shouting, 
"Victory  is  ours.  This  is  the  last  day  of  the  Koman  em- 
pire. The  wolves  who  have  so  long  ravished  Italy  shall 
now  be  destroyed,  and  their  den  demolished."  But  God 
had  not  so  decided. 


•     CHAPTER   IX 

SYLLA     AND     CATILINE 

FROM  82  B.C.  TO  59  B.C. 

Battle  Under  the  "Walls — Triumph  of  Sylla — Caius  Julius  Caesar — Death  of 
Marius — Massacre  at  Prseneste — Mission  of  Pompej' — Abdication  of 
Sylla — His  Death — Policy  of  Lepidus — Triumph  of  Aristocracy — Caius 
Julius  Cajsar — Csesar  a  Ransomed  Slave — He  Espouses  the  Popular 
Cause — Character  of  Pompey — Spartacus  and  his  Band — His  Defeat 
and  Death — The  Slave  Trade — Hlustrative  Anecdote — Pompey  Crushes 
the  Pirates — The  Conspiracy  of  Catiline 

THE  battle  beneath  the  walls  of  Rome  was  as  fierce  as 
fury  and  despair  could  make  it.  Throughout  the 
whole  day  it  raged  with  unintermitted  ferocity,  until 
darkness  enveloped  the  gory  field.  The  combatants,  utterly 
exhausted,  threw  themselves  upon  the  sod  and  slept  side  by 
side,  neither  party  knowing  which,  upon  the  whole,  had 
suffered  most  in  the  fight.  But  the  light  of  the  morning 
revealed  more  fully  the  issue  of  the  battle.  The  field  was 
covered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the  allies,  and,  in  confu- 
sion, the  broken  bands  of  the  survivors  commenced  a  re- 
treat. Sylla,  gathering  recruits  from  Praeneste,  pursued 
them  with  merciless  slaughter,  and  then,  returning  in  tri- 
umph, entered  the  gates  of  Rome,  where  he  perpetrated 
deeds  of  cruelty  and  blood  which  have  consigned  his  mem- 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  161 

ory  to  eternal  infamy.  The  detail  of  his  enormities  would 
alike  weary,  disgust,  and  shock  the  reader.  Human  nature 
presents  itself  in  its  most  pitiable  aspect  in  all  these  scenes. 

A  division  of  the  routed  army  of  the  Italians,  three  thou- 
sand in  number,  sent  to  Sylla  imploring  mercy.  He  prom- 
ised to  spare  them  if  they  would  aid  him  in  executing 
vengeance  on  their  associates.  Infamously  they  accepted 
the  terms,  and  fell  upon  their  former  companions,  aiding 
the  soldiers  of  Sylla  in  cutting  them  to  pieces.  They  were 
all  then,  with  other  prisoners,  amounting  to  eight  thousand, 
put  to  the  sword.  The  infamy  of  Sylla  is  not  mitigated  by 
the  infamy  of  those  who  received  the  doom  of  treachery, 
having  perpetrated  its  deeds. 

While  this  massacre  was  transpiring,  Sylla  summoned 
the  senate,  and  addressed  them  with  the  utmost  heartless- 
ness,  even  when  the  shrieks  of  his  victims  were  resounding 
through  the  streets.  Observing  that  the  senators  appeared 
horror-stricken,  he  sternly  commanded  them  not  to  trouble 
themselves  with  what  was  passing  elsewhere,  but  to  attend 
to  his  words.  The  same  chastisement,  with  aggravated  ven- 
geance, was  now  meted  out  to  the  popular  party,  which 
they,  in  the  hour  of  their  triump'h,  had  visited  upon  their 
foes.  Every  day  witnessed  its  hecatomb  of  victims.  Each 
morning  Sylla  issued  his  proscription  list,  containing  the 
names  of  those  his  soldiers  were  immediately  to  butcher. 
All  laws  were  trampled  under  foot,  and  Sylla,  an  inexor- 
able tyrant,  as  the  advocate  of  the  nobles  of  Rome,  exer- 
cised a  despotism  which  in  mercilessness  has  never  been 
surpassed. 

These  horrible  scenes  of  cold-blooded  murder  were  not 
confined  to  Home  alone,  but  extended  all  over  Italy.  Sylla 
seemed  resolved  to  destroy  every  man  who  could  be  sus- 
pected even  of  advocating  popular  rights.  M.  Cato,  then 
a  mere  boy,  was  roused  to  the  utmost  indignation  by  the 
spectacle  of  these  crimes. 

There  was  one  young  man,  the  renown  of  whose  name 
subsequently  filled  the  world,  who  narrowly   escaped  the 


162  ITALY 

sword  of  Sylla.  It  was  Caius  Julius  Coesar.  He  was  then 
quite  young,  and  had  married  the  daughter  of  Cinna.  The 
elder  Marius  was  also  his  uncle,  having  married  his  father's 
sister.  Caius  Julius  CiBsar  was  thus  intimately  connected 
with  the  popular  party.  The  eagle  scrutiny  of  Sylla  had 
searched  him  out,  and  he  was  commanded  to  repudiate  his 
wife.  Kefusing  to  comply,  he  fled  from  Eome.  Soldiers 
were  sent  in  pursuit  of  him  to  bring  his  head  to  Sylla,  but 
by  the  entreaties  of  some  friends,  the  tyrant  consented  to 
spare  his  life.  And  though  tradition  says  that  he  affirmed, 
"in  Caesar  there  are  many  Mariuses, "  it  is  not  probable  that 
he  was  at  all  conscious  of  the  energetic  spirit  he  had  spared, 
to  place  its  broad  and  deep  impress  upon  the  world. 

The  garrison  at  Prgeneste  was  soon  compelled  to  surren- 
der. Marius  was  beheaded,  and  his  bleeding  head  was  pre- 
sented a  welcome  trophy  to  Sylla.  He  ordered  it  to  be  ex- 
posed in  the  forum.  Thinking  that  now  all  his  foes  were 
vanquished,  and  that  his  power  was  invincible,  and  his  ele- 
vation beyond  all  peril  of  fall,  he  assumed  the  surname  of 
Felix,  or  The  Fortunate.  Immediately  upon  the  surrender 
of  Prseneste,  Sylla  hastened  to  the  place  to  enjoy  the  execu- 
tions he  had  ordered.  Twelve  thousand  men  were  given  up 
to  massacre.  The  women  and  children  were  turned  into  the 
fields,  houseless  and  foodless,  and  the  town  was  abandoned 
to  plunder.  Sylla  enjoyed  this  so  much,  and  his  soldiers 
were  so  pleased  with  the  wealth  they  gained,  that  the  same 
course  was  pursued  with  seven  other  large  cities.  All  the 
inhabitants  who  were  not  massacred,  were  sold  for  slaves. 
The  entire  nation  of  the  Samnites  were  almost  entirely  extir- 
pated by  the  proscriptions  of  Sylla. 

Without  any  shadow  of  legitimate  power,  Sylla  thus 
filled  Italy,  through  all  its  provinces,  with  blood  and  ruin. 
Carbo,  from  Africa,  fled  to  Sicily,  hoping  to  rally  a  party 
there  to  make  a  stand  against  a  tyrant  who  had  been  even 
more  tyrannical  and  cruel  than  himself.  Pompey  was  de- 
spatched across  the  straits  to  meet  him.  His  energy  was 
successful,  and  Carbo  was  driven  from  the  island.     He  was 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  163 

pursued,  taken  prisoner,  and  brought  into  the  presence  of 
Pompey  at  Lilybseum.  Pompey,  regardless  of  the  consular 
dignity  of  his  captive,  ordered  him  to  immediate  execution. 
The  republic  was  thus  left  without  a  consul;  and  a  success- 
ful general,  supported  by  his  army,  was  at  the  head  of  the 
state.  Sylla,  instead  of  proceeding  to  the  election  of  con- 
suls, caused  himself  to  be  appointed  by  the  senate,  dictator, 
for  an  unlimited  period,  until  tranquillity  and  security 
should  be  restored  to  the  affairs  of  the  commonwealth. 
No  one  dared  to  offer  a  word  of  resistance. 

But  again  clouds  of  darkness  and  war  began  to  gather 
in  distant  lands.  Mithridates  was  reassembling  his  forces, 
Africa  was  agitated  and  roused  with  the  desire  to  drive  out 
the  Romans;  and  in  Spain,  the  spirit  of  revolt  had  sprung 
up  and  spread  with  great  rapidity  and  success.  The  power 
of  the  dictator,  undisputed  in  Italy,  could  not  overawe  these 
distant  realms.  The  popular  cause  in  Italy  was  apparently 
annihilated,  and  the  commonwealth  lay  bleeding  and  gasp- 
ing at  the  feet  of  its  conqueror.  The  great  object  of  Sylla, 
in  all  his  measures,  was  to  strengthen  the  aristocratic  party, 
and  to  crush  democratic  freedom.  The  senate  had  been  a 
legislative  body.  Sylla  transferred  to  it  judicial  power. 
Some  of  the  laws,  which,  with  untiring  industry,  he  enacted 
were  salutary  in  their  operation. 

Pompey  passed  over  to  Africa,  and  by  the  energies  of 
fire  and  sword,  in  one  year  quelled  all  insubordination 
there.  He  returned  to  Rome  plumed  with  victory,  and 
enjoyed  the  luxury  of  a  triumph.  Sylla  now  caused  him- 
self and  one  of  his  obsequious  partisans,  G.  Metellus  Pius, 
to  be  chosen  consuls.  With  great  sagacity  he  established 
his  authority  8,nd  consolidated  his  party;  and  then,  with  all 
the  reins  of  power  collected  in  his  hands,  to  be  placed  at 
will  in  the  hands  of  his  creatures,  he  nominally  renounced 
his  office  of  dictator.  This  abdication  of  Sylla,  so  renowned 
in  history,  seems  to  have  been  anything  but  a  noble  act. 
It  is  true  he  had  accomplished  his  ends.  The  popular  party 
was  apparently  annihilated,  and  the  aristocracy  were  in  the 


164  ITALY 

entire  ascendency.  His  partisans  were  all  enriched  by  the 
sale  of  conliscated  estates;  his  soldiers  were  extravagantly 
rewarded,  by  grants  of  land,  and  he  had  retained  for  himself 
more  than  regal  wealth  and  luxury.  He  was  still  the  ac- 
knowledged head  of  his  party,  and  renouncing  only  its  toils, 
and  empty  title,  still  retained  in  reality  both  sovereign  dig- 
nity and  power. 

Sylla,  retiring  from  the  labors  of  office,  surrendered  him- 
self to  the  utmost  excesses  of  sensual  and  voluptuous  indul- 
gence. His  associates  were  generally  only  those  who  had 
talents  and  attractions  to  gild  the  vices  of  which  they 
boasted.  His  leisure  hours  he  devoted  to  the  composi- 
tion of  his  own  memoirs,  bringing  down  the  narrative  until 
within  a  few  days  of  his  death.  But  little  more  than  a  year 
elapsed,  after  his  abdication,  ere  he  was  attacked  by  a  loath- 
some disease,  the  eflfect  of  his  vices,  and  died,  devoured  by 
vermin,  in  a  state  of  the  most  absolute  and  unmitigated 
misery.  His  funeral  was  attended  with  much  parade  in 
the  Campus  Martins,  and,  at  his  own  request,  his  body  was 
burned.  The  nobility  of  Eome,  and  especially  the  ladies, 
vied  with  each  other  in  their  endeavors  to  confer  honor 
upon  the  memory  of  him  who  had  so  efiectually  re-estab- 
lished aristocratic  usurpation  in  the  eternal  city.  His  life 
signally  illustrates  the  truth  that  literary  and  intellectual 
eminence  of  the  highest  order  may  be  combined  with  the 
lowest  and  most  brutal  profligacy.  It  is  only  that  "wis- 
dom," the  beginning  of  which  is  "the  fear  of  the  Lord," 
which  is  the  unerring  guide  to  virtue. 

Immediately  upon  the  death  of  Sylla,  the  popular  party, 
weak  as  it  was,  made  an  attempt  to  rally  and  to  obtain  a  re- 
peal of  some  of  the  most  obnoxious  laws  of  the  aristocratic 
dictator.  The  two  consuls  at  this  time  were  Lepidus  and 
Catulus.  From  some  unknown  influence,  perhaps  conscien- 
tiousness, Lepidus  manifested  some  sympathy  for  the  popu- 
lar cause,  and  openly  denounced  several  of  the  most  oppres- 
sive measures  introduced  by  Sylla.  Growing  more  and  more 
bold,  as  friends  increased,  he  became  the  leader  of  those  who 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  165 

^ere  now  faintly  hoping  for  a  counter-revolution.  The 
broken  bands  of  the  Italian  allies  were  summoned  to  their 
ftid.  The  two  consuls,  taking  opposite  sides,  were  arrayed 
in  bitter  hostility  against  each  other,  and  Kome  was  again 
threatened  with  civil  war. 

The  aristocratic  senate,  jealous  of  the  increasing  power 
of  Lepidus,  at  the  close  o£  his  consulship  allowed  him  to 
take  command,  as  proconsul,  of  the  distant  province  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  thinking  that  he  would  be  thus  removed 
to  a  safe  distance  from  Rome.  Here  Lepidus  found  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  strong  army;  adventurers  from  Eome 
and  its  vicinity  hastened  to  his  camp,  and  soon  he  com- 
menced a  menacing  march  toward  the  capital.  An  army 
was  sent  to  meet  him.  He  was  utterly  defeated,  and  retir- 
ing in  dejection  to  Sardinia,  there  soon  died.  One  of  his 
officers,  who  shared  in  this  defeat,  was  Brutus,  father  of  the 
one  who  has  attained  world-wide  celebrity  as  the  assassin 
of  Caesar.  This  elder  Brutus  was  taken  prisoner  of  war  and 
put  to  death. 

The  popular  movement  was  thus  effectually  quelled,  and 
aristocracy  was  more  firmly  established  than  ever.  But  the 
conflict  could  never  cease.  So  long  as  one  portion  of  the 
community  is  resolved  to  trample  upon  the  rights  of  an- 
other, there  must  be  an  undying  struggle.  And  this  irre- 
pressible conflict  must  burst  out  into  bloody  war,  whenever 
the  oppressed  see  any  chance  to  smite  their  oppressors.  The 
recognition  of  man's  fraternity,  and  the  admission  of  equal 
rights  for  all,  would  have  saved  this  world  u.nnumbered 
woes.  This  cruel  strife,  which  commenced  with  Cain  and 
Abel,  has  continued  to  the  present  day.  In  this  conflict 
America  has  had  her  Washington,  France  her  Napoleon, 
and  Rome  her  Caius  Julius  C^sar,  each,  under  different 
institutions,  and  with  varying  success,  was  the  champion 
of  popular  rights. 

The  family  of  Caesar  was  ancient  and  illustrious.  Caius, 
the  one  to  whom  the  name  chiefly  owes  its  renown,  was  the 
son  of  Lucius  Julius  Cassar,  a  noble  of  pretorian  rank,  and 


166  ITALY 

of  Aurelia  Cotta,  a  lady  also  of  illustrious  lineage.  He  was 
born  exactly  a  hundred  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ. 
As  we  have  before  mentioned,  he  married,  in  early  life,  the 
daughter  of  Cinna,  and  very  narrowly  escaped  the  proscrip- 
tion of  Sylla.  He  first  drew  his  sword  in  Asia  Minor,  in 
the  war  against  Mithridates.  After  this  he,  from  time  to 
time,  studied,  probably  in  company  with  Cicero,  at  Ehodes, 
under  the  instruction  of  Apollonius  Molo.  On  one  of  his 
excursions  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  some  Greek  pirates, 
and  was  ransomed  by  the  payment  of  a  sum  amounting  to 
nearly  sixty  thousand  dollars.  The  energetic  young  man 
immediately  raised  a  small  naval  force,  and,  on  his  own 
responsibility,  pursued  'the  pirates,  sank  several  of  their 
ships,  and  capturing  others,  returned  with  them,  and  a 
large  number  of  prisoners,  to  his  own  land.  He  then  de- 
manded of  the  authorities  permission  to  execute  them. 
But  finding  that  the  government,  influenced  by  avarice, 
was  rather  inclined  to  sell  them  as  slaves,  Csesar,  without 
waiting  for  a  reply  to  his  application,  caused  them  all  to 
be  put  to  death. 

He  early  manifested  hostility  to  the  tyrant  Sylla,  and 
even  ventured,  in  the  height  of  the  despot's  power,  to  bring 
a  charge  of  corruption  against  one  of  his  officers.  Though 
unsuccessful  in  his  suit,  as  was  to  have  been  expected,  the 
boldness  of  the  act  gave  him  distinction  as  the  foe  of 
the  aristocracy,  and  the  friend  of  popular  freedom.  Upon 
the  death  of  his  wife  Cornelia,  the  daughter  of  Cinna,  he 
pronounced  an  eulogy  upon  her  character,  which,  for  its 
polished  diction  and  glowing  eloquence,  excited  great  ad- 
miration. We  have  before  mentioned  that  his  father's  sis- 
ter married  Marius.  At  her  death,  though  Marius  had  been 
denounced  as  a  traitor,  he  ordered  that  his  image,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Eoman  custom,  should  be  borne  in  the  pro- 
cession at  her  funeral.  The  nobles  were  enraged,  but  the 
populace  were  delighted,  justly  regarding  this  as  the  pledge 
of  his  devotion  to  their  cause,  and  the  image  of  Marius  was 
greeted  with  enthusiastic  acclaim. 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  167 

It  is  recorded  that  at  this  time  he  was  a  man  of  profligate 
habits;  indeed  the  whole  Koman  world,  with  but  rare  ex- 
ceptions, appears  to  have  been  in  the  condition  of  pollution 
and  infamy  which  Paul  has  so  graphically  described  in  his 
Epistle  to  the  Eomans.  We  can  see  but  little  diiierence  in 
that  respect  between  aristocrat  and  democrat — between  Ma- 
rius  and  Sylla.  They  were  struggling  against  each  other 
for  the  supremacy,  and  each  was  equally  unprincipled  in 
the  hour  of  triumph. 

Pompey  was  at  this  time,  as  the  agent  of  the  aristocratic 
party,  quelling  an  insurrection  in  Spain,  and  having,  with 
his  characteristic  energy,  accomplished  his  purpose,  he  was 
permitted  to  enjoy  the  luxury  of  a  triumph ;  and  was  also 
additionally  rewarded  with  a  seat  in  the  consular  chair. 
As  Pompey  had  maintained  his  army  exclusively. from  the 
spoils  of  war,  Spain  was  left  in  a  state  of  utter  destitution. 
Pompey,  in  his  passage  to  Gaul,  had  punished  the  Gauls  with 
merciless  severity  for  espousing  the  cause  of  Lepidus  against 
the  aristocracy  at  Eome;  and  this  vast  province  also  was 
thus  now  desolate  and  impoverished. 

A  curious  incident,  highly  characteristic  of  the  times, 
merits  notice.  About  seventy  gladiators,  prisoners  of  war, 
were  in  training  at  Capua,  for  the  bloody  gladiatorial  shows 
at  Eome.  They,  in  a  body,  broke  away  from  their  keepers, 
and  encountering  on  the  road  some  wagons  with  arms  and 
supplies,  seized  them,  and  retreating  to  the  heights  of  Mt. 
Vesuvius,  strongly  intrenched  themselves  there.  Spartacus 
was  the  chosen  leader  of  this  band.  Every  day  their  num- 
bers increased  by  the  accession  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  the 
impoverished  and  restless  populace  of  Eome.  Spartacus 
soon  had  a  band  so  numerous  and  well  disciplined  that 
he  marched  from  behind  his  ramparts,  and,  plundering  the 
cities  of  Campania,  endeavored  to  effect  a  retreat  to  the  dis- 
tant Alps.  A  Eoman  army  was  sent  to  attack  him.  He 
turned  upon  his  foes  with  the  bound  of  a  lion,  and  crushed 
them  to  the  dust.  Another  army  was  sent.  It  encountered 
the  same  fate.     Proudly  he  now  strode  on,  unopposed,  to- 


168  ITALY 

ward  the  defiles  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  But  liere  he  found  a 
third  army,  which  he  also  promptly  assailed  and  demolished. 

Intoxicated  by  these  successes,  and  at  the  head  of  an 
army  rapidly  increasing  in  numbers,  Spartacus  dreamed 
that  he  was  able  to  cope  with  all  the  powers  of  Eome,  and 
to  conquer  even  the  eternal  city.  "Wheeling  around  his 
battalions,  notwithstanding  their  remonstrances,  he  began 
to  retrace  his  steps.  Soon  he  was  compelled  to  retire  to 
winter  quarters,  maintaining  his  soldiers  by  the  plunder  of 
the  surrounding  country.  The  senate  was  now  thoroughly 
aroused.  A  powerful  army  was  organized  during  the  win- 
ter. In  the  early  spring  Spartacus  was  attacked,  cut  off 
from  his  retreat  to  the  north,  and  driven,  with  his  broken 
bands,  to  the  south  of  Italy.  Here  he  attempted  to  con- 
struct rafts  to  float  his  followers  over  to  Sicily,  hoping  to 
rouse  the  slaves  to  join  his  standards.  But  Crass  us,  who 
led  the  Eoman  force,  vigorously  pursued  him,  and  Sparta- 
cus was  blockaded  on  a  small  promontory  near  Ehegium. 
Finding  escape  by  sea  hopeless,  in  a  dark  and  stormy  night 
he  crept  unobserved,  with  his  diminished .  columns,  through 
the  enemy's  line,  and  directed  his  retreat  toward  the  fast- 
nesses of  the  Lucanian  mountains.  Crassus  vigorously  pur- 
sued. A  desperate  battle  took  place,  and  the  army  of  Spar- 
tacus was  cut  to  pieces,  he  himself  perishing  with  the  slain. 
The  cruel  victor  lined  the  road  from  Capua  to  Eome  with 
the  crucified  bodies  of  the  prisoners,  who  were  thus  left  to 
perish  in  the  lingering  agonies  of  that  most  terrible  of 
deaths. 

At  this  period  the  whole  Mediterranean  Sea  swarmed 
with  pirates,  who,  emerging  from  caves  and  creeping  cau- 
tiously around  headlands,  baffled  all  the  naval  power  of 
Eome.  The  slave  trade  was  then  in  vigor  which  has 
never  been  surpassed,  though  it  was  almost  exclusively 
confined  to  the  Caucasian  race.  The  pirates  of  Cilicia,  in 
Asia  Minor,  at  the  foot  of  the  Mt.  Taurus  range,  ravaged 
all  shores,  and  supplied  abundautl}',  and  on  the  most  rea- 
sonable terms,  the  great  slaveholders  of  Italy  with  men, 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  169 

•women,  and  children.  By  night  they  would  make  an  as- 
sault upon  some  sequestered  hamlet,  strike  down  all  who 
resisted,  fire  the  dwellings,  and  convey  the  residue  to  the 
great  slave  market  at  Delos,  in  the  MgQdJi  Sea,  where  pur- 
chasers flocked  from  all  parts  of  the  Roman  empire,  asking 
no  questions,  for  conscience'  sake,  respecting  the  manner  in 
which  the  slaves  had  been  obtained.  To-day,  we  can  think 
only  with  extreme  repulsion  of  the  very  idea  of  slavery. 
But  in  that  remote  age  it  excited  no  feelings  of  revolt. 
Then,  the  possession  of  slaves  was  lawful;  indeed,  to  own 
a  band  of  serfs  signified  prominence  or  wealth.  So  that, 
far  from  being  discreditable,  the  ownership  of  slaves  was  in 
civilized  countries  considered  enviable. 

These  wretched  slaves,  packed  in  the  holds  of  pirate 
ships  constructed  for  rapidity  of  sailing,  were  often  persons 
of  fortune,  distinction,  and  education.  Caius  Julius  Ctesar 
had  been  thus  captured,  and  was  a  slave,  who,  not  being 
able  to  run  away,  purchased  his  freedom,  paying  for  it 
sixty  thousand  dollars.  These  pirates  were  as  ready  to 
steal  money  as  men,  and  property  of  every  kind  was  seized 
by  them  without  scruple.  Rome  was  too  deeply  interested 
in  the  slave  trade  to  act  with  determination  against  those 
who  supplied  the  mart,  and  hence  for  ages  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean,  in  the  prosecution  of  this  traffic,  blazed  with 
conflagrations  and  were  crimsoned  with  blood. 

These  pirates  were  so  numerous  and  formidable  that  they 
often  made  descents  from  their  ships  and  attacked  fortified 
towns.  About  the  year  70  B.C.,  one  Heracleo,  with  four 
piratic  ships,  captured  and  burned  several  Roman  ships 
sent  to  oppose  him,  and  after  ravaging  the  coasts  of  Sicily 
at  his  pleasure,  entered,  in  triumph  and  defiance,  the  har- 
bor of  Syracuse.  Descents  were  frequently  made  upon  the 
coasts  of  Italy.  The  brother  of  M.  Antony  was  once  sent 
in  command  of  an  expedition  against  them.  During  his  ab- 
sence the  pirates  landed  by  night  at  Misenum,  seized  the 
children  of  Antony,  and  carried  them  off  as  slaves.  The 
distracted  father  rescued  his  children  from  bondage  only 

Italy — 8 


170  ITALY 

by  paying  an  enormous  ransom.  At  one  time  these  slave- 
trading  pirates  even  entered  the  Tiber,  and  captured  a  Ro- 
man fleet  within  twenty  miles  of  the  capital.  History  gives 
us  the  names  of  four  hundred  cities  which  had  been  cap- 
tured by  these  slavers.  The  condition  of  humanity  then 
must  have  been  miserable  indeed.  Pirates  ravaged  the 
seas,  and  Roman  governors,  still  more  remorseless,  rav- 
aged the  land. 

The  triumph  of  Sylla  had  greatly  aggravated  the  ex- 
cesses of  the  governing  power.  The  laws  were  almost  en- 
tirely inoperative  against  any  amount  of  extortion  and  cor- 
ruption. One  incident  will  show  how  powerless  were  the 
weak  against  the  strong.  Verres,  as  questor,  was  sent  on 
a  mission  to  the  king  of  Bithynia.  Passing  through  Lamp- 
sacus,  in  Greece,  he  was  informed  that  a  gentleman  there 
had  a  daughter  of  very  rare  beauty.  He  determined  to 
take  her  for  a  slave,  and  sent  one  of  his  own  most  obse- 
quious attendants,  in  furtherance  of  his  plans,  to  lodge 
with  Philodamus  for  the  night.  He  was  entertained  with 
great  hospitality,  and  at  his  request  several  of  his  compan- 
ions were  invited  to  sup  with  him.  When  heated  with 
wine  they  demanded  that  the  beautiful  daughter  should  be 
brought  forward  and  exhibited  to  them,  intending  to  seize 
her.  According  to  the  Grecian  customs,  nothing  could  be 
more  outrageously  insulting  than  such  a  request.  The 
father  indignantly  refused.  His  Roman  guests,  aided  by 
their  slaves,  endeavored  to  accomplish  their  purpose  by 
violence.  The  father,  assisted  by  his  son,  fought  valiantly 
to  protect  his  daughter.  In  the  fray  one  of  the  Romans  was 
killed  and  several  of  the  slaves  were  wounded.  The  people 
in  the  neighborhood  rallied  and  protected  the  family.  But 
the  father  and  son  were  both  condemned  and  beheaded. 
Cicero  records  this  enormity,  with  others  even  more  atro- 
cious, against  Verres. 

When  Pompe)'-  appeared  in  Rome,  as  a  successful  gen- 
eral, seeking  the  consulship,  the  people  welcomed  him,  hop- 
ing that  they  might  secure  him  as  their  leader.      He  made 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  171 

them  flattering  promises,  was  elected  bj  acclaim,  and  re- 
pealed, as  one  of  his  first  measures,  the  most  obnoxious  of 
Sylla's  laws,  and  restored  the  tribuneship — the  popular 
branch  of  the  government.  By  this  act  he  secured  great 
popularity.  At  the  close  of  the  year,  as  his  consulship  ter- 
minated, he  declined  accepting  any  other  of&ce,  and  re- 
mained in  Rome  a  private  citizen,  opulent  and  generally 
revered. 

The  outrages  of  the  piratic  slave  stealers  had  now  be- 
come intolerable,  and  Gabinius,  one  of  the  tribunes,  pro- 
posed that  the  war  with  the  pirates  should  be  intrusted  to 
one  person  for  three  years;  that  his  power  should  extend  to 
every  part  of  the  empire,  with  dictatorial  authority  to  raise 
men  and  money;  and  that  Pompey  should  be  intrusted  with 
this  extraordinary  command.  Gabinius  was  a  partisan  of 
Pompey,  and  was  acting  under  his  guidance.  The  people 
eagerly  advocated  this  measure.  The  nobles  were  alarmed, 
for  it  had  now  become  evident  that  he  was  courting  popular 
favor.  The  senate  began  to  threaten  Gabinius,  and  the  mob 
to  threaten  the  senate.  The  decree,  after  a  severe  struggle, 
was  carried,  and  Pompey  passed  the  whole  winter  in  most 
energetic  preparations  to  commence,  in  the  early  spring,  his 
war  upon  the  pirates.  With  a  large  fleet,  almost  before  the 
storms  of  winter  had  ceased,  he  scoured  the  coasts  of  Sicily 
and  of  Africa,  and  thence  sailed  for  Sardinia,  leaving  at  all 
these  places  ships  to  guard  important  points,  and  detach- 
ments of  troops  upon  the  shore.  So  vigorously  did  he  pro- 
ceed that  but  six  weeks  were  employed  in  this  enterprise. 

The  pirates,  thus  driven  from  their  haunts  in  those  re- 
gions of  the  Mediterranean,  gradually  drew  back  toward 
Cilicia,  where  they  were  intrenched  in  almost  sufficient 
power  to  bid  defiance  even  to  Pompey.  But  the  indom- 
itable warrior  pursued  them;  and  conscious  that  he  must 
expect  determined  resistance,  he  went  provided  with  all  the 
apparatus  for  conducting  sieges.  To  his  surprise  he  found 
the  pirates  overawed  by  his  military  renown,  and  they  sur- 
rendered almost  without  any  show  of  opposition. 


172  ITALY 

With  great  wisdom  and  mercy,  Pompey  followed  up  liis 
victory.  All  the  slaves  he  found  .in  their  hands  he  freed; 
took  possession  of  all  their  resources  for  evil,  and  then  es- 
tablished measures  to  reclaim  the  inhabitants  from  their 
guilty  and  wretched  habits  of  life.  Some  of  the  pirates  he 
removed  into  the  interior,  and  endeavored  to  encourage 
them  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  In  seven  weeks  from 
the  time  he  sailed  from  Italy  for  the  east,  the  sea  was  swept 
clean  of  every  piratic  craft,  and  measures  were  in  successful 
operation  permanently  to  change  the  habits  and  characters 
of  those  who  had  so  long  been  scourges  of  humanity. 

The  magnificent  island  of  Crete  had  until  now  main- 
tained its  independence.  But  a  Roman  army  was  at  this 
time  overrunning  it,  with  every  prospect  of  speedily  effect- 
ing its  subjugation.  The  Cretans,  hearing  of  the  wisdom 
and  mercy  of  Pompey,  sent  a  delegation  to  him  at  Cilicia, 
requesting  him  to  come  and  receive  their  submission. 
Pompey  was  more  than  willing  to  accede  to  their  request, 
and  sent  one  of  his  lieutenants,  Octavius,  to  take  possession 
of  the  island.  But  Metellus,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
Roman  legions  there,  spurned  the  message,  and  crushing 
down  all  opposition,  with  military  exactions  and  executions 
of  the  utmost  cruelty,  brought  the  whole  island  in  subjec- 
tion to  his  feet. 

The  popular  party  was  now  again  advancing,  and  the  ar- 
istocracy at  Rome,  in  their  alarm,  opposed  every  measure  of 
reform,  however  reasonable  or  salutary  it  might  be.  The 
people  were  now  looking  to  Pompey  as  their  friend.  Ma- 
nilius,  one  of  the  tribunes,  proposed  that  as  Pompey  had 
been  so  successful  in  terminating  the  piratic  war,  he  should 
be  intrusted  with  the  sole  management  of  the  war  against 
Mithridates  and  Tigranes.  This  was  the  famous  Manilian 
law.  It  was  bitterly  opposed  by  the  nobles  generally;  but 
both  Caesar  and  Cicero  advocated  it,  and  it  was  carried. 

Lucius  Sergius  Catiline,  a  man  of  woi'ld-wide  notoriety 
through  the  eloquence  of  Cicero,  now  first  makes  his  ap- 
pearance   upon    the    historic    stage.      He   ofiiered    himself 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  173 

as  a  candidate  for  the  consulship.  But  the  senate  pro- 
nounced him  ineligible,  as  he  was  then  under  accusation 
for  misconduct  in  the  government  of  a  province  in  Asia. 
Exasperated  by  this  rejection,  he  conspired  with  two  com- 
panions of  congenial  profligacy  to  murder  the  two  consuls- 
elect,  Cotta  and  Manlius,  on  the  first  of  January,  as  they 
were  taking  their  oaths  of  office.  Catiline  and  one  of  his 
confederates,  Ausanius,  were  then  to  seize  the  consular  dig- 
nity for  themselves,  while  the  third  conspirator,  Piso,  was 
to  be  despatched  to  Spain  to  secure  that  province.  The 
plot  was  suspected,  and  its  execution  was  consequently 
postponed  to  the  fifth  of  February,  when  it  was  intended 
not  only  to  murder  the  consuls,  but  a  large  part  of  the  sena- 
tors. Again,  by  some  misunderstanding,  the  plot  was  frus- 
trated. Both  Cicero  and  Sallust  mention  this  conspiracy 
as  universally  known,  yet  the  conspirators  being  baffled, 
strangely  were  not  punished. 

Two  years  after  this  Catiline  again  offered  himself  for 
the  consulship.  He  had  been  one  of  Sylla's  most  merciless 
agents  in  his  proscriptions.  Profligacy  had  reduced  him  to 
indigence,  and  in  the  desperate  state  of  his  affairs  he  was 
ripe  for  any  remunerative  crime.  He  was  of  patrician 
birth,  and  polluted  with  even  an  unusual  share  of  the  vices 
at  that  time  characteristic  of  his  class.  Many  young  nobles, 
his  boon  companions  in  debauchery,  were  accomplices  in 
his  treasonable  plots.  The  oppressions  of  the  nobles  had 
filled  the  land  with  restless  spirits.  The  confiscations  of 
Sylla  had  deprived  thousands  of  their  property,  and  these 
impoverished  multitudes  had  something  to  hope  for,  and 
nothing  to  lose  by  revolution.  It  is  also  recorded  that 
there  were  many  women  of  distinguished,  rank,  but  terribly 
involved  in  debt,  ruined  by  extravagance  and  dissipation, 
who  were  ready  to  use  poison  or  the  dagger,  even  against 
their  own  husbands,  hoping  to  extricate  themselves  from 
their  embarrassments  by  the  tumult  of  civil  war. 

Catiline  affected  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the  people, 
though  he  himself  was  one  of  the  most  corrupt,  and  had 


174  ITALY 

been  the  most  intolerant  of  the  patricians.  But  it  was  evi- 
dent to  every  eye  that  all  the  honors  and  emoluments  were 
grasped  by  the  rich,  and  the  masses  of  the  people  were  de- 
graded and  impoverished.  Consequently  whoever  spoke 
upon  this  theme  found  thousands  of  eager  listeners.  Even 
Cicero,  notwithstanding  the  comparative  purity  of  his  char- 
acter and  his  exalted  abilities,  was  bitterly  opposed  by  the 
nobles  when  a  candidate  for  the  consulship,  solely  because 
he  could  not  boast  exalted  lineage.  But  as  he  earnestly 
avowed  aristocratic  principles,  though  of  plebeian  birth, 
the  nobles  at  length  condescended  to  waive  their  objec- 
tions. The  nobles  were  also  alarmed  in  view  of  Catiline's 
conspiracy,  and  needed  the  influence  of  Cicero's  matchless 
eloquence  to  protect  them. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  Cicero  and 
Antonius  were  elected  consuls.  Catiline,  defeated  in  the 
election,  was  doubly  exasperated.  He  now  began  to  push 
forward  with  new  vigor  his  schemes  for  civil  war.  His 
partisans  at  Rome  were  rapidly  increased,  secret  meetings 
were  held,  depots  of  arms  were  provided  at  different  points, 
and  large  sums  of  money  were  raised.  Cicero,  with  great 
sagacity,  traced  out  all  the  labyrinths  of  the  plot.  Though 
Catiline  was  ever  attempting  the  assassination  of  this  his 
most  formidable  foe,  the  friends  of  Cicero  guarded  him  so 
carefully  that  all  the  efforts  of  the  conspirators  in  that  direc- 
tion were  frustrated. 

One  of  the  conspirators,  Q.  Curius,  a  talkative  noble,  had 
among  his  acquaintances  an  intriguing  woman  by  name  of 
Fulvia.  She  importuned  Curius  to  tell  her  what  was  on  his 
mind,  she  having  suspicions.  To  appease  her  curiosity,  he 
assured  her  that  ^he  could  trust  her  with  a  secret,  and  re- 
vealed to  her  the  conspiracy,  which  was  just  on  the  eve 
of  its  accomplishment.  She,  woman-like,  betrayed  the  secret 
to  another,  and  soon  Cicero  had  her  in  his  employ,  as  his 
agent,  keeping  him  minutely  informed  of  all  the  details  and 
progress  of  the  plot.  In  this  way,  also,  he  was  enabled 
effectually  to   guard  against  his  own  assassination.     Still 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  175 

the  character  of  Eoman  law  was  such  that  the  consul  could 
not  move  against  the  conspirators  until  there  were  some 
overt  act  of  rebellion.  Catiline  assumed  the  air  of  an  inno- 
cent and  calumniated  man,  and  his  friends  were  so  numer- 
ous, that  it  was  needful  that  his  guilt  should  be  undeniably 
proved  before  it  would  be  safe  to  strike  him. 

During  all  this  time  Cicero  devoted  his  energies  to  the 
support  of  the  aristocracy,  lending  no  countenance  to  any 
measures  for  meliorating  the  deplorable  condition  of  the 
poor.  A  law  was  proposed  to  provide  the  starving  popu- 
lace with  land  to  cultivate,  from  the  vast  tract  of  national 
territory  which  war  had  depopulated.  It  is  true  that  this 
homestead  bill  contained  some  objectionable  features. 
Cicero,  however,  suggested  no  amendment,  but  brought 
upon  the  scheme  the  crushing  weight  of  his  eloquence, 
and  the  people  were  left  to  starve.  A  resolution,  humane 
and  just,  was  introduced,  to  restore  to  the  rights  of  citizen- 
ship the  children  of  those  who  had  been  infamously  pro- 
scribed by  Sylla.  Again  the  voice  of  Cicero  was  heard  on 
the  side  of  oppression,  and  his  eloquence  prevailed. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  senate,  as  Catiline  entered  with  an 
air  of  innocence,  Cicero  immediately  assailed  him  with 
direct  accusation  and  bitter  reproaches.  Catiline,  allowing 
exasperation  to  get  the  better  of  his  prudence,  pithily  re- 
plied, "There  are  two  parties  in  the  commonwealth;  the 
nobles,  weak  in  both  head  and  body;  the  people,  strong  in 
body,  but  headless.  I  intend  to  supply  this  body  with  a 
head." 

Measures  were  now  ripe  for  the  revolt.  One  of  the  con- 
spirators, C.  Manlius,  hastened  to  Etruria,  and,  summon- 
ing his  partisans,  raised  the  banners  of  civil  war.  Others 
of  the  conspirators  rallied  their  forces  in  Picenum  and 
Apulia.  But  Cicero  was  prepared  for  the  crisis.  Procla- 
mations, scattered  far  and  wide,  announced  the  peril. 
Armies  were  sent  to  crush  the  insurgents;  and  Eome 
assumed  the  aspect  of  a  city  under  martial  law.  Still 
Catiline  walked  the  streets  unarrested.      Though   guiding 


176  ITALY 

every  movement,  he  professed  entire  innocence,  and  de- 
clared his  belief  that  the  alarm  was  a  mere  pretence.  As 
there  was  as  yet  no  legal  evidence  against  him,  and  he  be- 
longed to  the  aristocratic  party,  he  could  not  be  arrested. 
In  his  assumed  innocence  he  offered  to  place  himself  in  the 
custody  of  any  persons  whom  the  senate  might  appoint, 
even  in  that  of  the  consul  Cicero  himself. 

Many  suspected  Cicero  of  fabricating  the  story  of  the 
conspiracy  to  subserve  his  own  ends,  and  particularly  to 
effect  the  destruction  of  his  rival  Catiline.  Hence  it  became 
a  matter  of  vital  importance  to  Cicero,  that  the  conspiracy 
should  be  left  to  develop  itself  sufficiently  to  remove  all 
doubt  from  the  public  mind.  Still  it  was  necessary  for  him 
to  adopt  such  precautions  for  defence,  that  Catiline  was 
greatly  embarrassed  in  his  operations,  and  his  accomplices 
in  Rome  were  overawed  by  the  vigilance  of  the  government. 
At  length  Catiline  resolved  to  lay  aside  the  mask.  One 
night  he  assembled  his  associates,  in  one  of  their  secret 
gatherings,  and  after  giving  them  minute  directions  as  to 
the  plan  of  procedure,  arranged  for  two  of  their  number, 
C.  Cornelius  and  L.  Varguntius,  to  go  early  the  next  morn- 
ing to  Cicero's  house  and  assassinate  him  in  his  chamber. 
The  conspirators  had  hardly  crept  through  the  dark  streets 
of  Eome  to  their  homes,  ere  Cicero  through  his  spies  was 
informed  of  all  that  had  transpired. 

The  next  morning,  November  the  8th,  Cicero  convened 
the  senate  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  on  the  brow  of 
the  Palatine  hill.  Catiline,  with  his  characteristic  effrontery, 
entered  and  took  his  seat  with  the  rest  of  the  senators. 
The  audacity  was  so  great,  that  Cicero,  thoroughly  as 
he  knew  Catiline,  was  amazed,  and  broke  out  upon 
him,  in  that  .  oration  of  impassioned  eloquence,  with 
which  every  schoolboy  is  now  familiar,  commencing  with 
the  words,  "How  long,  O  Catiline,  wilt  thou  abuse  our 
patience?" 

That  very  night  Catiline  left  Rome,  to  Join  Manlius  in 
Tuscany.     Still,  while  on  his  route,  he  wrote  several  letters 


SYLLA    AND    CATILINE  177 

to  persons  of  high  rank,  aflEirming  his  innocence,  and  de- 
claring that  he  was  driven  by  persecution  from  Kome,  and 
that  he  should  retire  to  Marseilles,  into  voluntary  banish- 
ment. Information  was  transmitted  so  slowly  in  those  days, 
that  the  statement  was  believed,  by  many,  even  long  after 
Catiline  was  at  the  head  of  the  insurgent  camp. 

Catiline  now,  with  great  energy,  marshalled  his  forces. 
Stopping  a  few  days  at  Arretiam  he  organized  the  insurrec- 
tion there,  gave  his  lieutenants  minute  directions,  and  then 
proceeded  to  the  camp  of  Manlius,  which  was  near  Feesulse. 
His  agents  were  everywhere  busy,  in  rousing  the  slaves  to 
join  them,  by  proffers  of  freedom,  a  measure  which  will 
always  be  resorted  to  in  civil  war,  and  which,  under  such 
circumstances,  renders  a  slaveholding  community  almost 
helpless.  In  this  emergency  Cicero  remained  at  Rome  to 
protect  the  city.  His  colleague  Antonius  was  sent  with  an 
army  to  confront  Catiline.  The  conspirators,  left  in  the 
city  by  the  arrangement  of  Catiline,  were,  on  a  particular 
day,  to  murder  the  principal  inhabitants,  and,  in  all  direc- 
tions, kindle  conflagrations.  Catiline,  by  a  secret  march 
with  his  army,  was  to  be  at  hand,  cut  off  the  fugitives, 
and,  in  the  general  consternation,  with  enormous  butchery, 
take  possession  of  the  smouldering  city.  A  large  number  of 
the  profligate,  ruined  young  nobles,  were  accomplices  in 
the  execrable  plan;  a  contemplated  revolution  of  blood 
and  woe,  by  which  one  part  of  the  aristocracy,  making  use 
of  the  slaves  and  the  mob  as  their  tools,  consigned  another 
part  to  massacre,  merely  for  the  sake  of  plunder  and  power. 
Catiline  had  as  little  sympathy  for  the  people  as  had  those 
aristocrats  in  power,  whose  cause  Cicero  so  eloquently  and 
energetically  espoused. 

Cicero  at  length  succeeded  in  obtaining  ample  and  legal 
evidence  against  the  leading  conspirators  in  the  city,  and 
four  of  them  were  arrested.  Cicero  then  assembled  all  the 
people  in  the  forum,  and  detailed  to  them  the  objects  of 
the  conspiracy,  and  the  convincing  proof  which  had  been 
elicited.    When  the  masses  learned  that  the  city  was  to  have 


178  ITALY 

been  surrendered  to  conflagration  and  indiscriminate  massa- 
cre, their  indignation  was  roused  to  the  utmost. 

The  arrested  conspirators  were  immediately  brought  to 
trial  and  condemned  to  death  as  traitors.  It  is  remarkable, 
in  attestation  of  the  theology  of  those  times,  that  Caesar 
advocated  confiscation  and  banishment  instead  of  death; 
declaring  that  death  was  not  severe  punishment  enough, 
since  death  was  annihilation,  with  nothing  more  to  fear  or 
suHer.  This  emphatic  denial  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul 
was  received  by  the  assembled  senate  of  Rome  without  any 
surprise  or  dissent,  which  seems  to  prove  that  the  mass  of 
thinking  men  in  that  day  had  no  belief  in  a  future  state. 
The  popular  theology  was  believed  only  by  the  ignorant, 
and  it  had  a  very  frail  hold  upon  them,  apparently  having 
but  the  slightest  possible  influence  upon  their  conduct.  It 
is  the  gospel  of  Christ  alone  which  has  brought  immortality 
to  light,  with  all  its  infinite  persuasions  to  a  holy  life.  The 
prisoners  were,  after  long  debate,  doomed  to  death,  and 
were  strangled  in  their  cells. 

Catiline  was  now  at  the  head  of  twelve  thousand  men, 
but  his  plan  of  burning  Home  had  been  frustrated,  and  he 
commenced  a  retreat  toward  Gaul.  Autouius  with  a  con- 
sular army  pursued  him.  A  battle  soon  ensued.  The  in- 
surgents were  cut  to  pieces,  and  Catiline,  sword  in  hand, 
rushing  despairingly  into  the  thickest  of  the  battle,  fell 
among  the  slain.  Thus  terminated  this  most  renowned  con- 
spiracy recorded  in  the  annals  of  history.  The  eloquence 
of  Cicero  has  given  it  immortality. 


C^SAB    AND    POMPEY  179 


CHAPTER  X 

C^SAR     AND     POMPEY 

FROM  59  B.C.  TO  50  B.C. 

Cato — Return  of  Pompey  to  Rome — Olodius  and  the  Mystic  Rites — Divorce 
of  Pompeia — Anecdotes  of  Caesar — The  Triumvirate — PoJicy  of  Cicero — 
Popular  Measures  of  Caesar — Division  of  the  Spoils  of  Office — Prosecu- 
tion of  Cicero — His  Banishment  and  Recall — Democratic  Triumphs — 
Domestic  Griefs — Bloody  Fray — Tumult  in  Rome — Dictatorship  of 
Pompey — Organization  of  a  Roman  Court — Anecdote  of  Caesar — His 
Ambitious  Designs — Sickness  of  Pompey — Political  Contests  in  Rome 
— Open  War — Retreat  of  Pompey  and  Flight  to  Greece 

ANOTHEE  of  the  most  renowned  of  the  men  of  an- 
tiquity now  maJies  his  appearance  upon  the  busy 
stage  of  Roman  life,  Marcus  Porcius  Cato,  a  man 
of  illustrious  birth  and  fortune,  and  of  exalted  genius. 
In  the  early  years  of  childhood  he  gave  indication  of  that 
force  of  character  and  resolution  which  distinguished  his 
whole  career.  His  education  was  conducted  with  much 
care  under  the  guidance  of  a  private  tutor,  Sarj^edon. 
His  temperament  was  naturally  cold,  reserved,  and  stern. 
He  was  seldom  seen  to  laugh,  and  despising  the  eSeminate 
and  dissolute  habits  of  the  young  men  of  his  day,  he  adopted 
the  most  singular  plainness  of  dress,  and  great  austerity  of 
manners  and  conduct.  With  much  energy  he  co-operated 
with  Cicero  to  quell  the  insurrection  of  Catiline,  and  in  an 
eloquent  speech,  which  Sallust  professes  to  have  preserved, 
he  urged  upon  the  senate  the  rigorous  punishment  of  the 
conspirators. 

As  Catiline  had  professed  to  be  the  friend  of  the  masses 
of  the  people,  the  poorer  classes  were  generally  in  his  favor. 
Cassar,  whose  sympathies  were  avowedly  in  favor  of  popular 
rights,  was  understood  to  lean  toward  the  side  of  mercy  in 
regard  to  the  conspirators;  but  Cato  urged  that  they  should 


180  ITALY 

be  punished  with  the  utmost  rigor  of  the  law.  The  mur- 
murs of  the  people  increased  after  the  execution  of  the  con- 
spirators. They  declared,  and  with  justice,  that  the  senate 
were  eager  to  punish  any  offences  against  aristocratic  privi- 
leges, while  they  were  utterly  regardless  of  all  the  wrongs 
and  oppressions  to  which  the  people  were  subjected.  Cato, 
to  appease  these  murmurs,  presented  a  resolve  that  a  large 
sum  of  money  should  be  appropriated  annually  to  the  dis- 
tribution of  corn  among  the  people.  Though  this  decree 
was  enacted,  there  was  still  so  much  discontent  at  Eome, 
and  Caesar  so  undisgaisedly  advocated  the  claims  of  the 
populace,  that  the  senate  removed  him  from  his  office  as 
pretor.  But  the  peoj)le  immediately  rallied  around  him, 
with  so  much  enthusiasm,  regarding  him  as  a  victim  suffer- 
ing for  his  efforts  in  their  behalf,  that  he  was  soon  again 
reinstated  in  office. 

At  this  time,  Pompey,  having  accomplished  all  the  pur- 
poses of  his  military  mission,  and  acquired  great  renown, 
returned  to  Rome.  The  people  assembled  in  vast  numbers 
to  give  him  a  welcome,  and  hear  from  him  an  address. 
Both  parties  were  very  anxious  to  know  to  which  side  he 
would  devote  his  very  powerful  influence.  But  his  speech 
was  non-committal,  and,  according  to  Cicero,  both  patricians 
and  plebeians  were  alike  disappointed.  Probably,  devoted 
to  his  own  interests,  he  was  waiting  to  see  which  side 
would  prove  the  most  powerful.  Csesar,  appreciating  the 
energy  of  this  ambitious  young  soldier,  courted  his  friend- 
ship. Pompey  received  these  advances  as  merited  homage 
to  his  own  greatness.  Each  of  these  distinguished  men 
hoped  to  avail  himself  of  the  abilities  of  the  other  in 
climbing  to  power.  It  consequently  was  inevitable  that 
they  would  soon  come  to  rivalry,  and  to  deadly  conflict. 

After  the  death  of  Cornelia,  Csesar  married  another  wife, 
whose  name  was  Pompeia.  It  was  a  custom  of  the  times  for 
ladies,  in  closest  privacy,  to  observe  a  religious  ceremony 
called  the  "Mysteries  of  the  Good  Goddess."  These  rites 
were  entirely  performed  by  women;  all  males  were  scrupu- 


C^SAR    AND    POMPEY  181 

lously  excluded.  Intrusion  by  a  man  upon  tlie  ceremonies 
miglit  be  treated  as  a  criminal  offence.  These  mysteries 
were  one  night  to  be  celebrated  at  the  house  of  Csesar.  A 
reckless  young  noble,  by  the  name  of  Clodius,  who  had  a  very 
smooth  and  beardless  face,  disguised  himself  in  the  attire 
of  a  woman,  and,  by  bribing  a  female  slave  of  Pompeia, 
gained  admission.  To  the  utter  consternation  of  the  ladies, 
he  was  discovered  in  the  midst  of  their  rites.  Their  anger 
consequently  was  such  that  Clodius  was  brought  to  trial. 
The  young  nobles  generally,  frivolous  in  character,  were 
clamorous  for  the  acquittal  of  their  companion,  being  dis- 
posed to  regard  the  offence  merely  as  a  good  practical  joke. 
After  the  mockery  of  a  trial,  he  was  dismissed  uncondemned, 
to  the  extreme  indignation  of  the  people.  Ccesar  proudly 
took  no  part  in  the  prosecution;  but  as  it  was  whispered, 
during  the.  trial,  that  Clodius  was  admitted  through  the  con- 
currence of  Pompeia,  he  immediately  renounced  her  by  a 
public  divorce,  haughtily  saying:  "The  wife  of  C^sar  must 
not  be  suspected." 

The  aristocracy  looked  upon  Pompey  with  much  distrust, 
and  opposed  with  great  determination  his  attempts  to  procure 
grants  of  land  for  his  soldiers.  This  brought  Pompey  and 
the  aristocracy  into  fierce  collision.  Cicero  rather  coldly 
supported  the  measures  of  Pompey,  but  proposed  several 
amendments  to  his  bill.  The  conflict  raged  with  much  bit- 
terness, and  finally  Pompey  was  defeated.  Cgesar,  in  the 
meantime,  had  been  sent  to  Spain  as  second  in  command  in 
that  province.  Here  he  greatly  replenished  his  exhausted 
purse.  It  is  reported  that  one  day  entering  the  town  of 
Cadiz,  he  saw  a  statue  of  Alexander  in  the  public  square. 
With  much  sadness  he  said  to  an  attendant,  "Alexander,  at 
the  age  of  thirty,  was  master  of  the  world.  I  have  lived 
thirty-five  years,  and  yet  how  little  have  I  accomplished." 

The  vast  sums  of  money  with  which  he  returned  from 
Spain  aided  him  in  his  ambitious  enterprises  at  Rome. 
Combining  with  Pompey  and  with  Crassus,  a  man  of  bound- 
less wealth,  the  three  united  attained  such  supremacy  that 


182  ITALY 

they  were  called  the  triumvirate  or  commission  of  three. 
This  coalition  wielded  immense  power.  Caesar,  without 
difficulty,  obtained  the  great  object  of  his  desire — the  con- 
sulship. The  aristocrats,  however,  succeeded  in  associating 
with  him  one  of  their  partisans  as  colleague.  Cicero  was 
not  popular  with  either  party.  His  want  of  noble  birth  ex- 
posed him  to  the  contempt  of  the  nobles.  His  apparently 
obsequious  advocacy  of  the  interests  of  the  patricians  ren- 
dered him  obnoxious  to  the  people.  Finding  himself  thus 
deserted  by  both  parties,  in  chagrin  he  retired  for  a  short 
time  from  any  participation  in  public  aSairs. 

Cato  was  now  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  aristocratic 
party,  and  he  regarded  Cassar  with  emotions  of  animosity, 
which  grew  stronger  and  stronger  until  the  end  of  his  life. 
But  powerful  as  Cato  was,  he  could  accomplish  but  little 
in  antagonism  with  such  formidable  opponents  as  the  tri- 
umvirate; particularly,  since  Caesar,  Pompey,  and  Crassus 
were  supjDorted  by  the  whole  weight  of  the  popular  party. 

One  of  the  first  measures  of  Csesar,  in  his  consulship, 
was  to  grant  farms  to  twenty  thousand  Eoman  citizens  in 
Campania,  one  of  the  most  fertile  regions  of  Italy,  Bibulus, 
his  colleague,  supported  by  the  nobles,  exerted  himself  to 
the  utmost  to  thwart  this  measure,  but  in  vain.  The  oppo- 
sition of  the  nobles  was  silenced  by  the  fierce  menaces  of 
the  mob.  In  fact,  Bibulus  was  thus  so  effectually  overawed, 
that  he  withdrew  into  retirement,  and  Caesar  was  left  in  al- 
most undisputed  possession  of  the  consular  power.  Cassar 
was  now  the  idol  of  the  people.  The  triumvirate  made  a 
division  of  the  spoils  of  office  at  their  disposal  among  them- 
selves. Caesar,  with  a  large  army,  was  intrusted  with  the 
government  of  Cisalpine  and  Transalpine  Gaul,  and  of  Illyr- 
icum,  for  five  years.  Pompey,  who  had  in  the  meantime 
married  Julia,  the  daughter  of  Caesar,  was  intrusted  with 
the  administration  of  affairs  in  Aisa.  Crassus,  with  his 
vast  wealth,  and  ambitious  of  being  the  richest  man  in 
the  world,  remained  in  Rome,  to  watch  over  his  pecuniary 
interests  and  prosecute  his  enterprises  there. 


C^SAR    AND    POMPEY  183 

The  wheel  of  popular  parties  had,  manifestly,  again  re- 
volved, and  the  aristocracy  were  now  depressed.  A  strong 
disposition  was  manifested  to  effect  the  ruin  of  Cicero.  For 
some  time  he  had  absented  himself  from  Eome.  The  trium- 
virate had  caused,  in  the  annual  election,  men  who  were  in 
their  own  interests  to  be  placed  in  the  consular  chair;  and 
these  new  consuls  immediately  commenced  the  prosecution 
of  Cicero,  for  the  execution  of  Lentulus,  Cethegus,  and  the 
other  conspirators  with  Catiline.  A  law  was  enacted,  re- 
flective in  its  operation,  or  ex  post  facto^  as  it  is  legally 
terined,  which  sentenced  to  punishment  any  one  guilty  of 
putting  a  Eoman  citizen  to  death  without  trial.  The  popu- 
lace, excited  against  Cicero,  insulted  him  whenever  he  ap- 
peared in  the  streets.  The  distinguished  orator,  finding  his 
cause  hopeless,  and  conscious  that  he  was  already  doomed 
by  the  decree  which  had  been  passed,  escaped  by  night  from 
Eome,  and  retired  into  voluntary  exile.  A  law  was  then 
enacted,  in  the  usual  language  of  a  decree  of  banishment, 
forbidding  him  the  use  of  fire  and  water  within  four  hun- 
dred miles  of  Italy,  denouncing  any  one  who  should  harbor 
him  within  those  limits,  and  declaring  it  a  crime  to  move 
for  his  recall,  either  before  the  senate  or  the  people.  His 
property  was  also  confiscated,  and  his  house,  on  the  Palatine 
hill,  was  burned  to  the  ground. 

Cato  denounced  these  measures  of  democratic  violence. 
The  influence  of  this  illustrious  man  was  so  great  that  it 
was  not  deemed  safe  to  attempt  to  strike  him  down.  In  the 
greed  of  annexation,  Eome  had  decided,  without  the  color 
of  justice,  to  take  possession  of  the  island  .of  Cyprus,  and 
Cato,  though  he  inveighed  against  the  criminality  of  the 
measure,  was  sent  to  bring  the  island  into  subjection  to 
Eome.  He  was  selected  for  the  mission  merely  as  a  meas- 
ure to  remove  him  from  the  metropolis.  The  king  of 
Cyprus,  knowing  his  utter  inability  to  cope  with  Eome, 
took  poison  and  died. 

At  the  close  of  the  year,  new  consuls  came  into  power; 
new  influences  prevailed,  and,  with  extraordinary  unanim* 


184  ITALY 

ity,  both  the  senate  and  people  concurred  in  a  law  for 
Cicero's  recall.  He  landed  at  Brundusium,  where  he  was 
received  with  great  kindness.  His  advance  to  Kome  was 
almost  a  constant  triumph;  and  when  he  reached  the  gates 
of  the  city,  nearly  the  whole  population  came  forth  to  wel- 
come him.  The  streets  were  thronged  with  the  multitudes, 
who  cheered  him  on  his  way.  Cicero  was  probably  much 
indebted  to  Pompey  for  his  recall  and  his  honorable 
reception. 

One  of  Cicero's  first  measures  in  the  senate  after  his 
return  was  eminently  a  popular  one.  There  had  been,  for 
some  time,  a  great  scarcity  of  corn  at  Home.  Pompey,  at 
Cicero's  suggestion,  was  invested  with  full  powers  to  see 
that  the  capital  should  be  amply  supplied  with  corn  for  a 
period  of  five  years.  This  office  conferred  immense  power. 
The  ground  upon  which  Cicero's  house  bad  stood  was  re- 
stored to  him,  and  money,  from  the  public  treasury,  was 
placed  in  his  hands  to  enable  him  to  rebuild.  Some  of  the 
disaffected,  however,  excited  riots,  and  there  were  witnessed 
many  scenes  of  tumult  and  bloodshed. 

While  these  events  were  progressing  at  Rome,  Caesar  was 
passing  the  winter  at  Lucca,  on  the  frontiers  of  the  province 
intrusted  to  his  command.  The  senate  took  advantage  of 
his  absence  to  endeavor  to  repeal  the  agrarian  law,  by  which 
the  lands  of  Campania  had  been  divided  among  the  poorer 
citizens;  at  the  same  time,  they  made  an  effort  to  degrade 
Caesar  from  his  command  in  Gaul.  The  haughtiness  of  the 
aristocratic  party,  and  their  insolent  bearing  toward  Cicero, 
had  alienated  him  from  their  cause,  and  he  addressed  the 
senate  in  a  very  eloquent  oration  in  defence  of  Caesar.  He 
seemed  now  quite  disposed  to  cast  himself  into  the  arms  of 
the  popular  party,  and  composed  a  work,  highly  compli- 
mentary to  Caesar,  which  he  sent  to  him  to  cement  the  bonds 
of  confidence  and  union. 

The  opposition  to  Caesar,  stimulated  by  the  aristocracy, 
was  increasing  so  fast  in  Rome,  that  Pompey  and  Crassus 
decided  to  present  themselves  as  candidates  for  the  consul- 


C^SAR    AND    POMPEY  185 

ship,  hoping  thus  to  be  able  to  sustain  their  colleague;  for 
the  fall  of  any  one  of  their  number  would  endanger  the 
authority  of  the  triumvirate.  The  leaders  of  the  democracy 
can  generally  bring  forward  the  mob  to  aid  them.  Through 
such  scenes  as  are  often  witnessed,  when  the  rabble  are 
roused,  in  a  great  city,  they  obtained  their  election.  The 
aristocracy  had  presented  Cato  as  their  candidate  for  pretor; 
but  he  was  rejected.  The  whole  election  was  a  decisive 
democratic  triumph. 

Pompey  and  Crassus  now  made  rapid  strides  toward  dic- 
tatorial power,  the  people  being  eager  to  grant  them  even 
more  than  they  asked.  By  one  law,  in  addition  to  the  con- 
sular dignity,  the  government  of  Spain  was  assigned  to 
Pompey,  and  that  of  Syria  to  Crassus,  each  to  hold  their 
command  for  five  years,  and  to  be  invested  with  the  power 
of  raising  troops,  and  of  making  peace  or  war  at  their  pleas- 
ure. They  then  obtained  the  prolongation  of  Caesar's  do- 
minion in  Gaul  for  five  years. 

Crassus,  with  an  army,  embarked  for  Syria.  Pompey 
remained  in  Kome,  intrusting  the  command  of  his  Spanish 
province  to  lieutenants.  Pompey  had  now  attained  the 
height  of  his  ambition.  C^sar  was  in  Gaul;  Crassus  was 
in  Syria;  and  Pompey  was  enthroned  at  Eome  with  dicta- 
torial power.  As  is  almost  invariably  the  case,  under  such 
circumstances,  Pompey,  having  attained  such  dignity,  be- 
came very  aristocratic  in  his  tastes  and  principles,  and  was 
disposed  to  push  from  beneath  him  the  popular  ladder  by 
which  he  had  mounted  to  his  exaltation.  He  was  complai- 
sant to  the  nobles,  and  favored  them  in  all  things,  manifest- 
ing an  earnest  disposition  to  regard  them  as  the  support  and 
ornament  of  his  throne. 

Domestic  griefs  were  then  as  relentless  and  heart-rending 
as  now.  Pompey  was  irreproachable  in  his  relations  as  a 
husband  and  a  father;  and  his  love  for  Julia,  who,  as  we 
bave  mentioned,  was  the  daughter  of  Caesar,  was  singularly 
pure,  tender,  and  constant.  Her  death,  at  this  time,  leaving 
an  infant  who  survived  her  but  a  few  days,  prostrated  him, 


186  ITALY 

for  a  season,  a  Heart-stricken  man.  Julia  was  universally 
loved  and  admired.  Her  funeral  was  celebrated  by  an  im- 
mense concourse  in  the  Campus  Martins,  an  honor  which, 
had  never  before  been  conferred  upon  a  woman.  But  still 
more  momentous  issues  resulted  from  this  death.  Pompey 
was  passing  over  to  the  support  of  the  nobles.  He  had 
never  been  in  heart  democratically  inclined.  Caesar  was 
still  the  popular  leader,  looking  steadfastly  at  the  people 
as  the  supporter  of  his  power.  The  influence  of  Julia  had 
bound  her  father  and  her  husband  together.  That  tie  was 
now,  by  her  death,  sundered  forever. 

The  following  incident,  which  occurred  at  this  time,  illus- 
trates the  state  of  society  in  those  days  of  violence.  There 
were  two  distinguished  men,  bitterly  opjDOsed  to  each  other 
in  political  strife,  Clodius,  a  democrat,  and  Milo,  an  aristo- 
crat. On  the  twentieth  of  January,  Milo,  who  was  a  man 
of  great  wealth,  left  Rome  on  some  business,  in  his  carriage, 
accompanied  by  his  wife  Fausta,  and  attended  by  a  strong 
retinue  of  gladiators.  As,  late  in  the  afternoon,  he  was 
ascending  the  Alban  hills,  he  met  Clodius  returning  from 
a  journey,  mounted  on  horseback,  and  also  accompanied  by 
thirty  slaves.  The  two  rivals  passed  each  other  with  civil 
recognition.  But  the  attendants,  espousing  the  cause  of 
their  several  masters,  were  not  so  courteous.  Blows  suc- 
ceeded jeering  words,  and  the  two  parties  were  soon  in- 
volved in  a  serious  quarrel. 

Clodius  turned  back  to  interfere,  and,  addressing  one  of 
the  retinue  of  Milo  in  an  authoritative  manner,  was  assailed 
by  him,  and  severely  wounded  by  a  blow  from  his  sword. 
The  fray  now  became  general  between  the  two  parties,  Milo 
engaging  eagerly  in  it.  Clodius,  helpless  and  bleeding,  was 
carried  into  a  neighboring  inn.  Milo,  deeming  it  a  favora- 
ble opportunity  for  destroying  his  rival,  made  an  assault 
upon  the  inn,  and  Clodius  was  dragged  out  into  the  street 
and  murdered.  Many  of  the  slaves  of  Clodius  were  also 
slain,  a  few  only  escaping  by  flight.  The  gory  corpse  of 
Clodius   was   left   by    the    wayside,   and   Milo,    wiping  his 


C^SAR    AND    POMPEY  187 

bloody  sword,  again  entered  liis  carriage,  and  quietly  con- 
tinued his  journey,  with  the  gladiators  exulting  at  his  side. 

A  senator  who  happened  to  pass,  on  his  way  to  Rome, 
picked  up  the  dead  body,  and  sent  it  on  to  the  capital  in 
a  litter.  It  was  an  hour  after  dark  when  the  mangled  re- 
mains were  conveyed  to  the  house  of  Clodius.  An  immense 
crowd  of  the  populace  were  soon  assembled,  for  Clodius  was 
a  prominent  advocate  of  popular  rights.  Fulvia,  the  widow 
of  the  deceased,  fanned  the  flames  of  excitement  by  her 
shrieks  of  anguish,  and  by  the  frantic  manner  in  which  she 
hung  over  the  corpse,  pointing  to  the  wounds,  and  calling 
upon  the  people  for  vengeance. 

Through  all  the  hours  of  the  night  the  tumult  and 
throng  increased.  In  the  early  morning  two  influential 
members  of  the  popular  party  took  the  command  of  the 
agitated  mass,  who  were  waiting  for  a  leader.  The  body, 
by  their  directions,  was  conveyed  to  the  senate  house, 
placed  before  the  rostrum  on  a  pile,  composed  of  the  fur- 
niture of  the  apartment.  This  was  set  on  fire,  and  soon 
the  whole  senate  house  was  in  a  blaze — the  magnificent  and 
appropriate  funeral  pyre  of  one  who  had  fallen  a  victim  to 
aristocratic  violence. 

But  the  lawlessness  of  the  mob  kindles  flames  which  it 
cannot  quench.  A  beautiful  edifice  was  in  ashes,  and  Rome 
was  endangered.  The  tide  of  public  sentiment  turned.  The 
populace,  who  had  received  a  great  wrong,  were  now  aggres- 
sors. Milo  returned  to  Rome,  and  with  his  vast  wealth,  and 
the  sympathy  excited  by  the  destruction  of  the  senate  house, 
rallied  a  strong  party  in  his  defence.  The  populace  also  ral- 
lied. Tumults,  battles,  conflagrations,  blood,  ensued.  The 
next  step  was  inevitable.  A  dictator  was  needed,  with  a 
strong  military  arm,  to  restore  peace  to  Rome.  Pompey 
was  the  man  for  the  hour.  He  was  appointed  dictator, 
under  the  form  of  sole  consul,  without  any  colleague. 

With  alacrity  and  energy,  he  assumed  the  office,  and 
immediately  entered  into  an  investigation  of  the  murder  of 
Clodius.     The  power  of  Milo  was  such  that  Pompey  was  in 


188  ITALY 

great  danger  of  assassination.  A  strong  guard  surrounded 
his  house  by  night  and  by  day,  and  accompanied  him  where- 
ever  he  went.  With  singular  sagacity  and  justice,  Pompey 
made  preparations  for  the  trial  of  Milo.  An  impartial  judge 
was  appointed  to  preside  over  a  court,  composed  of  the  most 
distinguished  citizens.  Three  days  were  appropriated  to  the 
examination  of  witnesses.  The  public  accusers,  who  were 
the  nephews  of  Clodius,  were  allowed  two  hours  to  plead 
their  cause.  Milo  was  permitted  to  take  three  hours  for 
his  defence. 

Never  before  in  Rome  had  there  appeared  regulations  so 
wise  for  the  attainment  of  justice.  Milo  endeavored,  in 
every  possible  way,  to  frustrate  the  organization  of  this 
tribunal,  but  Pompey  assured  him  that  he  would  protect 
the  commonwealth,  if  necessary,  by  force  of  arms.  The 
illustrious  Cato  of  Utica  was  one  of  the  members  of  this 
court.  On  the  first  day  of  the  trial  the  rabble  were  so 
menacing  that  Marcellus,  one  of  Milo's  advocates,  applied 
to  Pompey  for  protection.  A  strong  military  force  was  im- 
mediately sent  to  the  court  house,  and  the  trial  proceeded 
without  further  interruption.  Plancus,  a  demagogue  of 
great  ability  and  no  moral  principle,  harangued  the  popu- 
lace of  Rome,  urging  them  to  be  present  in  all  their  strength 
at  the  conclusion  of  the  trial,  and  not  suffer  Milo  to  escape, 
should  the  court  adjudge  him  not  guilty. 

Tlie  decisive  hour  arrived.  It  was  the  morning  of  the 
eighth  of  April.  The  shops  in  Rome  were  all  closed.  The 
whole  vast  populace  of  the  imperial  city  thronged  the 
forum.  The  soldiers  of  Pompey,  with  their  polished 
armor  and  gleaming  weapons  were  drawn  up  in  strong 
military  array,  prepared  at  every  hazard  to  enforce  the 
laws.  Pompey  himself  was  present,  surrounded  by  an 
ample  bodyguard.  The  pleadings  were  to  be  heard,  and 
the  sentence  immediately  to  be  pronounced  and  exe- 
cuted. 

Antonius  and  Nepos  appeared  in  behalf  of  the  accusers. 
Cicero  pleaded  the  cause  of  Milo.     But  he  was  a  timid  man, 


C^SAR    AND    POMPEY  189 

and,  overawed  by  the  popular  clamor,  did  not  speak  with 
his  accustomed  eloquence.  There  were  fiftj-one  judges  to 
decide  the  cause.  Thirty-eight  voted  for  the  condemna- 
tion of  the  accused,  and  but  thirteen  for  his  acquittal.  The 
culprit  was  sent  into  exile,  and  retired  a  ruined  man  to  Mar- 
seilles, in  Gaul.  His  punishment  would  doubtless  have  been 
more  severe  were  it  not  that  Clodius  was  a  man  of  infamous 
character.  The  leaders  of  the  mob  in  burning  the  senate 
house  were  also  tried,  condemned,  and  punished.  Pompey 
conducted  this  whole  affair  with  so  much  wisdom  and  mod- 
eration, and  yet  with  such  determined,  inflexible  justice,  as 
to  elevate  him  greatly  in  public  esteem. 

Tranquillity  being  thus  restored  to  Eome,  Pompey  ap- 
parently laid  aside  his  dictatorial  power  by  securmg  the 
election  of  L.  Scipio  as  his  colleague  in  the  consulship. 
The  new  consul  was  the  father  of  Cornelia,  whom  Pompey 
had  recently  married.  The  aristocracy  were  pleased  with 
Pompey' s  resoluteness  in  frowning  down,  with  strong  mili- 
tary display,  all  insubordination  of  the  mob;  and  as  they 
were  in  no  little  danger  from  popular  violence,  they  sup- 
ported Pompey's  power.  The  people  were  also  well  satis- 
fied with  him  for  securing  the  trial  and  condemnation  of 
one  of  the  most  powerful  of  their  aristocratic  foes.  Pompey 
was  now  the  first  man  in  Rome,  and  consequently  the  first  man 
in  the  world.  Caesar  was  still  in  Gaul.  Crassus  had  died  in 
Mesopotamia,  and  the  wreck  of  his  army  had  been  led  back 
to  Syria.  At  a  bound  Pompey  had  attained  the  highest 
round  in  the  ladder  of  political  preferment.  He  was,  as  it 
were,  the  monarch  of  the  Koman  empire,  and  Caesar  but  the 
general  of  one  of  his  armies. 

Caesar  was  annoyed  beyond  measure  in  being  thus 
eclipsed.  Ambition  was  the  all- devouring  passion  of  his 
soul.  In  one  of  his  expeditions  he  passed  through  a  miser- 
able hamlet  in  Switzerland.  One  of  his  friends,  in  contem- 
plating the  wretched  hovels  and  impoverished  inhabitants, 
wondered  whether  rivalry  and  ambition  agitated  the  hearts 
of  the  people  there.     Caesar  divulged  his  whole  nature  in 


190  ITALY 

the  reply,  "I  had  rather  be  the  first  man  in  such  a  village 
as  this  than  the  second  man  at  E,ome. " 

Cassar's  command  in  Gaul  was  to  expire  in  a  few  years, 
and  then  he  had  the  humiliating  prospect  of  returning,  a 
private  citizen,  to  Eome.  Pompey  had  secured  for  himself 
five  additional  years  for  the  command  of  the  army  in  Spain; 
and  he  had  also  obtained  the  passage  of  a  law  forbidding  any 
magistrate  to  be  appointed  to  the  government  of  a  province, 
until  five  years  after  the  expiration  of  his  magistracy.  Thus 
Caesar  was  cut  off  from  advancement,  while  Pompey  was 
amply  provided  with  continued  wealth,  dignity,  and  power. 

But  Ceesar  was  not  a  man  to  be  laid  upon  the  shelf.  Ob- 
stacles to  success  never  discouraged  him;  they  only  roused 
him  to  greater  energies.  He  had  already  conquered  a  large 
part  of  Gaul,  and  enriched  himself  with  almost  fabulous 
wealth.  And  with  him  wealth  was  of  no  value  but  as  an 
instrument  of  power.  He  immediately  became  lavish  of 
his  treasure  in  securing  the  co-operation  of  a  large  number 
of  influential  friends  in  Pome. 

To  Cicero  he  loaned  money  in  abundance.  He  won  the 
applause  and  gratitude  of  the  people  by  commencing  at  Pome 
several  works  of  great  public  utility,  and  by  establishing 
magnificent  spectacles.  Thus  he  kept  his  name  continually 
alive  in  the  metropolis.  To  his  soldiers  he  was  boundless 
in  his  liberality,  while  at  the  same  time  he  welcomed  to  his 
camp  adventurers  from  all  lands.  Csesar  had  been  himself 
a  slave;  but  this  did  not  prevent  him  from  being  a  slave- 
trader.  His  boundless  wealth  was  acquired  by  plundering 
the  towns  of  the  Gauls,  and  by  selling  the  wretched  captives 
into  bondage.  The  soul  sickens  in  reflecting  upon  the 
atrocities  and  woes  of  these  dark  days.  If  we  can  judge 
at  all  from  the  testimony  of  history,  it  would  appear  that 
the  best  men  in  those  days  were  guilty  of  conduct  which 
would  now  consign  any  one  to  infamy. 

Pompey  and  Caesar  still  professed  friendship  for  each 
other,  but  it  was  well  known  that,  in  heart,  they  were  bit- 
ter rivals.     Their  partisans  in   Rome  were  openly  arrayed 


C^SAR    AND    POMPEY  191 

against  each  other.  As  the  result  of  past  conflicts,  in  the 
days  of  Marius,  and  Cinna,  and  Sylla,  many  of  the  Italian 
allies  had  secured  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship.  But  all 
the  nations  between  the  Po  and  the  Alps  were,  as  yet,  de- 
prived of  those  rights.  They  were  restless  and  murmured 
loudly. 

Csesar,  advocating  ever  the  popular  side,  had  espoused 
their  cause,  and  was  accused  even  of  having  at  one  time  in- 
cited them  to  open  insurrection.  He  now  enlisted  earnestly 
in  their  behalf.  Availing  himself  of  the  power  to  which  his 
military  position  entitled  him,  he  had  conferred  upon  several 
of  the  towns  north  of  the  Po  the  rank  of  Roman  colonies; 
and  thus  any  of  their  inhabitants  who  were  appointed  to 
public  offices  in  those  towns  became,  by  that  position,  citi- 
zens of  Rome.  Comum,  at  the  foot  of  Lake  Como,  was  one 
of  these  towns. 

A  magistrate  from  that  place,  happening  to  go  to  Rome, 
claimed  his  rights  as  a  Roman  citizen.  Marcellus,  then  con- 
sul, opposed  to  Ceesar,  denied  his  claim,  and,  in  cruel  mock- 
ery, ordered  the  man  to  be  scourged,  and  then  bade  him  go 
and  show  his  wounds  to  Caesar.  Cicero,  in  a  letter  to  Atti- 
cus,  alludes  to  this  outrage,  and  says  that  it  would  give  as 
much  ofEence  to  Pompey  as  to  Csesar.  Pompey  was  not  at 
all  disposed  to  make  the  people  his  foes;  and  he  was  him- 
self in  favor  of  conferring  the  rights  of  citizenship  upon  the 
inhabitants  beyond  the  Po  as  an  act  of  justice. 

Csesar  was  silent  respecting  the  outrage  and  insult,  but 
quietly  he  was  maturing  his  plans.  He  was  at  that  time  at 
the  head  of  one  of  the  finest  armies  which  had  ever  been  or- 
ganized. Marcellus  and  other  foes  of  Caesar  were  conspir- 
ing to  remove  him,  at  any  risk,  from  a  position  of  such 
power.  Pompey,  with  characteristic  moderation,  unwilling 
to  give  his  former  father-in-law  any  just  grounds  of  offence, 
frustrated  the  contemplated  moveriient.  In  the  meantime, 
Curio  entered  the  consulship,  and  ardently  espoused  the  in- 
terests of  Caesar.  His  enemies  said  that  he  was  bribed  by  a 
gift,  amounting  to  four  hundred  thousand  dollars.     He  com- 


192  ITALY 

menced  action  by  attacking  Pompej,  and  declaring  that  he 
was  aspiring  to  absolute  command.  Pompey's  greatness  was 
now  such  that  the  jealousy  of  the  people  was  aroused,  and 
they  loudly  applauded  the  denunciations  of  Curio.  Pom- 
pey  also  began  to  be  alarmed  at  the  increasing  greatness  of 
Caesar,  and  he  advocated  his  recall. 

We  have  now  traced  the  incidents  of  Roman  history 
down  to  half  a  century  before  Christ.  It  was  just  about 
this  time;  that  Pompey  was  taken  dangerously  sick  at  his 
villa  near  Naples.  His  celebrity  was  such  that  all  Italy  was 
agitated  with  sorrow,  and  in  all  the  temples  sacrifices  were 
offered  in  his  behalf.  When  he  recovered,  the  rejoicing 
seemed  to  be  universal,  and  there  were  festivals  of  thanks- 
giving in  all  the  towns.  And  when,  in  his  convalescence, 
he  returned  slowly  in  his  carriage  to  Eome,  the  populace 
crowded  the  roadsides,  with  garlands  by  day  and  torches 
by  night,  and  strewed  his  path  with  flowers.  Pompey  was 
greatly  gratified  by  these  indications  of  popular  favor,  and 
was  deceived  into  the  belief  that  all  Italy  would  move  at 
his  command.  "I  have,"  said  he,  "but  to  stamp  my  foot 
and  armies  rally  around  me." 

But  a  few  months  passed  away  ere  one  of  Caesar's  most 
confidential  officers  arrived  at  Eome  to  attend  to  some  pri- 
vate business  for  Caesar,  and  did  not  call  upon  Pompey,  but 
departed  again,  without  holding  any  communication  with 
him.  Soon  after  this  Antonius,  a  warm  supporter  of  Caesar, 
assailed  Pompey  in  the  tribune,  in  a  speech  of  the  utmost 
bitterness,  following  him  through  his  whole  public  career 
with  the  most  acrimonious  denunciations.  It  became  now 
pretty  evident  that  there  must  be  civil  war.  Neither  Pom- 
pey nor  Cassar  would  be  contented  with  the  second  jDlace  in 
the  state,  and  they  were  each  able  to  command  immense  re- 
sources. In  this  conflict  the  aristocracy  almost  universally 
would  be  with  Pompey,  and  the  populace,  as  a  general  rule, 
with  Caesar.  There  were,  at  the  same  time,  not  a  few  per- 
sons of  broken  fortunes  eager  for  tumults  of  any  kind,  hop- 
ing thus  to  retrieve  their  ruined  affairs.     Caesar  had  pre- 


C^SAR    AND   POMPEY  i93 

sented  Ms  name  as  a  candidate  for  the  consulship.  Pompey 
caused  a  decree  to  be  issued,  declaring  that  Caesar  could  not 
be  a  candidate  until  he  first  resigned  his  command  of  the 
army,  and  returned  to  Home  a  private  citizen.  This  would 
place  Csesar  powerless  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies. 

Cato  was  bitterly  hostile  to  Cassar.  Cicero,  though  by 
nature  prone  to  be  non-committal,  still,  with  his  strong  aris- 
tocratic tastes  and  associations,  was  disposed  to  co-operate 
with  Pompey.  Brutus,  a  nephew  of  Cato,  was  then  in 
Eome,  a  young  man  of  much  promise,  who  had  not  as  yet 
taken  any  very  conspicuous  position  in  public  affairs.  C. 
Cassius  was  one  of  the  tribunes  of  the  people.  C.  Octavius 
was  then  a  boy  only  thirteen  years  of  age. 

At  this  time,  an  envoy  came  to  Pome  from  Caesar  with  a 
message  to  the  senate.  The  letter  contained  a  statement  of 
the  services  Caesar  had  rendered  to  the  commonwealth,  and 
a  proposition  that  he  would  resign  the  command  of  his  army 
if  Pompey  would  do  the  same;  but  stating,  with  much  ap- 
parent candor,  that  it  was  not  just  to  desire  him  to  lay  aside 
all  power  of  defence,  and  expose  himself  helpless  to  his  en- 
emies. A  vehement  debate  ensued,  the  partisans  of  Pom- 
pey demanding  that  Caesar  should  be  required  to  resign  be- 
fore a  certain  da}^,  and  that,  if  he  should  refuse,  he  should 
be  pronounced  a  traitor.  The  aristocracy,  as  a  body,  united 
to  crush  Caesar.  The  people,  through  the  agency  of  the  trib- 
unes, supported  the  popular  leader.  The  contest  was  vio- 
lent and  protracted,  and  at  length  the  senate,  in  the  exercise 
of  its  highest  prerogative,  invested  the  consuls  with  dicta- 
torial power,  by  a  decree  authorizing  them  "to  provide  for 
the  safety  of  the  republic." 

Lentulus  and  Marcellus  were  then  consuls,  the  last  who 
held  that  office  by  the  free  votes  of  the  Roman  people. 
The  dictatorial  power,  surrendered  to  the  consuls,  alarmed 
the  friends  of  Caesar,  and  three  of  them,  Anton ius,  Cassius, 
and  Curio,  deeming  their  lives  no  longer  safe,  fled  from 
Pome  to  Pavenna,  where  Caesar  then  was,  awaiting  the  re- 
sult of  his  appeal  to  the  senate.     Caesar  was  commanded  to 

Italy — 9 


194  ITALY 

resign  his  office,  and  the  direction  of  all  the  forces  of,  the 
commonwealth  was,  by  the  same  decree,  placed  in  the  hands 
of  Pompey.  High  as  was  Cgesar's  reputation  at  that  time  as" 
a  general,  the  reputation  of  Pompey  was  still  more  exalted. 

Kavenna,  then  a  more  important  town  than  now,  was 
situated  upon  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  about  three  hun- 
dred miles  northeast  from  Rome.  Caesar  had  with  him  but 
one  legion,  consisting  probably  of  between  six  and  seven 
thousand  men.  The  remaining  eight  legions  of  his  army 
were  quartered  beyond  the  Alps.  No  sooner  was  Caesar  in- 
formed of  the  transactions  at  Eome,  so  hostile  to  him,  than 
he  assembled  his  soldiers  around  him,  informed  them  of 
what  had  transpired,  and  committed  his  cause  and  their 
cause  to  their  strong  arms.  The  soldiers  with  enthusiasm 
responded  to  his  appeal.  That  same  night  he  advanced,  by 
a  secret  march,  several  miles  on  the  road  to  Eome,  and 
took  possession  of  the  small  town  of  Areminum.  Here 
Caesar  received  a  private  letter  from  Pompey,  in  which 
Pompey  endeavored  to  defend  the  course  he  had  pursued, 
declared  that  he  had  not  been  influenced  by  any  unfriendly 
feelings  toward  Caesar,  and  entreated  Ceesar  not  to  pursue 
measures  which  would  inevitably  involve  the  country  in 
civil  war. 

Caesar  returned  an  answer  couched  in  similar  terms  of 
friendship,  similar  avowals  of  devotion  to  the  public  good, 
and  similar  entreaties  that  Pompey  would  not  persist  in 
measures  which  must  desolate  their  country  with  the  hor- 
rors of  a  fratricidal  strife.  In  addition,  he  urged  that  both 
should  give  up  their  armies;  that  all  the  forces  in  Italy 
should  be  disbanded,  and  that  the  senate  and  people  should 
be  left  freely  to  deliberate  on  all  public  questions,  and  espe- 
cially upon  the  question  of  his  claims  to  the  consulship. 
He  finally  requested  a  personal  interview  with  Pompey. 

Two  envoys,  L.  Caesar  and  L.  Roscius,  were  sent  to  con- 
vey this  letter  to  Rome.  Caesar,  however,  did  not  await  the 
result  of  uncertain  negotiations,  but,  with  his  disciplined 
cohorts,  advanced,  and  crossing  the  Rubicon,  which  formed 


C^SAR    AND    POMPEY  195 

the  boundary  between  Italy  and  his  province  of  Gaul,  took 
possession  of  the  towns  of  Ancona,  Fanum,  and  Pisaurum. 
It  is  said  that  Cgesar  hesitated  for  some  time  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Rubicon,  ere  he  ventured  to  take  that  step  from  which 
there  could  be  no  retreat.  There  are  always  crowds  ready 
to  gather  around  victorious  banners.  Multitudes,  from  all 
parts  of  Italy,  flocked  to  the  camp  of  Caesar.  He  had  also 
summoned  other  legions  of  his  army  from  beyond  the  Alps, 
and  his  advance  in  such  force,  toward  Rome,  excited  general 
consternation  in  the  capital. 

Pompey,  quite  unprepared  for  such  decisive  action,  fled 
from  Rome  with  the  consuls,  most  of  the  senate,  and  a 
majority  of  the  smaller  magistrates,  and  sought  refuge  in 
Capua,  that  they  might  find  time  to  organize  efficient 
measures  of  resistance.  Pompey  had  no  troops  to  rely 
upon  but  two  legions,  which  had  been  recently  withdrawn 
from  Gaul;  and  these  legions  were  so  devoted  in  their  at- 
tachment to  Cassar,  that  it  was  greatly  feared  that  at  his 
approach  they  would  rush  to  join  his  banners.  Pompey 
immediately  sent  out  recruiting  officers  to  raise  soldiers, 
but  the  people,  overawed  by  the  advance  of  Cjesar,  were 
very  reluctant  to  enlist.  Under  these  circumstances,  there 
seemed  to  be  no  hope  for  Pompey,  but  to  retreat  to  the 
south  of  Italy,  cross  over  to  Greece  with  such  forces  as  he 
could  carry  with  him,  and  there  attempt  to  organize  an 
army  sufficiently  strong  to  warrant  his  return  to  make  war 
upon  Ca3sar. 

While  in  the  midst  of  these  embarrassments,  he  received 
Caesar's  letter.  The  propositions  it  contained  were  discussed 
in  full  council,  and  the  peril  was  so  great,  that,  probably  to 
gain  time,  it  was  agreed  to  accede  to  his  terms,  provided 
Caesar  would  withdraw  from  all  the  towns  he  had  occupied 
out  of  his  limits  and  go  back  to  his  own  province. 

But  Caesar  was  still  advancing,  and  Pompey  was  still 
levying  troops.  Neither  was  willing  to  be  the  first  to  dis- 
arm, lest  the  other  should  then  strike  an  effectual  blow. 
Caesar  was  consequently   continually  accumulating  troops 


196  ITALY 

and  fortifying  his  positions,  and  Pompey  was  also  collect- 
ing an  army  and  retreating.  He  had  sent  recruiting  officers 
in  all  directions  to  enlist  soldiers,  but  not  a  few  of  these 
men  deserted  and  passed  over  to  Caesar.  The  month  of 
February  found  Pompey  at  Luceria,  in  Apulia,  with  a  con- 
siderable army,  but  one  by  no  means  sufficient  to  cope  with 
the  disciplined  troops  of  Ceesar,  who  was  at  this  time  several 
hundred  miles  distant,  in  the  north  of  Italy,  occupying  the 
towns  of  Iguvium  and  Auximum, 

One  of  Ponipey's  officers,  Domitius,  at  but  a  few  days' 
march  south  of  the  encampment  of  Csesar,  had  collected  at 
Corfinium  nearly  nineteen  thousand  men.  The  insane  idea 
entered  his  mind  that  he  could  with  that  force  resist  the 
march  of  Caesar.  In  defiance  of  the  express  orders  of  Pom- 
pey, that  he  should  hasten  with  his  division  to  join  the 
commander-in-chief  at  Luceria,  he  fortified  himself  at  Cor- 
finium. Pompey  was  greatly  disturbed  by  this  act  of  dis- 
obedience, and  continued  his  retreat  to  Brundusium,  at  the 
southwest  extremity  of  the  Italian  peninsula,  where  he 
arrived  about  the  twenty-fifth  of  February.  Domitius  had 
cherished  the  hope  that  Pompey,  appreciating  his  military 
sagacity,  would  at  once  march  to  strengthen  him.  But  he 
was  left  to  his  own  resources.  The  banners  of  Caesar  soon 
appeared  before  the  battlements  of  Corfinium.  The  soldiers 
of  Domitius  had  sufficient  intelligence  to  perceive  their 
utter  inability  to  resist  such  a  foe.  They  began  to  murmur 
and  desert,  and  finally  broke  out  in  open  mutiny. 

Seizing  Domitius  and  all  his  officers,  they  sent  word  to 
Caesar  that  they  were  ready  to  open  the  gates,  deliver  the 
officers  into  his  hands,  and  receive  him  as  a  deliverer. 
Caesar  entered  the  city  in  triumph,  and  summoning  the 
officers  before  him,  reproached  some  of  them  with  personal 
ingratitude,  but,  with  the  magnanimity  which  generally 
characterized  his  conduct,  dismissed  them  all  unharmed. 
fle  even  allowed  Domitius  to  carry  away  a  large  amount 
of  treasure,  which  he  had  brought  to  pay  his  troops.  The 
soldiers,   with  alacrity,   enlisted   in   the   service  of  Caesar. 


C^SAR    AND    POMPEY  197 

With  new  vigor,  be  put  his  army  in  motion  to  march  upon 
Brundusium,  hoping  to  capture  his  only  formidable  rival 
there.  It  was  evident  to  all  that  there  was  no  hope  for 
Pompey  but  in  flight.  Success  is  usually  a  persuasive  argu- 
ment. The  crowd  flocked  to  Caesar,  and  Pompey  was  de- 
serted. Even  many  senators  and  other  meu  of  rank  and 
fortune,  reluctant  to  abandon  their  country  and  follow 
Pompey  into  exile,  were  disposed  to  recognize  the  legiti- 
macy of  power,  and  to  seelc  the  smiles  of  the  victor. 

On  the  ninth  of  March,  Cassar  arrived  before  Brundu- 
sium, at  the  head  of  nearly  forty  thousand  men.  Pompey 
had  but  twelve  thousand,  but  they  were  very  strongly  in- 
trenched. Many  of  his  followers,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  had  already  embarked  for  the  opposite  coast  of 
Greece.  Caesar  urged  the  siege  with  great  vigor,  and 
pushed  out  two  moles  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  har- 
bor's mouth,  that  he  might  cut  oi3:  the  possibility  of  retreat 
by  sea.  Pompey,  however,  succeeded  in  holding  Caesar  in 
check,  until  he  was  enabled  to  embark  with  the  remainder 
of  his  troops  and  followers,  and  on  the  seventeenth  of  March 
he  spread  his  sails,  and  his  fleet  soon  disappeared,  passing 
over  the  blue  waves  of  the  Adriatic  to  the  shores  of  Greece. 
The  citizens  immediately  threw  open  the  gates,  and  Caesar 
entered  the  town,  now  undisputed  master  of  Italy, 


198  ITALY 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE   STRUGGLE   AND   FALL   OF   POMPEY 

FROM  50  B.C.   TO  48  B.C. 

Siege  of  Brundusium — Flight  of  Pompey — Caesar's  Measures  in  Rome — 
His  Expedition  to  Spain — The  War  and  Final  Conquest — Caesar  Returns 
to  Brundusium — Crosses  to  Greece  in  Pursuit  of  Pompey — Vicissitudes 
of  the  War — Pompey 's  Victory  at  Dyrachium — Retreat  of  Caesar — 
Battle  of  Pharsalia — Utter  Ruin  of  Pompey — His  Flight — Joins  Cor- 
nelia and  his  Son — Melancholy  Voyage  to  Egypt — His  Assassination 
by  Ptolemy 

AS  POMPEY'S  fleet  was  leaving  the  harbor,  Ca3sar, 
with  six  legions  in  his  train,  entered  the  streets  of 
Brundusium.  With  much  military  skill  Pompey 
had  effected  the  embarkation  of  all  his  troops  and  his  fol- 
lowers, and  had  completely  swept  the  harbor  of  its  ship- 
ping, so  that  Csesar  had  no  means  of  pursuing.  It  was  on 
the  17th  of  March  that  the  last  division  of  Pompey' s  army 
made  sail,  and  the  next  day  the  inhabitants  threw  open 
their  gates  to  Caesar.  He  entered  the  city  in  a  triumphal 
procession,  and  made  an  address  to  the  inhabitants;  but 
finding  it  impossible  immediately  to  follow  Pompey,  he 
decided  to  repair  to  Rome  to  consolidate  his  power,  while 
his  agents  were  building  and  collecting  ships  to  transport 
his  army  to  Greece,  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives. 

Pompey,  regarding  Csesar  as  a  traitor  and  a  rebel,  had 
issued  very  denunciatory  proclamations,  threatening  with 
the  most  severe  punishment  any  who  should  proffer  him 
the  slightest  aid  or  countenance.  Cassar,  on  the  other  hand, 
had  manifested  the  greatest  moderation  toward  the  partisans 
of  Pompey.  The  sympathies  of  the  community  were  conse- 
quently turning  rapidly  toward  the  conqueror.  Ceesar  at 
once  assumed  the  attitude  of  the  lawful  sovereign  of  Italy. 


THE   STRUGGLE   AND    FALL    OF   POMPEY  199 

He  sent  orders  to  all  the  chief  magistrates  along  the  shore 
to  provide  a  certain  number  of  ships,  and  send  them  to 
Brundusium.  His  legions  he  quartered  in  the  principal 
towns.  Success  had  drawn  to  his  standards  all  the  des- 
perate adventurers  and  unprincipled  demagogues  of  the 
empire,  while  the  timid  and  the  conservative,  uncertain 
how  the  conflict  might  terminate,  were  reluctant  to  commit 
themselves  to  either  party.  Caesar  was  anxious  to  secure 
the  co-operation  of  men  of  leading  influence,  and  he  wrote 
to  Cicero,  earnestly  requesting  him  to  meet  him  at  Rome. 
Bat  Cicero  was  the  last  man  for  decisive  action  in  a  case 
in  which  success  was  doubtful.  He,  however,  met  Ceesar 
on  the  road,  at  Formia,  but  was  careful  not  to  commit  him- 
self to  his  cause. 

Caesar  urged  him  to  take  his  place  in  the  senate  at  Rome, 
arguing  that  his  withdrawal  would  be  understood  as  his 
condemnation  of  Cassar's  conduct.  Cicero  intimated  that 
should  he  take  his  seat  in  the  senate,  he  could  not  refrain 
from  expressing  sympathy  for  Pompey,  and  that  he  should 
urge  a  decree  that  Pompey  should  not  be  molested  in  his 
retreat  in  Greece. 

"I  will  permit  no  sach  language  as  that  to  be  held,"  said 
Caesar,  angrily.  "And  if  I  am  denied  the  benefit  of  your 
advice,  I  must  follow  such  as  I  can  procure;  and  I  shall 
have  recourse  to  extreme  measures." 

On  these  terms  they  parted,  and  Caesar  pursued  his  jour- 
ney to  Rome.  He  immediately  summoned  the  senate.  The 
majority  had  followed  the  fortunes  of  Pompey,  accompany- 
ing him  in  his  retreat  to  Grreece.  Of  the  minority  who  re- 
mained, several,  under  various  pretexts,  still  stood  aloof. 
Still,  a  goodly  number  was  convened,  and  Caesar,  address- 
ing them  in  a  very  plausible  speech,  recapitulated  his  griev- 
ances and  claimed  their  support.  He,  however,  assured 
them  that  if  they  were  averse  to  assist  him,  he  could  dis- 
pense with  their  services,  and  administer  the  government 
by  the  energies  of  his  own  unaided  arm.  He  expressed  an 
earnest  desire  to  rescue  the  country  from  the  expenses  and 


200  ITALk 

ravages  of  war,  and  urged  that  ambassadors  should  be  sent 
to  Pompey  to  endeavor  to  effect  a  peace. 

The  senate  cordially  accepted  this  last  proposition,  but 
Pompey's  character  was  such,  and  his  threats  had  been  so 
decisive  against  any  one  who  should  countenance  in  any 
way  the  usurpation  of  Caesar,  that  no  senator  could  be 
found  who  dared  to  accept  the  office  of  an  envoy  to  his 
camp,  with  such  proposals.  Such,  at  least,  is  Caesar's  rep- 
resentation, though  Plutarch  declares,  and  Cicero  seems 
also  to  imply,  that  the  senators  refused  the  mission,  be- 
cause none  of  them  had  any  confidence  in  Cgesar's  sincerity 
in  his  offers  to  negotiate. 

As  Spain  was  still  held  by  the  partisans  of  Pompey, 
Caesar,  about  the  middle  of  April,  leaving  the  government 
of  the  capital  with  M.  Lepidus,  set  out  in  person  for  the 
subjugation  of  the  Spanish  peninsula.  At  the  same  time, 
armies  were  sent  to  Sicily  and  Sardinia  to  bring  those 
islands  into  subjection  to  his  power.  This  latter  achieve- 
ment was  soon  accomplished.  In  both  these  places,  the  in- 
habitants cordially  espoused  the  cause  of  Caesar. 

The  first  opposition  Cffisar  encountered  in  his  march  to 
Spain  was  at  Massiiia,  now  Marseilles,  in  Transalpine  Gaul. 
The  citizens  manned  the  fortresses,  and  closed  their  gates 
against  him.  With  three  legions  Caesar  laid  siege  to  the 
city,  and  three  months  were  employed  in  constructing  a 
fleet  to  attack  the  place  by  sea,  while  immense  towers  were 
reared  to  aid  the  assault  by  land.  Leaving  the  land  army 
under  the  command  of  C.  Trebonius,  and  the  fleet  in  charge 
of  D.  Brutus,  both  of  whom  were  subsequently  in  the  num- 
ber of  his  assassins,  Ceesar,  with  a  strong  division  of  his 
army,  continued  his  march  into  Spain. 

Three  of  Pompey's  lieutenants,  with  seven  Roman  legions, 
held  the  fortresses  of  the  peninsula.  Cassar  crossed  the  Pyr- 
enees with  four  legions,  and  others  were  following  close 
behind.  His  cavalry  was  excellent,  his  troops  all  veterans, 
and  devotedly  attached  to  their  leader.  Pompey's  generals 
had  not  full  confidence  in  their  soldiers,  and  feared  to  ven- 


THE   STRUGGLE   AND   FALL    OF   POMPEY  201 

ture  a  decisive  action.  Thej,  therefore,  chose  a  strong 
position  in  the  town  of  Ilerda,  on  the  banks  of  the  Sicoris, 
one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Ebro,  and  having  provided 
themselves  with  abundant  supplies,  resolved  to  protract  the 
conflict.  Caesar  marched  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Sicoris 
and  encamped,  facing  the  foe,  the  narrow  stream  flowing 
between  them. 

Caesar  caused  a  large  number  of  boats  to  be  constructed, 
ingeniously  framed  of  wicker-work,  and  covered  with  hides. 
These,  being  very  light,  were  rapidly  transported  in  wagons 
twenty  miles  up  the  river,  and  a  detachment  of  troops  was 
sent  across  by  night,  who  strongly  fortified  themselves  upon 
a  bluff,  and  a  bridge  was  speedily  thrown  across  the  stream. 
The  Spanish  tribes  now  began  to  espouse  his  cause,  regard- 
ing him  as  the  advocate  of  popular  rights,  and  they  flooded 
his  camp  with  all  needful  supplies.  Pompey's  generals  were 
alarmed,  and  breaking  up  their  camp  commenced  a  retreat 
toward  the  Ebro.  Cassar  pursued  them  vigorously,  so  vigo- 
rously that  he  outstripped  them,  cut  oJBE  their  retreat,  and 
soon  reduced  them  to  such  an  extremity,  that,  abandoned 
by  their  soldiers,  the  generals  threw  themselves  upon  his 
mercy.  Though  they  had  been  guilty  of  great  outrages  in 
the  massacre  of  such  prisoners  as  had  fallen  into  their  hands, 
Caesar  magnanimously  allowed  them  to  retire  unharmed,  on 
condition  of  their  quitting  Spain  and  disbanding  their  army. 
The  welcome  stipulation  was  eagerly  accepted,  and  all  op- 
position to  C^sar  vanished  from  Spain  like  the  dissipation 
of  morning  mist.  A  small  cloud  darkened  the  sky  in  the 
south  for  a  few  days,  but  that,  also,  soon  disappeared.  The 
complete  conquest  of  Spain  was  thus  effected  in  forty  days 
after  Caesar  crossed  the  Pyrenees. 

Caesar  returned  to  Massilia,  which  was  now  reduced  to 
the  last  extremity.  Immediately  upon  his  arrival,  the  gar- 
rison, relying  upon  his  well-known  clemency,  offered  to 
surrender.  With  characteristic  liberality,  he  protected  the 
city  from  plunder,  and  allowed  both  citizens  and  soldiers  to 
retain  their  liberty.     The  friends  of  Caesar  at  Kome,  in  order 


202  ITALY 

to  give  some  semblaace  of  law  to  his  usurpation,  appointed 
him  dictator.  The  conqueror  immediately  returned  to  the 
capital,  and  not  willing  to  retain  longer  than  was  indispen- 
sable to  his  plans  the  always  obnoxious  office  of  dictator, 
summoned  a  meeting  of  the  comitia  for  the  election  of  con- 
suls; and  having  secured,  of  course,  his  own  nomination,  in 
eleven  days  surrendered  his  dictatorial  office,  though  in  that 
short  space  of  time  he  had  adopted  more  measures  for  the 
consolidation  of  his  power  than  many  rulers  would  have 
enacted  in  years. 

Cicero  intimates  in  his  letters  that  many  in  Italy  were 
dissatisfied  with  Cesar's  imperial  sway,  and  had  become 
much  alienated  from  him.  But  Cicero's  testimony  upon 
this  point  cannot  be  received  without  some  distrust.  It 
can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  great  mass,  both  of  the  army 
and  the  people,  were  quite  cordial  in  support  of  Cassar,  as 
the  great  advocate  of  popular  rights.  So  far  as  we  can 
now  judge  of  the  measures  adopted  by  Caesar  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  public  afiairs,  they  were  eminently  wise,  just,  and 
adapted  to  promote  the  public  weal.  But  the  friends  of 
Caesar  are  so  eulogistic  in  his  praise,  and  liis  enemies  so 
bitter  in  their  denunciations,  that  one  who  desires,  ever 
so  earnestly,  to  be  impartial,  at  times  finds  it  exceedingly 
difhcult  to  pronounce  judgment.  Julius  Caesar  was  the  Na- 
poleon Bonaparte  of  his  day,  both  loved  and  hated,  with  the 
same  intensity  which  accompanied  the  career  of  the  great 
advocate  of  popular  rights  in  France. 

Caesar  had  now  assembled  a  powerful  fleet,  and  a  well- 
disciplined  army  of  twelve  legions,  at  Brundusium,  and  was 
prepared  to  cross  the  Adriatic,  and  pursue  Pompey  in 
Greece.  Pompey  had  with  him  the  two  consuls  who  were 
in  office  at  the  time  of  his  flight,  and  about  two  hundred 
of  the  senate.  He  consequently  claimed  that  he  was  sup- 
ported by  the  authority  of  the  government,  and  that  Caesar 
was  but  a  traitor  and  a  rebel.  He  established  himself  at 
Thessalouica,  organized  the  government  tliere,  and  with 
great  vigor  assembled  upon  the  western  shores  of  Greece, 


THE   STRUGGLE    AND    FALL    OF   POMPEY  203 

armies  and  fleets  to  dispute  the  landing  of  Csesar.  He  had 
nine  legions  of  Eoman  citizens  marching  beneath  his  banners 
— all  veteran  soldiers — and  also  an  auxiliary  force  raised  in 
Greece.  His  cavalry  amounted  to  seven  thousand.  It  is, 
however,  impossible  now  to  ascertain  the  full  number  of  his 
army.  Fully  conscious  of  Caesar's  military  ability,  Pompey 
was  indefatigable  in  drilling  his  army,  in  the  most  efiective 
manner  possible,  in  all  the  exercises  of  warfare.  To  en- 
courage the  soldiers,  he  himself  took  an  active  part  in  these 
exercises,  like  the  humblest  man  in  the  ranks,  throwing  the 
javelin  and  performing  feats  of  horsemanship  which  few 
could  rival.  It  was  his  hope  and  expectation  soon  to  be 
able  to  return  to  Italy  with  an  army  so  numerous  and  well- 
disciplined  as  to  be  able  to  sweep  all  opposition  before  him. 

He  issued  a  proclamation  denouncing  the  rebellion  of 
Csesar,  and  threatening  with  the  most  direful  punishment, 
not  only  all  those  who  had  manifested  any  sympathy  with 
Caesar  and  his  cause,  but  all  who  had  not  vigorously  and 
persistently  opposed  him.  The  far-famed  manifesto  of  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick,  when  on  the  march  to  crush  the  repub- 
lic of  France,  was  but  the  echo  of  Pompey's  proclamation, 
when  prepared  to  march  back  with  his  emigrants,  and  re- 
establish -aristocratic  usurpation  in  Rome.  Even  Cicero, 
with  all  his  patrician  proclivities,  admits  that  the  triumph 
of  Pompey  and  his  party  would  have  been  followed  by  pro- 
scriptions as  unsparing  as  those  of  Sylla.  Pompey  was  by 
no  means  a  merciless  man,  but  he  could  not  restrain  his 
party.  He  was  but  the  foam  on  the  summit  of  the  billow, 
swept  along  by  a  force  which  he  could  not  control.  By  no 
possibility  could  he  retain  his  supremacy  but  by  subservi- 
ency to  the  power  which  created  him.  Even  the  most  bitter 
opponents  of  Cassar  admit  that  the  aristocratic  party  was  at 
that  time  profligate  beyond  all  hope  of  redemption.  The 
triumph  of  Caesar  was  unquestionably  promotive  of  the  hap- 
piness of  mankind. 

Caesar,  ever  on  the  alert,  took  Pompey  by  surprise,  and 
with  a  division  of  his  army,  amounting  to  twenty  thousand 


204  ITALY 

men,  crossed  the  Adriatic  Sea  and  effected  a  landing,  unop- 
posed, near  Oricum,  which  important  town  immediately  sur- 
rendered, thus  affording  Ciesar  a  foothold  from  which  he 
could  not  easily  be  driven.  The  fleet  was  immediately  sent 
back  to  Brundnsium  for  another  division  of  the  army.  Bib- 
ulus,  who  was  in  command  of  Pompey's  fleet  stationed  at 
Corcyra,  chagrined  that  C^sar  had  thus  eluded  his  vigilance, 
immediately  despatched  his  whole  force,  hoping  to  intercept 
at  least  some  of  the  transports  employed  in  the  passage.  He 
succeeded  only  in  capturing  thirty  empty  vessels  on  thei-r 
return  to  Brundusium.  With  atrocious  cruelty,  he  bound 
the  seamen  in  the  ships,  which  he  set  on  fire,  leaving  the 
wretched  captives  to  perish  in  the  flames.  Then  lining  the 
coast  with  his  powerful  navy,  from  Salone  to  Oricum,  a 
distance  of  about  two  hundred  miles,  he  watched,  day  and 
night,  that  no  more  soldiers  should  be  landed  in  Grreece. 

It  was  now  late  in  November.  The  season  was  inclement 
and  chilling.  Storms  swept  the  Adriatic.  These  ancient 
ships-of-war  were  what  we  should  call  boats,  without  decks, 
constructed  merely  for  coasting.  The  crews  were  generally 
accustomed  to  go  on  shore  for  their  meals,  and  to  sleep. 
With  such  absence  of  accommodations,  the  crews  were  ex- 
posed to  very  great  distress,  by  remaining  continually  at 
sea  without  any  opportunity  to  land.  Csesar  guarded  the 
shore  that  the  sailors  should  not  leave  their  boats.  Bibulus 
guarded  the  sea  so  that  Ceesar  could  receive  no  supplies. 
Both  parties  suffered  very  severely,  and  Bibulus  would  have 
perished  but  for  relief  which  he  obtained  by  occasionally 
landing  on  the  island  of  Corcyra.  The  fate  of  Caesar  seemed 
sealed.  He  was  blockaded  on  the  shores  of  Greece,  with  but 
a  small  part  of  his  troops,  cut  off  from  all  his  magazines, 
with  a  vastly  outnumbering  army,  under  the  command  of 
Pompey,  in  his  rear,  and  with  an  invincible  fleet  threatening 
him  on  the  sea.  In  view  of  this  formidable  force,  the  trans- 
ports at  Brundusium  did  not  dare  attempt  the  passage. 
Bibulus  was  savage  in  his  warfare.  Seizing  a  private  ves- 
sel, which  had  attempted  the  passage,   he  put  the  whole 


THE   STRUGGLE    AND    FALL    OF   POMPEY  205 

ship's  company  to  a  cruel  death,  though  there  were  no 
troops  on  board. 

Csesar  was  not  a  man  to  act  long  merely  on  tlie  defensive. 
At  Dyrachium  Pompey  had  collected  his  principal  maga- 
zines, having  intended  to  establish  there  his  winter  quarters, 
that  he  might  be  at  hand  to  resist  Cassar's  invasion,  which 
he  did  not  suppose  would  be  undertaken  until  spring. 
When  Cassar  landed,  Pompey  was  near  Thessalonica,  just 
commencing  his  march  for  his  winter  quarters,  on  the  great 
road  which  crossed  the  heart  of  Greece,  from  the  ./Egean  to 
the  Ionian  gulf. 

Hearing  of  the  landing  of  Cassar,  in  consternation  he 
goaded  on  his  battalions  to  forced  marches  that  he  might 
save  his  imperial  magazines.  By  night  and  by  day,  hardly 
resting  for  food  or  sleep,  the  panting  legions  toiled  on,  their 
path  being  marked  by  the  bodies  of  the  dying  and  the  dead, 
who  had  dropped  exhausted  by  the  way.  He  thus,  at  a  vast 
expense  of  suffering  and  life,  attained  his  object,  and  took 
possession  of  his  magazines  before  Caesar  could  reach  them. 
Thwarted  in  this  endeavor,  Csesar  halted  in  an  impregnable 
position  on  the  banks  of  the  Apsus,  where  he  pitched  his 
tents,  and  received  the  homage  of  the  surrounding  country, 
proposing  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  remainder  of  his  army. 
His  encampment  was  extended  along  the  left  bank  of  the 
Apsus.  Pompey  advancing  from  Dyrachium  took  posses- 
sion of  the  right  bank  of  the  same  stream. 

While  both  parties  were  summoning  all  their  energies  for 
a  decisive  struggle,  Caesar — sincerely,  say  his  friends,  insid- 
iously say  his  enemies — sent  a  messenger  to  Pompey  urging 
peace.  After  dilating  upon  the  woes  which  civil  war  must 
entail  upon  their  country,  he  proposed,  with  apparent  fair- 
ness, that  each  commander  should  take  an  oath,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  his  army,  to  disband  his  forces  within  three  days; 
and  that  the  terms  of  peace  should  be  referred  to  the  arbitra- 
tion of  the  senate  and  people  of  Eome.  Pompey,  who  then 
apparently  had  Caesar  in  his  power,  rejected  the  proposals 
with  disdain,  impatiently  exclaiming: 


206  ITALY 

"I  value  neither  life  nor  country,  if  I  must  receive  tliem 
as  a  favor  from  Caesar. ' ' 

Bibulus,  whose  sufferings  upon  the  sea  were  very  great, 
proposed  also  to  Caesar  a  truce.  "I  grant  it  willingly," 
Caesar  replied,  "and  will  allow  you  to  come  to  the  land  to 
obtain  re-enforcements  and  supplies  if  you  will  allow  me  to 
obtain  the  same  by  sea."  This  proposal  was  not  acceptable, 
and  the  conference  was  broken  off,  and  with  renewed  dili- 
gence both  parties  prepared  for  the  arbitration  of  battle. 
The  tide  of  popular  sympathy  was  constantly  flowing  to- 
ward Caesar;  and  Pompey  resorted  to  the  most  severe  and 
even  ignominious  measures  to  prevent  his  troops  from  hold- 
ing any  communication  with  the  enemy.  M.  Antonius  was 
at  Brundusium,  in  command  of  the  second  division  of 
Caesar's  army,  which  was  impatiently  awaiting  an  opportu- 
nity to  cross  over  to  Greece  to  join  their  illustrious  leader. 

Bibulus,  in  command  of  the  fleet,  worn  down  by  fatigue, 
anxiety,  and  the  exposure  and  hardships  of  his  condition, 
sickened  and  died.  The  intrigues  among  Pompey's  generals 
was  such  that  he  found  it  difhcult  to  fix  upon  a  successor. 
There  was  thus  no  harmony  of  action  in  the  squadron,  each 
commander  acting  for  himself.  The  sun  was  now  returning 
from  the  south,  and  the  soft  airs  of  spring  began  to  succeed 
the  storms  of  winter.  Ctesar  grew  very  impatient  of  delay, 
and  wrote  to  his  officers,  at  Brundusium,  condemning  them 
severely  for  their  want  of  energy  of  action,  declaring  that 
they  had  lost  many  opportunities  in  which  they  might  have 
crossed  to  Greece,  and  ordering  them  to  put  to  sea  with  the 
very  first  fair  wind,  and  steer  for  the  coast  of  Apollonia, 
directing  them  upon  their  arrival  to  run  their  vessels  ashore, 
as  the  vessels  themselves  were  of  but  little  importance. 

In  his  burning  impatience,  he  resolved  to  cross  himself 
to  Brundusium,  in  defiance  of  the  vigilance  of  the  enemy's 
squadron,  and  in  person  expedite  the  embarkation  of  his 
troops.  On  a  dark  and  stormy  night,  he  left  his  encamp- 
ment in  disguise,  bribed  the  boatmen  to  brave  the  peril  of 
wind  and  wave,  and  made  an  endeavor,  all  but  desperate, 


THE    STRUGGLE    AND    FALL    OF    POMPEY  207 

througli  the  tempest,  to  cross  the  Adriatic  Sea,  a  distance 
of  one  hundred  miles.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  is 
reported  to  have  said  to  the  seamen,  who  were  in  dismay  at 
the  howling  of  the  tempest  and  the  sweep  of  the  billows, 
"Fear  not.  You  carry  Csesar  and  his  fortunes."  But 
mortal  strength  could  not  triumph  over  the  elements  in  that 
tempestuous  night,  and  the  seamen  were  compelled  to  put 
back  and  return  to  the  Grrecian  shore. 

The  letters  of  Csesar  had,  however,  roused  his  officers  to 
effort.  Twenty-four  thousand  men  and  eight  hundred  cav- 
alry were  embarked,  and  set  sail  from  Brundusium  with  a 
south  wind.  They  successfully  crossed  the  sea  and  effected 
a  landing.  Sixteen  of  Pompey's  ships,  from  those  which  had 
pursued  them,  were  driven  on  shore  and  wrecked.  Csesar 
treated  their  crews  with  the  greatest  humanity,  and  dis- 
missed them,  unharmed,  to  their  homes.  This  second  divi- 
sion of  Csesar' s  army  was  landed  at  Nymphasum,  on  the 
coast  of  Illyricum,  several  miles  north  of  Dyrachium.  But 
Caesar  and  Pompey,  from  the  shore,  had  watched  the  move- 
ments of  the  fleet  with  eager  eyes.  They  both  immediately 
put  their  armies  in  motion  from  the  banks  of  the  Apsus — 
Csesar  to  effect  a  junction  with  his  troops,  and  Pompey  to 
prevent  it. 

CsessbT  was  successful,  and  Pompey,  apprehensive  that 
the  united  force  might  fall  upon  him,  commenced  a  rapid 
retreat  toward  his  intrenchments.  Cassar  now  very  ener- 
getically renewed  offensive  operations,  and  pursued  Pom- 
pey, offering  him  battle.  Pompey,  who  had  not  dared  to 
meet  him  even  before  the  arrival  of  the  re- enforcements, 
declined  the  challenge.  Cassar,  flushed  with  success,  and 
bidding  proud  defiance  to  his  intimidated  foe,  commenced 
a  march  upon  Dyrachium,  and,  by  astonishing  rapidity  of 
movement,  reached  the  walls  in  season  to  cut  off  Pompey's 
entrance  into  its  gates.  Pompey,  thus  baffled,  intrenched 
himself  upon  a  neighboring  hill,  which  commanded  a  small 
bay,  where  his  ships  could  safely  lie  at  anchor. 

There  was  now  but  little  probability  of  the  speedy  ter* 


208  ITALY 

mination  of  tlie  war.  The  two  generals  were  men  of  con- 
summate ability.  Each  was  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army, 
and  each  had  command  of  almost  inexhaustible  resources. 
Caesar's  first  endeavor  now  was  to  blockade  Pompey's  army 
on  the  eminence,  called  Petra,  were  it  was  intrenched.  The 
struggle  of  military  strategy  which  ensued  was  one  of  the 
most  memorable  which  war  has  recorded.  As  Caesar  reared 
his  fortifications  on  the  most  commanding  eminences,  con- 
necting them  all  together  by  ramparts  and  ditches,  Pompey 
constructed  opposing  ramparts,  bound  together  by  continu- 
ous works,  over  a  space  of  fifteen  miles  in  circuit.  The  em- 
battled fortresses  of  Pompey  amounted  to  twenty-four  in 
number.  Frequent  conflicts,  during  the  construction  of 
these  defences,  occurred  between  the  hostile  armies.  Cae- 
sar's blockading  line  extended  over  eighteen  miles.  These 
immense  works  required  an  amount  of  labor  almost  incred- 
ible, labor  which,  if  appropriated  to  any  useful  object,  might 
have  been  of  incalculable  benefit  to  mankind.  Both  armies 
suffered  much,  in  various  waj^s,  during  this  extraordinary 
warfare. 

Pompey's  military  reputation  was  seriously  damaged  by 
the  fact  that,  declining  Caesar's  challenge  to  battle,  he  had 
allowed  himself  to  be  thus  cooped  up  by  his  adversary. 

"He  cannot,"  wrote  Dolabella  to  Cicero,  "escape  with 
honor;  driven  as  he  has  been  from  Italy,  deprived  of  Spain 
with  the  loss  of  a  veteran  army,  and  now  even  blockaded  in 
his  camp,  a  disgrace  which  scarcely  any  other  than  our  com- 
mander has  ever  endured." 

Want  and  famine  began  at  length  to  reign  within  Pom- 
pey's lines,  and  he  resolved  to  break  from  his  confinement, 
hewing  a  path  through  the  serried  ranks  of  his  foes.  Hav- 
ing selected  his  point  and  carefully  matured  all  of  his  ar- 
rangements, at  the  earliest  dawn  of  day  he  made  the  assault, 
striking  by  surprise,  and  hewing  his  way  with  prodigious 
slaughter  through  the  legions  which  were  hastily  gathered 
to  oppose  him.  Caesar,  who  was  at  a  remote  part  of  his 
lines,  hastened  with  three  legions  to  the  scene  of  conflict. 


THE    STRUGGLE    AJSD    FALL    OF   POMPEY  209 

But  Pompey's  troojjs,  flushed  with  victory,  fell  upon 
Csesar's  soldiers,  in  the  confusion  of  their  march,  and 
Csesar  had  the  mortification  of  seeing  his  troops  put  to 
utter  rout.  The  flight  was  so  precipitate  and  headlong, 
notithstanding  Caesar's  most  vigorous  efforts  to  arrest  it, 
that  Pompey,  apprehensive  of  an  ambuscade,  checked  the 
pursuit.  This  victory  of  Pompey  rendered  it  necessary  for 
Caesar  to  retreat.  He  accordingly,  in  the  night,  sent  off, 
•under  a  strong  escort,  his  baggage,  his  sick  and  wounded, 
and  in  the  first  gray  of  the  morning  followed  with  the  whole 
body  of  his  troops. 

Pompey  immediately  and  resolutely  commenced  pursuit. 
Csesar,  however,  effected  his  retreat  with  but  little  loss,  and 
in  four  days  gained  some  intrenchments  which  he  had  pre- 
viously occupied  at  Apol Ionia.  Resting  here  for  a  short 
time  to  refresh  his  weary  troops,  he  resumed  his  march, 
directing  his  steps  across  the  country  toward  Thessaly.  In 
the  rich  plains  of  this  province,  C^sar  found  abundance  for 
his  troops.  The  first  town  of  importance  which  he  encoun- 
tered upon  his  march  was  Gomphi.  He  found  the  gates 
shut  against  him,  and  took  the  place  by  storm.  Metropo- 
lis, the  next  city  they  reached,  surrendered  at  once.  All 
the  other  towns  of  Thessaly  then  readily  yielded,  and  Cgesar 
found  himself  in  the  midst  of  an  opulent  country,  covered 
with  waving  harvests.  Here,  on  the  plains  of  Pharsalia,  he 
established  himself,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Pompey,  and 
preparing  for  a  decisive  battle. 

Pompey,  elated  with  the  victory  of  Dyrachium,  followed 
eagerly  after  Caesar,  and  pitched  his  camp  in  the  face  of  his 
foe.  C«sar  immediately  offered  battle,  but  Pompey  for  some 
days  declined,  keeping  his  troops  so  effectually  intrenched 
that  Caesar  could  not  venture  to  attack  them.  But  at  length 
both  armies  appeared,  drawn  up  in  parallel  lines  upon  this 
memorable  plain.  It  was  the  year  48  B.C.  From  the  best 
information  now  to  be  obtained,  it  appears  that  Pompey  had 
forty- five  thousand  infantry  and  seven  thousand  cavalry. 
Caesar  had  but  twenty-two  thousand  infantry  and  one  thou- 


210  ITALY 

sand  cavalry.  These  were  the  regular  armies.  On  both 
sides  there  were  also  auxiliary  troops,  but  their  number  is 
not  known.  The  Romans  considered  the  auxiliaries  as  of 
very  little  importance. 

The  signal  for  battle  was  given  by  Caesar,  and  his  sol- 
diers rushed  forward  to  the  onset,  which  then  consisted 
mainly  of  a  hand-to-hand  fight.  The  action  soon  became 
general,  and  seventy- five  thousand  men  struggled  against 
each  other  with  the  most  demoniac  fury  for  hours.  But  at 
length  Pompey's  forces  were  entirely  routed,  and  they  fled 
in  indescribable  confusion  from  the  plain,  leaving  the  ground 
covered  with  the  dying  and  the  dead.  The  darkness  of  night 
alone  terminated  the  pursuit  and  the  slaughter.  All  who 
surrendered  were  treated  with  great  humanit3^  Pompey's 
army  was  annihilated,  and  Caesar  was  so  thoroughly  the 
victor  that  no  further  foe  remained  to  present  any  serious 
obstacle  to  his  sway. 

Pompey,  with  a  few  followers,  fled  from  the  fatal  field  of 
Pliarsalia,  a  hopeless  fugitive.  For  a  time  he  seemed  over- 
whelmed and  stunned  by  the  blow,  perhaps  enduring  as  much 
mental  suffering  as  in  this  mortal  state  the  human  soul  has 
capacity  to  endure.  In  disguise  he  escaped  from  the  field, 
accompanied  by  about  thirty  horsemen.  Through  the  long 
hours  of  the  night  he  rode  in  silence  and  anguish,  until  he 
reached  the  shores  of  the  ^gean  Sea,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Peneus.  He  there  embarked  in  a  small  trading  vessel 
which  chanced  to  be  passing,  and  crossed  over  to  Mitylene, 
in  the  island  of  Lesbos,  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  where  he  had 
left  his  wife  Cornelia  and  his  son  Sextus. 

The  domestic  character  of  Pompey  was  singularly  pure, 
and  this  interview  with  his  family  was  tender,  afl'ectionate, 
and  sorrowful  in  the  extreme.  Cornelia  had  received  no 
tidings  from  her  husband  since  the  great  victory  of  Dyra- 
chium,  of  which  she  had  heard  the  most  exaggerated  re- 
ports. The  appearance  of  her  husband  before  her,  a  fugi- 
tive and  woe-stricken,  caused  a  shock  she  was  poorly  pre- 
pared to  meet.     She  immediately  joined  him  on  board  the 


THE   STRUGGLE   AND   FALL    OF   POMPEY  211 

vessel,  and  they  were  detained  two  days  in  the  harbor  by 
contrary  winds.  Though  the  Mityleneans  urged  him  to 
come  on  shore  and  receive  their  hospitality  and  testimo- 
nials of  their  homage,  he  firmly  and  magnanimously  de- 
clined, saying,  "I  will  not  expose  my  friends  to  the  resent- 
ment of  the  conqueror  by  availing  myself  of  their  kindness." 

Conscious  that  his  power  had  vanished  forever,  and  that 
his  great  rival  was  now  sovereign,  with  none  to  dispute  his 
sway,  he  urged  all  to  submit,  assuring  them  that  they  would 
receive  no  treatment  from  Ceesar  but  that  which  was  Just  and 
magnanimous.  There  were  still  a  few  who  were  disposed  to 
adhere  to  the  falling  fortunes  of  Pompey.  Several  small 
vessels  joined  him,  and  they  sailed  along  the  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean  to  seek  refuge  in  Syria.  They  attempted  to 
land  at  Rhodes,  but  the  people,  apprehensive  of  the  dis- 
pleasure of  Cgesar,  would  not  allow  the  little  fleet  to  enter 
their  harbor.  Pompey,  deeply  chagrined,  continued  his 
voyage,  often  attempting  to  land,  but  as  often  meeting 
with  a  repulse,    until   he  reached  the  coast  of  Cilicia. 

This  Asiatic  province  was  governed  by  Scipio,  the 
father  of  Cornelia,  and  Pompey  felt  confident  of  meeting 
here  with  hospitality  and  support.  But  when  they  reached 
Paphos,  on  the  island  of  Cyprus,  they  were  informed  that 
Antioch,  the  capital  of  Syria,  had  declared  for  Csesar,  and 
that  a  decree  had  been  issued  that  none  of  the  fugitives  of 
Pompey' s  party  should  be  permitted  to  land  upon  the 
coast.  In  dejection,  and  almost  in  despair,  Pompey  and 
his  friends,  in  the  dark  cabin  of  the  galley,  held  a  delib- 
eration as  to  the  course  next  to  be  pursued.  It  was  at 
length  decided  to  seek  refuge  in  Egypt.  The  young  king 
Ptolemy  was  but  a  boy,  but  his  father  had  been  placed 
upon  the  throne  by  the  influence  of  Pompey,  and  it  was 
believed  that  the  son  would  not  be  insensible  to  this  debt 
of  gratitude. 

The  sorrowing  fugitives  again  raised  their  anchors  and 
sailed  fc5r  Pelusium,  near  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Nile. 
The  boy-king  was  then  waging  war  with  his  sister,  the  re- 


212  ITALY 

nowned  Cleopatra,  who  was  endeavoring  to  wrest  the  crown 
from  his  brow.  He  was  at  the  head  of  his  army  in  the 
vicinity  of  Pelusium.  An  envoy  was  immediately  de- 
spatched by  Pompey  to  his  camp.  The  king  received  the 
envoy  with  the  utmost  apparent  cordiality,  and  sent  a  press- 
ing invitation  for  Pompey  to  repair  immediately  to  his  head- 
quarters. But  this  invitation  was  an  act  of  the  blackest 
treachery.  The  king's  council  had  held  a  session  to  delib- 
erate upon  the  matter.  They  decided  that  it  would  be  dan- 
gerous to  receive  Pompey,  lest  it  should  give  offence  to  the 
all-powerful  Csesar;  that  it  would  be  perilous  to  reject  him, 
lest  by  some  sudden  turn  of  fortune  he  should  again  find 
himself  in  power.  They,  therefore,  counselled  that  he 
should  be  invited  to  the  camp  and  then  murdered.  "Dead 
dogs,"  said  the  leading  advocate  of  this  measure,  "do  not 
bite." 

A  boat  was  sent  by  the  king  to  convey  Pompey  from  the 
galley  to  the  shore,  where  Ptolemy  had  repaired,  and  was 
waiting  in  person,  with  a  group  of  his  principal  generals,  to 
receive  him.  Several  of  the  ofhcers  of  the  Egyptian  king 
were  in  the  boat.  Among  these  was  a  Eoman  centurion, 
L.  Septimius,  then  in  the  employ  of  Ptolemy,  but  who  had 
formerly  served  under  Pompey.  Pompey  entered  the  barge, 
accompanied  by  a  few  of  his  friends,  and  immediately  recog- 
nized Septimius,  and  addressed  him  in  a  few  friendly  words, 
to  which  Septimius  replied  merely  by  a  nod.  It  was  some 
distance  from  the  galley  to  the  shore,  and  the  melancholy 
sublimity  of  the  occasion  was  such  that  all  sat  in  silence. 
At  length  the  boat  touched  the  beach.  Pompey  rose  from 
his  seat,  and  as  he  was  in  the  act  of  stepping  on  shore,  Sep- 
timius plunged  a  dagger  into  his  back.  The  other  assassins 
at  once  fell  upon  him  with  their  swords.  The  heroic  man, 
never  greater,  perhaps,  than  in  the  hour  of  his  death,  ut- 
tered not  a  cry,  and  attempted  no  resistance  or  defeace, 
but  folding  his  mantle  over  his  face,  received  in  silence 
the  blows  which  fell  upon  him,  until  he  sank  lifeless  upon 
the  sand. 


THE   STRUGGLE   AND    FALL    OF   POMPEY  213 

Cornelia,  holding  her  little  son  Sextus  by  the  hand,  stood 
upon  the  deck  of  the  galley,  anxiously  following  her  hus- 
band with  her  eye,  and  was  a  witness  to  the  whole  scene. 
As  her  husband  fell,  she  uttered  a  shriek  of  anguish,  which 
pierced  every  ear  in  the  galleys  and  along  the  shore.  The 
murderers  cut  off  the  head  of  Pompey  and  embalmed  it,  to 
be  sent,  as  a  present,  to  Caesar,  leaving  the  headless  trunk 
upon  the  beach.  As  soon  as  the  crowd  had  dispersed,  the 
friends  of  Pompey,  recovering  a  little  from  their  consterna- 
tion, broke  to  pieces  a  boat  which  they  found  wrecked  upon 
the  shore,  and  burning  the  remains,  gathered  the  ashes  in  an 
urn  to  be  transmitted  to  Cornelia.  In  the  meantime,  the  lit- 
tle fleet  which  had  conveyed  Pompey  to  Egypt  put  to  sea, 
taking  with  them  Cornelia,  in  a  state  of  utter  distraction 
and  despair.  The  Egyptians  at  first  endeavored  to  intercept 
them,  but  soon  relinquished  the  pursuit,  and  the  fleet  reached 
Tyre  in  safety. 

Thus  perished  one  of  the  greatest  and  best  of  the  men  of 
ancient  times.  Pompey,  as  the  leader  of  the  aristocratic 
party,  was  far  superior  to  his  party  in  elevation  of  character 
and  in  moral  worth.  Though  devoted  to  the  supremacy  of 
the  patricians,  and  hostile  to  popular  liberty,  he  was  a  man 
of  integrity,  rare  in  those  days — of  spotless  purity  in  all  his 
domestic  relations,  virtues  then  still  more  rare;  and  the 
amiability  of  his  character  won  the  enthusiastic  attachment 
of  all  who  knew  him  best.  Though  by  no  means  equal  in 
genius  to  his  illustrious  rival,  he  developed  qualities  of  mind 
and  energies  of  action  which  have  justly  entitled  him  to  the 
designation,  which  he  has  now  borne  for  nineteen  hundred 
years,  and  will  bear  through  all  time,  of  Pompey  the  Great. 


214  ITALY 


CHAPTEE  XII 

THE   TRIUMPH    OF   C^SAR   AND   THE    FATE   OF   POMPEY 

FROM  48  B.C.  TO  44  B.C. 

Clemency  of  Csesar — Pursuit  of  Pompey — The  Egyptian  War — Csesar  and 
Cleopatra — Capture  of  Pharos — Popularity  of  Caesar — Loss  of  the  Alex- 
andrian Library — Brief  Conflict  with  the  King  of  Pontus — Quelling  the 
Mutiny — Calo's  Efforts  in  Africa — The  African  War — Defeat  and  Death 
of  Scipio — Suicide  of  Cato — The  Spanish  War — Death  of  Pompey 's  Son 
— Caesar's  Return  to  Rome — His  Triumph — His  Administrative  Meas- 
ures and  Energ_y — His  Character — Character  of  Cicero 

THE  morning  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  Csesar  gazed 
sadly  upon  the  field,  covered  with  the  dead,  and 
exclaimed,  in  melancholy  tones,  "They  would  have 
it  so."  All  the  prisoners  who  fell  into  his  hands  were 
treated  with  that  clemency — so  unusual  in  those  days — which 
he  ever  manifested.  As  the  strife  in  Greece  was  now  at  an 
end,  Caesar  sent  back  most  of  his  army  to  Brundusium,  and, 
taking  with  him  a  small  body  of  cavalry,  engaged  eagerly  in 
the  pursuit  of  Pompey.  He  crossed  the  Hellespont,  and 
followed  down  with  his  horsemen  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor. 
For  a  long  time  he  could  get  no  tidings  of  the  fugitive.  At 
length  he  heard  that  he  had  been  seen  in  Cyprus,  and  he 
inferred  from  that  that  he  was  directing  his  steps  toward 
Egypt. 

He  immediately  collected  a  fleet  of  ten  galleys  and  sailed 
for  Egypt,  landing  at  Alexandria.  Here  he  received  the 
tidings  of  Pompey 's  death;  and  at  the  same  time  the  head 
of  the  murdered  man  was  presented  to  him  as  if  it  would 
be  an  acceptable  gift.  Caesar  was  shocked  at  the  sight,  and 
could  not  refrain  from  weeping,  as  he  gazed  upon  the  gory 
remains  of  his  former  son-in-law,  friend,  and  companion-in- 
arms. The  grief  of  Ca3sar  was  unquestionably  sincere,  and 
he  was  filled  with  strong  indignation  against  the  murderers 


TRIUMPH  OF  CjESAR  AND  FATE  OF  POMPEY       215 

of  Pompey.  Through  all  the  remamcler  of  his  life,  he  mani- 
fested great  respect  for  his  memory.  There  is  now  at  Alex- 
andria a  column  of  remarkable  architectural  beauty,  called 
Pompey's  Pillar,  which  tradition  says  was  reared  by  Caesar, 
a  tribute  to  the  greatness  of  his  unhappy  rival.  This  col- 
umn, which  is  about  one  hundred  feet  high,  is  formed  of 
stone,  in  three  blocks,  the  pedestal,  shaft,  and  capital.  It 
is  even  to  the  present  day  an  object  of  world-wide  interest 
and  admiration. 

The  death  of  Pompey  was  the  signal  for  the  dismember- 
mert  of  ail  his  forces,  and  the  termination  of  the  war.  The 
soldiers  eagerly  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  to 
throw  down  their  arms,  for  they  had  long  been,  in  heart, 
in  sympathy  with  Cassar.  Plebeian  soldiers,  fighting  the 
battles  of  their  patrician  masters,  are  ever  half  conscious 
that  they  are  slaves,  riveting  their  own  chains.  Even  mul- 
titudes of  the  patricians  hasted  to  bask  in  the  beams  of 
Caesar's  rising  sun.  Cicero,  who  had  repaired  to  Dyrachium, 
and  was  anxiously  awaiting  the  issue  of  the  campaign,  that 
he  might  decide  which  party  to  Join,  promptly  returned  to 
Italy  to  be  early  in  his  congratulations  of  the  victor.  Pom- 
pey's eldest  son  was  so  enraged  with  Cicero  for  this  appar- 
ently unprincipled  desertion,  that  he  would  have  killed  him, 
but  for  the  protection  which  Cato  afforded  the  "willow 
backed"  man,  who  was  at  least  illustrious  as  an  orator,  if 
he  were  destitute  of  all  moral  courage  and  decision. 

Cato  had  adhered  to  the  cause  of  Pompey ;  with  a  small 
fleet  he  followed  him  in  his  flight,  and  hearing  the  mou.rn- 
ful  tidings  of  his  death,  took  Cornelia  and  Sextus  under  his 
protection  and  sailed  for  Africa,  where  he  devoted  himself 
to  the  organization  of  a  force  to  renew  the  war  against 
Caesar.  For  a  few  months  there  were  disturbances  in  vari- 
ous parts  of  the  extended  empire,  but  nothing  which  could 
be  deemed  serious  opposition  to  Ceesar's  sway.  The  whole 
tenor  of  his  policy  was  toward  the  extension  of  equal  rights 
for  all.  This  was  the  talisman  of  his  power.  It  might  be 
said  of  Pome  in  that  day,  as  Napoleon  said  of  France,  "Que 


216  ITALY 

le  peuple  frangais  tenait  plus  a  I'egalite,  qu'  a  la  liberte";' 
The  French  peojyle  desire  equality  of  rights  rather  than  liberty. 
A  man  can  easily  surrender  a  portion  of  his  natural  liberty 
for  the  promotion  of  the  public  good,  if  the  whole  commu- 
nity make  the  same  surrender.  But  when  a  burden  is  placed 
upon  one  portion  of  the  people,  from  which  another  portion 
is  exempted,  there  must  always  be  an  irrepressible  conflict. 

Dictatorial  power  was  now  again  conferred  upon  Caesar, 
who  had  not  as  yet  returned  from  Egypt,  which  he  was  to 
hold  until  tranquillity  should  be  restored.  Antonius,  or 
Marc  Antony,  as  history  and  tragedy  have  embalmed  his 
name,  as  Caesar's  master  of  horse,  was  intrusted  with  the 
regency  of  Rome.  He  is  described  as  a  man  whose  profli- 
gacy of  character  was  only  equalled  by  his  energy.  Indeed, 
Christian  morality  seems  to  have  been  unknown  in  those 
days.  The  best  of  men  were  guilty  of  acts  which  would  now 
consign  their  names  to  infamy.  Even  Pompey,  whose  vir- 
tues are  so  highly  lauded,  and  who,  in  purity  of  character, 
was  vastly  in  advance  of  his  times,  from  motives  of  ambi- 
tion discarded  his  wife  Antistia,  and  robbed  another  man 
of  his  wife,  Emilia.  This  was  contrary  to  written  law  and 
to  all  the  instincts  of  the  human  heart.  But  these  distin- 
guished men  generally  had  no  belief  in  a  future  life,  and 
expediency  was  their  only  rule  of  action — expediency  em- 
bracing the  range  of  this  brief  life  only.  Paul,  in  his 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  has  given  a  truthful  and  graphic 
account  of  the  condition  of  Rome  at  this  day. 

Honors  and  power  were  now  showered  thickly  upon 
Csesar.  A  popular  vote  conferred  upon  him  the  consul- 
ship for  five  years,  and  the  office  of  tribune  for  life.  This 
was  an  office  appointed  expressly  for  the  protection  of  the 
Roman  plebeians  against  the  encroachments  of  the  patri- 
cians. The  disposition  of  Cicero  to  be  in  popular  favor,  now 
that  the  popular  party  were  in  the  supremacy,  is  indicated 
by  the  fact  that  his  son-in-law,  Dolabella,  obtained  an  elec- 
tion as  one  of  the  tribunes  of  the  people,  and  immediately 
proposed  the  infamous  and  radical  democratic  measure  for 


TRIUMPH  OF  C^SAR  AND   FATE  OF  POMPEY        217 

a  general  abolition  of  debts,  and  for  exempting  all  tenants 
from  rents  for  a  space  of  one  year.  But  here  again  we  see 
a  strong  resemblance  between  Csesar  and  Napoleon.  The 
Eoman  conqueror  was  as  hostile  to  mob  violence  as  he  was 
to  aristocratic  usurpation.  And  when  the  mob  rallied  on 
the  pavements,  in  advocacy  of  the  infamous  measures  pro- 
posed by  Dolabella,  the  troops  of  Csesar  swept  the  streets, 
with  gleaming  swords  and  clattering  hoofs,  "quelling  the 
insurgent  sections,"  and  eight  hundred  of  the  rioters  were 
slain. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  Caesar  issued 
a  proclamation  to  his  army,  urging  every  soldier  to  save  at 
least  one  of  the  enemy.  The  instinctive  generosity  and  tact 
which  inspired  this  singular  order,  are  characteristic  of  the 
man.  The  decree  immediately  enkindled  emotions  of  hu- 
manity in  every  heart;  and  mercy,  in  the  bosoms  of  the  sol- 
diers, took  the  place  of  the  passions  of  war.  Though  fifteen 
thousand  of  Pompey's  troops  were  slain  upon  the  field  of 
Pharsalia,  the  slaughter  would  have  been  vastly  greater  but 
for  this  decree,  which  saved  the  lives  of  twenty-four  thou- 
sand, who  were  taken  prisoners.  These  men,  thus  saved, 
were  easil}^  incorporated  as  friends  and  brothers  into  the 
legions  of  Csesar. 

We  have  before  mentioned  that  Ptolemy  and  his  sister 
Cleopatra  were  struggling  in  Egypt  for  the  crown.  Cgesar, 
soon  after  his  arrival  at  Alexandria,  was  joined  by  quite  a 
formidable  fleet  and  army.  Both  of  the  contestants  for  the 
throne  of  the  Pharaohs  applied  to  him  for  support.  All 
Egypt  was  rent  by  the  strife,  and  anarchy  distracted  the 
realm.  The  Egyptian  government  owed  Home  a  debt  which 
Caesar  now  needed,  but  which,  under  the  circumstances, 
could  not  be  paid.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  settle  the 
strife,  and  reduce  the  turbulent  kingdom  to  order.  Ptolemy 
determined  to  resist  his  arbitration.  Cleopatra,  young, 
beautiful,  and  clever,  resolved  to  try  the  effect  of  her 
eloquence  to  persuade  the  mighty,  self -constituted  arbi- 
trator to   espouse    her   cause.     But   Ptolemy   had   so   sur- 

Italy — 10 


218  ITALY 

rounded  Caesar's  headquarters,  that  Cleopatra  could  not 
obtain  access  to  him  without  incurring  great  danger  of 
being  taken  captive.  With  woman's  tact,  as  the  story 
now  is  told,  she  accomplished  her  purpose  by  being  rolled 
up  in  a  bale  of  carpeting,  and  thus  being  carried  on  the 
shoulders  of  a  man  through  the  guards.  Caesar  was  greatly 
surprised  and  impressed  by  this  venturesome  exploit,  and 
when  Cleopatra  began  to  talk  of  the  object  of  her  coming, 
he  realized  that  here  was  a  woman  of  subtle  tongue  indeed. 
She  did,  in  fact,  succeed  in  winding  the  meshes  of  her  elo- 
quence about  the  Eoman,  in  spite  of  his  own  power  of  intel- 
lect, so  that  at  last  he  found  himself  bound  by  a  promise  to 
support  Cleopatra  against  her  brother.  The  result  was  that 
Ptolemy  doubled  his  efforts  and  his  armies.  Caesar  found 
it  necessary  to  summon  new  legions  from  Italy,  and  the 
conflict  was  so  severe  and  protracted  that  Csesar,  in  the 
commentaries  generally  attributed  to  his  pen,  has  minutely 
detailed  its  events. 

Opposite  the  port  of  Alexandria,  there  was  an  island 
called  Pharos,  which  created  the  harbor  of  that  renowned 
seaport.  It  was  joined  to  the  continent  by  a  causeway  nine 
hundred  paces  in  length,  and  by  a  bridge.  Upon  this  island 
there  was  reared  a  lighthouse,  also  called  Pharos,  which  is 
reported  to  have  been  live  hundred  feet  in  height.  It  was 
said  that  the  brilliant  light,  ever  blazing  from  this  enormous 
summit,  could  be  seen  over  the  waves  of  the  Mediterranean 
for  a  distance  of  over  one  hundred  miles.  The  tower  was 
built  in  successive  stories,  each  ornamented  with  balus- 
trades, galleries,  and  columns,  and  from  its  eminent  utility 
and  gorgeous  architecture  it  was  renowned  throughout  the 
then  known  world.  "Far  and  wide  over  the  stormy  waters 
of  the  Mediterranean  this  meteor  glowed,  inviting  and  guid- 
ing the  mariners  in;  and  both  its  welcome  and  its  guidance 
were  doubly  prized  in  these  ancient  days,  when  there  was 
neither  compass  nor  sextant  upon  which  they  could  rely." 

Caesar,  after  a  bloody  strife,  took  possession  of  this  isl- 
and, and  the  renown  of  the  exploit  spread  as  would  now 


TRIUMPH  OF  C^SAR  AND  FATE  OF  POMPEY       219 

the  tidings  of  the  capture  of  Gibraltar. .  In  all  these  con- 
flicts, Cassar  won  the  confidence  and  the  affection  of  his  sol- 
diers bj  his  readiness  in  sharing  their  toils  and  dangers. 
In  the  hour  of  battle  he  was  ever  found  in  the  post  of  the 
greatest  danger  and  the  hardest  conflict.  It  was  also  evi- 
dent that  Caesar,  now  love-inspired,  courted  the  admiration 
of  Cleopatra  by  his  chivalric  daring  in  her  behalf.  In  the 
course  of  the  struggle  for  the  possession  of  this  island, 
Caesar  was  in  a  boat  which,  in  the  confusion  of  the  fight, 
became  so  crowded  that  it  was  in  momentary  danger  of 
sinking.  He  leaped  into  the  sea  and  swam  to  a  ship  at 
some  distance,  holding  above  his  head  in  his  left  hand 
some  important  papers  which  he  had,  and  drawing  after 
him  his  mantle  of  imperial  purple,  which  he  held  by  a 
corner  between  his  teeth. 

It  was  during  this  war  that  a  large  portion  of  the  Alex- 
andrian library  was  destroyed,  a  disaster  so  irreparable  to 
the  world,  that  by  scholars  it  will  never  cease  to  be  de- 
plored. The  kings  of  Egj^pt,  many  of  whom  were  renowned 
as  the  munificent  patrons  of  learning,  had  made  a  vast  col- 
lection of  books  or  manuscripts,  then  inscribed  on  parchment 
rolls.  The  number  of  these  volumes  amounted  to  seven 
hundred  thousand.  When  we  remember  that  these  rolls 
were  all  written  by  hand,  with  the  greatest  care,  and  at  a 
vast  expense,  and  that  many  of  them  were  richly  orna- 
mented, it  must  be  admitted  that  one  can  with  difficulty 
exaggerate  the  magnitude  of  the  loss.  In  fact,  the  Alexan- 
drian library  was  the  depository  of  the  whole  body  of  ancient 
literature. 

Ciesar,  in  the  heat  of  battle,  set  fire  to  some  Egyptian 
galleys  which  were  near  the  shore.  The  flames,  driven  by 
the  wind,  spread  to  some  buildings  which  were  on  the  quay, 
and  then  extended  until  one  of  the  most  important  of  the 
library  buildings  was  wrapped  in  the  destructive  conflagra- 
tion. It  is  mainly  in  consequence  of  this  loss  that  fragments 
only  of  ancient  history  have  descended  to  our  times.  Caesar 
at  length  brought  the  war  to  a  successful  issue,  and  placed 


220  ITALY 

the  scheming  Cleopatra  upon  the  throne,  in  conjanction  with 
her  younger  brother,  a  boy  eleven  years  of  age;  Ptolemy 
having  perished  during  the  war.  He  was  drowned  in  the 
Nile  while  attempting  to  swim  the  stream  to  escape  from 
an  awful  defeat.  Caesar  returned  to  Eome.  Cleopatra  soon 
poisoned  her  young  brother,  that  she  might  reign  untram- 
melled, and  after  a  few  years  of  wicked  misrule,  to  which 
we  shall  hereafter  refer,  she  finally  committed  suicide  by 
exposing  her  arm  to  the  bite  of  an  asp. 

Caesar  returned  to  Italy  by  land,  passing  through  Syria, 
and  receiving  the  homage  of  all  the  petty  princes  on  his 
route.  The  king  of  Pontus  attempted  to  oppose  him. 
Caesar  crushed  him  with  one  blow,  and  reported  the  battle 
in  the  famous  words,  "  Fe?^^,  vidi^  vici,^^  I  came,  I  saw,  I 
conquered.  Ct^sar  had  but  just  arrived  in  Rome,  and  was 
preparing  for  a  campaign  in  Africa,  where  Cato  was  en- 
deavoring to  maintain  the  banners  of  revolt  against  his 
sway,  when  a  mutiny  broke  out  in  Caesar's  army,  which 
was  in  the  field  in  Campania.  In  a  tumultuous  array, 
which  spread  consternation  throughout  the  capital,  they 
approached  its  walls.  Cgesar  threw  open  the  gates  for  their 
admission,  and  met  them  in  the  Campus  Martins,  demand- 
ing why  they  had  left  their  quarters,  and  what  were  their 
complaints.  They  demanded  release  from  further  military 
service,  upon  the  claim  that  the  term  of  their  engagements 
had  expired. 

Caesar  promptly  replied  that  their  com|)laints  were  reason- 
able and  their  demands  just,  assuring  them  that  they  should 
immediately  receive  their  discharge,  and  the  grants  of  land 
which  had  formerly  been  promised  them.  The  soldiers  were 
quite  unprepared  for  this  treatment,  and  finding  that  Ctesar 
was  perfectly  ready  to  dispense  with  their  services,  they 
began  to  hesitate  and  to  express  a  wish  to  remain.  Caesar 
appreciated  the  advantage  he  had  gained,  and  while  ex- 
pressing deep  grief  that  his  faithful  soldiers  should  wish  to 
leave  his  service,  persisted  in  giving  them  their  discharge. 

The  tide  was  now  turned,  and  with  full  flow  rushed  in 


TRIUMPH  OF  C^SAR  AND  FATE  OF  POMPEY       221 

the  other  direction.  So  urgent  were  the  soldiers  in  their 
entreaties  to  be  retained,  that  he  at  length  consented  to  re- 
ceive them  ail,  excepting  the  tenth  legion,  which  had  been 
his  favorite  corps.  He  declared  that  he  could  never  again 
receive  them  into  his  service.  But  even  this  legion,  in  the 
fervor  of  its  zeal,  persisted  in  following  him  without  his 
orders,  hoping,  in  the  field  of  battle,  to  perform  feats  of 
heroism  which  should  secure  their  forgiveness.  They  were 
finally  received  to  favor,  but  the  legion  itself  was  disbanded, 
and  its  members  were  incorporated  in  other  divisions  of 
the  army. 

With  his  authority  over  his  troops  thus  effectually 
secured,  he  set  out  on  his  expedition  to  Africa.  His  fleet 
touched  at  Lilyb^um,  on  the  eastern  extremity  of  Sicily,- 
on  the  seventeenth  of  December.  At  this  point,  he  had, 
assembled  a  force  of  about  thirty  thousand  infantry  and 
two  thousand  cavalry  With  these  he  crossed  the  sea, 
and  landed  on  the  African  coast,  at  Hadrumetum,  near 
ancient  Carthage,  on  the  thirtieth  of  December,  In  cross- 
ing from  Sicily  to  the  African  shore,  a  distance  of  about 
one  hundred  miles,  the  fleet  was  dispersed  by  a  storm,  so 
that  Caesar  landed,  at  first,  with  but  three  thousand  men. 
Hadrumetum  was  so  strongly  fortified  by  Cato  and  the  ad- 
vocates of  his  cause,  that  it  was  hopeless  to  attack  it  with 
so  small  a  force;  Ca3sar  therefore  marched  along  the  shore 
for  some  distance,  until  he  found  a  strong  position,  where 
he  threw  up  an  intrenched  camp  and  waited  for  additional 
re- enforcements. 

The  opposition  in  Africa  was  found  to  be  quite  formi- 
dable. A  large  army  had  been  organized,  and  a  fleet  had 
been  collected,  sufficiently  strong  to  cause  great  annoyance 
to  Caesar.  Cato  and  Scipio  were  at  the  head  of  these  forces, 
but  they  were  both  conscious  that  notwithstanding  their 
vast  numerical  superiority,  they  were  but  poorly  prepared 
to  encounter  the  veteran  legions  of  Caesar,  sustained  as 
Caesar  was  by  the  sympathies  of  the  popular  mind.  Utica 
was  at  that  time  the  principal  city  of  Africa,     It  was  situ- 


222  ITALY 

ated  on  the  coast  but  a  few  miles  from  the  ruins  of  Car- 
thage. Cato  had  constituted  this  city  the  headquarters  for 
his  big  army,  and  the  magazine  for  his  materials  of  war. 

Immediately  upon  Ctesar's  landing,  the  populace  began 
to  flock  to  his  camp.  Bogud,  an  African  prince,  and  Si  tins, 
a  Eoman  general,  then  in  exile,  eagerly  joined  Caesar,  bring- 
ing with  them  disciplined  troops  and  military  stores.  The 
dispersed  ships  also  rapidly  arrived  with  their  detachments, 
and  Csesar  soon  found  himself  in  a  condition  to  assume 
offensive  operations  with  the  utmost  confidence  of  success. 
Early  in  April  he  emerged  from  his  ramparts,  and  com- 
menced his  march.  Scipio  was  stronly  intrenched  at  Thap- 
sus.  A  decisive  battle  was  fought,  a  second  Pharsalia,  in 
which  the  defeat  of  the  foe  was  speedy,  sanguinary,  and 
entire.  The  slaughter  was  awful,  for  Caesar's  soldiers, 
many  of  whom  were  Africans,  had  no  mercy,  and  not- 
withstanding Caesar's  utmost  efforts  to  restrain  them, 
glutted  themselves  with  blood.  Scipio  escaped  by  sea, 
from  the  wreck  of  his  army,  knowing  not  where  to  go  to 
seek  an  asylum.  But  he  was  pursued  by  Ceesar's  ships,  and 
finding  escape  hopeless,  killed  himself  to  avoid  the  humilia- 
tion of  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  foes.  The  battle  of 
Thapsus  was  fought  in  the  year  46  B.C. 

The  tidings  of  this  battle  spread  rapidly,  far  and  wide, 
increasing  the  conviction  that  Ceesar  was  invincible.  A  few 
of  the  cavalry,  fugitives  from  the  scene  of  the  carnage,  car- 
ried the  intelligence  to  Utica,  where  Cato  was  in  command. 
This  illustrious  advocate  of  patrician  privilege,  with  spirit 
unbroken  by  the  disaster,  endeavored  to  rally  his  dejected 
forces  to  continue  the  conflict.  But  finding  all  his  efforts 
in  vain,  and  that  a  panic,  which  no  human  power  could 
check,  pervaded  his  army,  he  gave  them  all  permission  to 
depart  and  consult  their  own  safety. 

The  ships  in  the  harbor  were  soon  crowded  with  the 
fugitives.  Cato  manifested  much  interest  in  seeing  all  on 
board  and  safely  out  of  the  harbor.  lie  then  made  such 
open  preparations  for  the  commission  of  suicide,  as  to  in- 


TRIUMPH  OF  C^SAR  AND  FATE  OF  POMPEY        223 

dace  his  son,  with  tears,  to  entreat  that  his  father  would 
live  for  his  sake.  But  Cato  was  too  proud  to  be  the  re- 
cipient of  that  pardon  and  those  favors  which  he  Icnew 
Caesar  would  lavish  upon  him.  He  retired  to  his  apartment, 
calmly  read,  for  a  time,  Plato's  Dialogues,  and  then  plunged 
his  sword  into  his  side.  The  servants  heard  him  fall  upon 
the  floor,  and  rushing  to  his  room,  found  him  insensible. 
They  bound  up  the  wound,  endeavoring  to  restore  him  to 
life.  Keviving  for  a  moment,  he  tore  off  the  bandages,  and 
blood  again  gushed  forth,  and  he  instantly  expired. 

Such  was  the  melancholy  end  of  Cato.  He  was  the  firm, 
earnest,  decisive  advocate  of  patrician  supremacy,  and  the 
unrelenting  foe  of  popular  encroachment  upon  aristocratic 
"usurpation.  He  was  sternly  upright,  inflexible  in  his  ideas 
of  justice,  humane  according  to  the  measure  of  those  days, 
but  haughty,  often  coarse,  and  so  selfish  as  to  take  cowardly 
refuge  for  himself  in  suicide,  leaving  his  family  to  struggle 
alone  in  the  encounter  with  life's  storms.  It  has  been  well 
remarked: 

"The  character  of  Cato,  and  the  circumstances  under 
which  his  suicide  was  committed  makes  it,  on  the  whole, 
the  most  conspicuous  act  of  suicide  which  history  records; 
and  the  events  which  followed  show,  in  an  equally  con- 
spicuous manner,  the  extreme  folly  of  the  deed.  In  respect 
to  its  wickedness,  Cato,  not  having  had  the  light  of  Chris- 
tianity before  him,  is  to  be  leniently  judged.  As  to  the 
folly  of  t-he  deed,  however,  he  is  to  be  held  strictly  account- 
able. If  he  had  lived  and  yielded  to  the  conqueror,  as  he 
might  have  done,  gracefully  and  without  dishonor,  since  all 
his  means  of  resistance  were  exhausted,  Caesar  would  have 
treated  hmi  with  generosity  and  respect,  and  would  have 
taken  him  to  Rome;  as,  within  a  year  or  two  of  this  time 
C^sar  himself  was  no  more,  Cato's  vast  influence  and  power 
might  have  been,  and  undoubtedly  would  have  been,  called 
most  effectually  into  action  for  the  benefit  of  his  countiy. " 

When  Caesar  heard  of  the  event,  he  said,  "I  grudge  thee 
thy  death,  since  thou  hast  grudged  me  the  honor  of  sparing 


224  ITALY 

thy  life."  In  those  days  of  darkness  and  crime,  Cato,  next 
to  Pompey,  was  the  purest  man  of  the  patrician  party. 
Hence  his  name,  even  to  the  present  day,  has  been  a  favor- 
ite theme  of  panegyric.  Giesar  advanced  to  Utica,  treating 
all  his  foes  wlio  remained  there  with  his  characteristic  clem- 
ency. The  kingdom  was  reduced  to  the  form  of  a  Roman 
province,  and  placed  under  the  government  of  the  renowned 
historian  Sallust.  The  war  in  Africa  being  thus  terminated, 
Caesar  embarlced  for  Eome,  and  reached  the  imperial  city, 
after  a  tedious  voyage,  about  the  end  of  May. 

In  the  meantime,  the  sons  of  Pompey  had  repaired  to 
Spain,  and  through  the  influence  of  their  name,  and  their 
father's  celebrity,  had  organized  there  the  partisans  of  patri- 
cian rule  in  opposition  to  the  swa}^  of  Caesar.  To  quell  this 
disturbance,  Caesar  embarked  for  Spain.  He  took  but  few 
troops  with  him,  for  he  was  confident  that  he  would  find 
enough  there  ready  to  espouse  the  popular  cause.  The 
conflict  was  very  short,  and,  as  usual,  was  decided  in 
Caesar's  favor.  In  a  decisive  battle,  Cn.  Pompey,  the  son 
of  Pompey  the  Grreat,  escaped  bleeding  from  the  field, 
where  he  had  seen  his  whole  army  cut  to  pieces  or  dis- 
persed. He  was  pursued,  found  in  a  cave,  in  a  state  of  ex- 
treme destitution  and  suffering,  and  his  captors  mercilessly 
cut  off  his  head  and  sent  it  a  trophy  to  C^sar.  The  younger 
son,  Sextus,  fled  to  the  fastnesses  of  the  Pyrenees,  where  he 
was  left,  a  helpless  fugitive,  unmolested.  Caesar  returned 
to  Italy,  the  undisputed  sovereign  of  the  Eoman  world. 

The  triumphs  which  Caesar  now  celebrated  in  the  im- 
perial capital,  in  commemoration  of  his  victories,  were  such 
as  Rome  had  never  witnessed  before.  There  were  four  cele- 
brations, in  honor  of  each  of  his  four  great  campaigns  in 
Egypt,  Asia  Minor,  Africa,  and  Spain.  These  celebrations 
occupied  each  one  day,  separated  by  an  interval  of  several 
days.  In  the  first  triumph  an  accident  happened  to  Cresar's 
chariot,  which  detained  the  procession,  so  that  it  was  dark 
before  the  procession  had  completed  its  route.  But  this 
event  added  to  the  sublimit}^  of  the  scene,  for  forty  ele- 


TRIUMPH  OF  C^SAR  AND  FATE  OF  POMPEY       225 

phants  of  tlie  train  were  employed  as  torcli-bearers,  each 
sagacious  animal  holding  a  flaming  flambeau  in  his  trunk, 
and  waving  it  over  the  heads  of  the  crowd.  Still,  Csesar 
regarded  the  accident  as  ominous  of  evil,  and,  to  appease 
the  imagined  anger  of  tlie  gods,  he  crawled  up  the  steps  of 
the  capital  upon  his  knees;  and  it  is  reported  that  he  ever 
afterward,  whenever  he  entered  a  carriage,  repeated  over 
three  times  a  form  of  words  as  a  charm  or  a  prayer,  to 
secure  a  prosperous  journey. 

In  the  second  triumph,  Arsinoe,  a  younger  sister  of  Cleo- 
patra, appeared  in  the  Egyptian  procession  which  graced 
the  occasion.  To  Caesar  Cleopatra  was  indebted  for  her 
throne,  and  probably  her  sister  was  sent  to  Eome,  in  recog- 
nition of  the  debt  of  gratitude  which  thus  rested  upon  her. 
In  the  third  triumph,  which  celebrated  the  reduction  of 
Asia  Minor,  a  banner  was  unfurled,  inscribed  with  the 
famous  words,  "Veni,  vidi,  vici."  The  splendor  of  the  pa- 
geant dazzled  all  eyes  and  intoxicated  all  minds;  and  when 
it  was  announced  that  a  sum  of  money,  amounting  to  more 
than  twenty  millions  of  dollars,  was  deposited  by  Csesar  in 
the  treasury,  as  the  fruits  of  these  conquests,  few  were  dis- 
posed to  reflect  upon  the  misery  caused  by  confiscated  estates 
and  plundered  provinces. 

The  popularity  of  C^sar  was  now  unbounded.  He  estab- 
lished the  most  magnificent  spectacles  for  the  entertainment 
of  the  people  of  Eome.  Meat,  corn,  and  money  were  dis- 
tributed to  the  poor.  A  feast  was  provided  for  them, 
twenty-two  thousand  tables  being  spread.  It  gives  one 
a  deplorable  idea  of  the  condition  of  Eome  at  this  time, 
to  be  informed  that  there  were  three  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  persons  needing  to  be  fed  at  the  public  expense. 
It  is  hardly  possible  to  credit  the  accounts,  seemingly  au- 
thentic, which  have  descended  to  us  respecting  the  splendor 
of  these  gifts  and  displays.  It  is  said  that  to  each  of  his 
common  soldiers  he  gave  a  sum  amounting  to  over  eight 
hundred  dollars;  to  the  centurions  sixteen  hundred  dollars; 
to  the  military  tribunes  three  thousand  two  hundred.    Each 


226  ITALY 

man  of  the  cavalry  received  nearly  one  thousand  dollars. 
The  patricians  complained  that  he  was  pampering  the  pop- 
ulace with  spectacles  and  gold,  while  he  was  robbing  the 
opulent  and  the  noble. 

Dramatic  entertainments  were  established  in  different 
quarters  of  the  city,  and  were  performed  in  various  lan- 
guages, for  the  entertainment  of  strangers  from  all  parts  of 
the  then  known  world.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  even 
then,  and  surely  it  is  difficult  to  say  why,  the  profession  of 
a  play-actor  was  deemed  infamous,  and  any  patrician  who 
appeared  upon  the  stage  forfeited  his  rank.  The  games 
of  the  circus,  gladiatorial  combats,  and  mock  sea-fights 
were  then  popular  above  all  other  shows.  At  one  time, 
there  appeared  in  the  gladiatorial  arena  twenty  elephants, 
thirty  horsemen,  and  five  hundred  soldiers  on  each  side,  to 
contend  in  mortal  combat. 

For  the  display  of  a  naval  battle,  an  immense  lake  was 
dug  near  the  Tiber,  sufficiently  large  to  contain  two  fleets 
of  galleys,  with  two  thousand  rowers,  and  one  thousand 
fighting  men  on  each  side.  For  the  amusement  of  the  peo- 
ple they  met,  not  in  sham  fight,  but  in  all  the  sanguinary 
horrors  of  real  war.  Vast  numbers  were  killed,  and  the 
waters  of  the  lake  were  crimsoned  with  their  blood.  Such 
was  Eome.  The  world  has  surely  made  advances  since  the 
advent  of  Christianity. 

In  this  horrid  naval  battle,  the  unhappy  captives  of 
Caesar  were  compelled  to  fight  each  other,  the  Egyptians 
being  arrayed  against  the  Tyrians.  The  gladiatorial  fights 
were  scarcely  less  cruel  and  bloody.  To  protect  the  spec- 
tators from  the  sun,  silken  awnings  were  spread  over  the 
whole  forum  and  the  whole  length  of  the  Via  Sacra.  These 
entertainments  were  so  accordant  with  the  barbaric  habits 
and  tastes  of  the  times,  and  so  attractive  as  to  draw  such 
multitudes  to  Eome,  that  all  the  principal  streets,  and  the 
fields  outside  of  the  city,  were  lined  with  booths  for  their 
accommodation.  For  some  cause  not  explained  human  sac- 
rifices were  deemed  essential  to  the  completion  of  these  fes- 


TRIUMPH  OF  C^SAR  AND  FATE  OF  POMPEY       227 

tivities,  and  two  men  were  the  victims  of  these  revolting 
rites. 

Caesar's  power  seemed  now  consolidated  beyond  all  fear 
of  reverse.  The  senate,  amid  other  honors  which  they  lav- 
ished upon  him  in  the  greatest  profusion,  had  appointed 
him  dictator  for  ten  years.  His  statue  was  raised  on  a 
globe  in  the  capital  opposite  the  statue  of  Jupiter,  and  on 
it  were  inscribed  the  words,  "He  is  a  demigod."  His  popu- 
larity was  such,  and  his  confidence  in  the  affection  of  the 
people  so  unbounded,  that  he  did  not  even  retain  about  his 
person  a  bodyguard.  In  exploring  the  records  of  these 
days,  one  is  strongly  impressed  with  the  semblance  be- 
tween Caesar  and  Napoleon;  though  Napoleon,  living  in  a 
more  enlightened  age,  displayed  a  character  of  much  greater 
moral  worth.  We  have  before  mentioned  that  the  estates 
of  Pompey  were  confiscated.  Marc  Antony,  whom  Cassar 
had  left  in  command  of  Rome,  and  intrusted  with  the  gov- 
ernment of  Italy  during  his  absence,  purchased  these  es- 
tates at  auction  of  the  government,  and,  relying  upon 
Cassar's  partiality,  was  not  disposed  to  pay  for  them.  But 
Caesar  insisted  indignantly  on  the  payment  being  made. 
Antony  was  a  dissolute,  extravagant  man,  always  involved 
in  pecuniary  embarrassments. 

The  triumph  of  Cgesar  was  a  signal  triumph  of  the  intel- 
lectual and  moneyed  classes  over  the  aristocracy  of  birth. 
Merit  was  now  the  passport  to  office,  far  more  than  had  ever 
before  been  known  in  Eome.  It  was,  however,  a  decided 
addition  to  Caesar's  power  that  he  was  himself  of  such  illus- 
trious lineage  as  to  authorize  him  to  take  his  stand  at  the 
head  of  the  proudest  of  Eoman  patricians.  The  laws  which 
Caesar  enacted  are  generally  admitted  to  have  been  wise  and 
liberal,  and  intended  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  em- 
pire. Being  strictly  temperate  in  his  own  habits  of  eating 
and  drinking,  he  attempted  to  enforce  sumptuary  laws, 
which  experience  has  proved  to  be  inexpedient.  He  ex- 
tended greatly  the  rights  of  Eoman  citizenship,  and  was 
intending  to  confer  those  rights  upon  all  the  inhabitants 


228  ITALY 

within  the  Alps.  Several  persons  of  distinguished  merit 
were  ennobled;  others  were  placed  in  the  senate;  and  all 
physicians,  as  well  as  other  professors  of  the  liberal  arts 
and  sciences,  resident  at  Home,  were  admitted  to  the  rights 
of  citizenship. 

These  measures  were  very  influential  in  breaking  down 
the  rigor  of  aristocratic  caste,  of  uniting  the  distant  prov- 
inces in  closer  ties,  and  in  giving  more  unity  to  the  nation. 
Nearly  all  the  soil  of  Italy  was  cultivated  by  slaves. 
To  encourage  free  labor,  and  to  relieve  the  capital  of  a  vast 
population  of  ignorant  and  beggared  people,  he  conferred 
farms,  in  the  provinces,  upon  more  than  eighty  thousand  of 
the  citizens  of  Rome,  thus  adding  also  to  the  population 
and  the  power  of  regions  which  had  been  desolated  by  war. 
Carthage  and  Corinth,  which  had  both  been  destroyed  in  the 
same  year,  one  hundred  years  before  the  reign  of  Csesar, 
were  by  his  encouragement  rebuilt,  and  again  attained  a 
very  considerable  degree  of  wealth  and  importance.  It 
seemed  to  be  a  special  object  of  his  administration  to  en- 
courage free  labor.  Citizens  between  the  ages  of  twenty 
and  forty  were  not  allowed  to  be  absent  from  their  estates 
for  more  than  three  years  at  a  time;  and  all  graziers  and 
shepherds,  on  a  large  scale,  were  required  to  employ  free- 
men to  the  amount  of  at  least  one-third  of  their  laborers. 

The  grasp  of  Cassar's  mind  is,  perhaps,  in  nothing  more 
conspicuous  than  in  his  reform  of  the  calendar.  Until  his 
day  the  division  of  time  was  so  imperfect,  the  year  consist- 
ing of  but  three  hundred  and  sixty  days,  that  the  months 
were  moving  continually  along  the  year,  the  summer 
months  passing  into  the  winter  and  the  winter  into  the 
summer.  The  vernal  equinox  was  already  two  months 
later  than  it  should  be.  To  rectify  this  irregularity, 
Caesar  invited  the  celebrated  Greek  astronomer  Sosigenes 
to  Rome,  who,  with  the  assistance  of  Marcus  Fabius,  by 
accurate  calculations,  so  arranged  the  system  of  months 
that  the  real  and  nominal  time  might  agree  with  each 
other.      The  year   was   divided    into   three   hundred    and 


TRIUMPH  OF  C^SAR  AND  FATE  OF  POMPEY       229 

sixty-five  days  for  three  years,  adding  one  day  on  the 
fourth  year.  This  division  was  called  the  Julian  calen- 
dar, and  though  not  perfectly  accurate,  was  so  nearly  so 
that  it  continued  unchanged  for  sixteen  centuries.  In  the 
year  1582,  Pope  Gregory  XIII.  made  the  slight  alteration 
called  the  change  from  Old  Style  to  New  Style,  which  was 
adopted  by  Grreat  Britain  in  the  year  1752.  By  this  change, 
called  the  Gregorian  calendar,  ten  days  were  dropped  after 
the  fourth  of  October,  and  what  would  have  been  the  fifth 
was  called  the  fifteenth.  It  will  now  require  three  thousand 
years  before  the  error  will  again  amount  to  a  single  day. 

The  honors  now  lavished  upon  Csesar  were  more  than 
frail  human  nature  could  well  bear.  The  senate  declared 
him  to  be  the  "father  of  his  country,"  and  voted  that  the 
title  "Imperator"  should  be  affixed  to  his  name.  The 
month  in  which  he  was  born,  which  had  been  called  Quin- 
tilis,  was  now  named,  in  honor  of  him,  Julius,  or  July.  A 
guard  of  senators,  and  of  citizens  of  the  equestrian  rank  was 
appointed  for  his  protection,  and  the  whole  senate,  in  a 
body,  waited  upon  him  as  a  committee  to  communicate  the 
decrees  which  had  been  jjassed  in  his  honor.  Never  was  a 
mind  more  active  in  originating  and  executing  schemes  of 
grandeur.  He  planned  public  buildings  for  Eome,  which 
were  to  surpass  in  splendor  any  which  the  world  had  before 
seen.  He  commenced  the  collection  of  imperial  libraries; 
undertook  the  vast  enterprise  of  draining  the  Pontine 
marshes;  formed  plans  for  supplying  Pome  with  pure 
water  by  an  aqueduct,  and  even  began  to  cut  a  new  pas- 
sage for  the  Tiber  from  Eome  to  the  sea,  constructing  a 
capacious  artificial  harbor  at  its  mouth.  He  commenced 
opening  a  canal  through  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  mak- 
ing a  royal  road  over  the  cliffs  and  ravines  of  the  Apennines 
from  the  Tiber  to  the  Adriatic.  Eome  was  the  idol  of  his 
adoration,  and  all  his  energies  were  concentrated  upon  the 
undertaking  of  making  Eome  the  capital  of  the  world. 

Such  energy  and  power  could  not  but  create  both  ad- 
miration and  jealousy.     As  subsequently  in  France,  against 


230  ITALY 

Napoleon,  there  were  two  parties  hostile  to  Caesar — the  aris- 
tocracy over  whom  he  had  triumphed,  and  the  lowest  class 
of  the  democracy,  the  Jacobins,  the  Bed  Republicans,  who 
could  not  brook  a  master.  The  intermediate  class,  how- 
ever, composing  the  mass  of  the  community,  were  enthusi- 
astically in  his  favor,  and  were  eager  to  confer  power  upon 
him  beyond  what  he  asked.  His  enemies  began  to  accuse 
him  of  the  desire  to  make  himself  king  in  name,  as  he  cer- 
tainly already  was  in  fact.  The  Romans  had  a  great  ab- 
horrence of  the  kingly  name.  Execrating  the  pride  and 
oppression  of  their  former  kings,  they  had  indignantly  ex- 
pelled them  from  the  throne,  and  now,  for  a  period  of  more 
than  five  hundred  years,  their  empire  had  assumed  the  forms 
of  a  republic. 

The  enemies  of  Caesar  appealed  to  the  following  inci- 
dents as  indicative  of  his  ambitious  desires  for  royalty.  In 
some  of  the  galleries  of  Rome  there  were  statues  of  kings  of 
renown.  Caesar  caused,  or  allowed,  his  own  statue  to  be 
placed  among  them.  In  the  theatre,  he  had  a  seat  in  the 
form  of  a  throne,  reared  for  himself,  more  conspicuous  than 
all  the  rest,  and  magnificently  adorned  with  drapery  and 
gold.  In  the  senate  chamber  a  similar  seat  was  prepared 
for  him.  On  one  occasion,  when  the  senate,  in  a  body, 
waited  upon  him  in  the  conference  of  some  distinguished 
honor,  he  did  not  even  rise  from  his  magnificent  chair  or 
throne,  but  received  them  sitting.  At  the  celebration  of 
one  of  his  triumphs,  an  admirer,  in  his  enthusiasm,  placed 
a  laurel  crown,  the  emblem  of  royalty,  upon  the  head  of 
Cassar's  statue.  For  his  audacity,  the  man  was  thrown  into 
prison,  but  Caesar  immediately  liberated  him,  saying  proudly 
that  he  wished  to  disavow  such  claims  himself,  and  not  have 
others  disavow  them  for  him.  He  was  at  times  greeted,  in 
the  applause  of  the  streets,  with  the  title  of  Eex,  or  king. 
Mildly  he  rejected  the  title,  simply  remarking,  "I  am  Ctesar, 
not  king."  Marc  Antony,  on  one  of  their  festival  days,  ap- 
proached Caesar,  who  was  sitting  in  imperial  state,  and  placed 
a  crown  upon  his  brow.      Caesar  immediately,  but  without 


TRIUMPH  OF  C^SAR  AND  FATE  OF  P031PEY       231 

words  of  reproach,  laid  it  aside.  Again  Antony  placed  it 
upon  his  brow,  and  falling  at  his  feet  implored  him,  in  the 
name  of  the  people,  to  accept  it.  Caesar  still  persisted  in 
the  refusal  of  the  gift,  saying:  "Take  it  away  to  the  temple. 
There  is  no  king  in  Eome  but  Jupiter."  The  vast  crowd 
assembled  applauded  this  act  to  the  skies.  The  next  morn- 
ing all  the  statues  of  Caesar  were  crowned  with  diadems.  In 
commemoration  of  Cgesar's  wonderful  patriotism  and  self- 
denial  in  rejecting  the  crown,  the  following  memorandum 
was  inserted  in  the  calendar  for  the  year: 

"On  the  day  of  the  Lupercalia,  M.  Antony,  the  consul, 
by  command  of  the  people,  offered  the  dignity  of  king  to 
C.  Caesar,  perpetual  dictator,  and  Caesar  refused  to  ac- 
cept it." 

Still  it  was  affirmed  that  these  were  but  the  preliminary 
steps  by  which  Caesar  was  preparing  to  ascend  the  throne. 

The  horrible  system  of  slavery  of  that  day  consigned  to 
that  degradation  the  most  noble,  wealthy,  and  illustrious 
families  who  chanced  to  be  taken  captives  in  war.  Conse- 
quently, the  slave  was  often  in  lineage,  political  rank,  and 
intellectual  dignity  superior  to  his  master.  Caesar  himse]J[ 
had  been  a  slave,  and  his  freedom  had  been  purchased  at  a 
vast  expense  by  his  friends.  Many  of  the  most  renowned 
men  of  the  times  were  slaves.  Caesar,  the  friend  of  the 
people,  was  strongly  anti  -slavery  in  his  sympathies,  and 
was  disposed  to  reward  merit,  wherever  he  found  it,  in  Ro- 
man citizen,  freedman  or  slave.  To  the  excessive  annoy- 
ance of  the  aristocracy  he  intrusted  the  charge  of  the  public 
mint  to  some  of  his  own  slaves,  in  whose  integrity  and  abil- 
ity he  reposed  confidence.  When  he  left  Egypt,  the  com- 
mand of  three  legions  was  intrusted  to  the  son  of  one  of  his 
freedmen. 

Cicero  was  quite  disposed  to  be  on  friendly  terms  with 
Caesar,  but  he  could  never  regain  that  confidence  which 
he  had  lost  by  his  notorious  deficiency  in  moral  courage. 
The  abilities  of  the  distinguished  orator  could  make  no 
atonement  for  his  timidity  and  temporizing  spirit.     He  was 


232  ITALY 

often  found  waiting  in  Csesar's  ante- chambers;  but,  though 
always  treated  with  respect,  he  was  never  received  into  the 
imperial  councils.  Cicero,  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Atticus 
(Epist.  lii.),  has  given  a  very  interesting  account  of  a  visit 
he  received  from  Caesar,  at  his  villa  near  Puteoli,  in  Decem- 
ber, 46  B.C.  Caesar  having  no  son  was  disposed  to  adopt 
C.  Octavius,  his  sister's  grandchild.  On  the  twentieth  of 
December,  with  a .  retinue  of  two  thousand  troops,  as  a 
guard  of  honor,  he  visited  the  father-in-law  of  Octavius, 
who  resided  in  the  vicinity  of  Caesar's  villa.  All  the  hours 
of  the  morning  he  spent  earnestly  engaged  in  business.  He 
then  took  a  walk  on  the  sea-shore,  after  which  he  went  into 
a  bath,  amusing  himself  in  the  meantime  in  hearing  read 
one  of  the  most  virulent  Philippics  against  himself.  He 
then  honored  Cicero  with  a  call,  dining  with  him,  in  com- 
pany with  some  of  the  most  prominent  of  his  attendants. 
"Caesar,"  writes  Cicero,  "seemed  to  enjoy  himself  exceed- 
ingly, and  was  in  very  good  spirits.  The  conversation  did 
not  touch  at  all  on  politics,  but  we  talked  much  on  literary 
subjects." 

Ceesar's  constitutional  bravery  rendered  him  insensible 
to  danger;  and  he  adopted  no  measures  to  guard  against  as- 
sassination. "My  life,"  said  he,  "is  more  important  to  my 
country  than  to  myself.  I  have  attained  all  which  ambition 
could  desire;  and  I  would  rather  die  than  make  myself  an 
object  of  terror  to  the  people." 


ASSASSINATION   OF   C^SAR  283 


CHAPTER   XIII 

ASSASSINATION    OF   C^STT. 

FROM  44  B.C.  TO  42  B.C. 

Brutus  and  Cassius — The  Conspiracy — The  Scene  of  Assassination — Con- 
duct of  the  Conspirators — Indignation  of  the  People — Fhght  of  the 
Conspirators  from  Rome — Measures  of  Marc  Antony — Caius  Octavius 
— Interview  with  Cicero — CoUisiou  with  Antony — Rallying  of  the  Aris- 
tocrats— Civil  War — False  Position  of  Octavius — Philippics  of  Cicero — 
Defeat  of  Antony — Escape  beyond  the  Alps — Octavius  Caasar's  March 
upon  Rome — Triumph  of  the  Plebeian  Cause — The  Nature  of  the 
Conflict 

THERE  was  at  this  time  in  Rome  a  man  of  much  dis- 
tinction, both  in  rank  and  achievements,  named 
Marcus  Junius  Brutus.  He  was  a  nephew  of  Cato, 
and  had  been  a  warm  partisan  of  Pompey,  fighting  in  his 
ranlis  at  Pharsalia.  In  that  disastrous  battle  he  was  taken 
prisoner,  and  receiving  his  life  from  the  clemency  of  Caesar, 
entered  into  his  service.  The  government  of  Cisalpine  Gaul 
was  conferred  upon  him,  and  he  administered  the  affairs  of 
the  province,  under  the  direction  of  C^sar,  with  so  much 
wisdom  and  justice,  notwithstanding  many  great  blemishes 
in  his  personal  character,  as  to  reflect  much  honor  upon 
Caesar's  government.  The  mother  of  Brutus,  who  was 
Cato's  sister,  is  said  to  have  been  once  the  object  of 
Caesar's  most  tender  affection,  and  hence  Caesar  was  dis- 
posed to  confer  upon  Brutus,  her  son,  every  favor.  Wan- 
tonly, Brutus  had  divorced  his  first  wife  Appia,  and  married 
Porcia,  Cato's  daughter,  and  his  own  cousm.  This  Brutus 
conceived  the  plan  of  striking  a  dagger  into  the  heart  of  the 
benefactor  who  had  spared  his  life,  and  who  was  still  loading 
him  with  benefits. 

Caius  Cassius  was  another  of  Pompey's  generals,  who 
after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  had  surrendered  to  Caesar,  and 


234  ITALY 

bad  been  generously  received  into  his  service.  From  a  boj 
he  had  been  remarkable  for  the  impetuosity  of  his  character 
and  the  violence  of  his  temper.  Cicero  says  that,  even  at 
the  moment  of  his  surrender  to  Caesar,  he  intended  to  assas- 
sinate his  benefactor,  and  would  have  done  so  had  not  an 
accident  prevented.  Csesar  had  constituted  this  treacherous 
man  one  of  his  lieutenants.  Cassius  was  the  intimate  friend 
of  Brutus,  having  married  his  sister. 

The  conspiracy  for  the  assassination  of  Csesar  originated 
in  the  bosom  of  Cassius.  He  enlisted  the  co-operation  of 
Brutus,  and  a  large  number  of  others  were  soon  involved 
in  the  plot.  Cassius,  who  was  an  earnest  republican,  proba- 
bly hoped  to  introduce  democratic  sway.  But  Brutus,  with 
strong  patrician  prejudices,  hoped  to  bring  the  aristocracy 
again  into  power.  The  death  of  Caesar  was  essential  to 
either  of  these  plans.  Not  a  word  of  extenuation  can  be 
offered  in  favor  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  both  of  whom  had 
accepted  honors  and  office  from  him  whom  they  were  con- 
spiring to  assassinate.  The  whole  number  of  the  conspira- 
tors is  said  to  have  amounted  to  sixty.  Their  first  intention 
was  to  strike  Csesar  down  when  passing  unguarded  through 
the  streets,  or  to  inflict  the  blow  when  presiding  in  the 
Campus  Martins  over  the  elections  of  magistrates. 

Caesar,  having  issued  an  order  for  the  senate  to  convene 
on  the  fifteenth  of  March,  then  called  the  Ides  of  March, 
and  there  being  a  rumor  that  on  this  day  the  title  of  king 
was  to  be  conferred  on  him  by  his  partisans  in  the  senate, 
the  conspirators,  many  of  whom  were  senators,  fixed  upon 
that  occasion  as  the  hour  for  the  accomplishment  of  their 
plan.  On  the  evening  of  the 'fourteenth  Ceesar  supped  with 
Lepidus,  his  master  of  horse.  The  conversation  at  the  table 
was  turned  to  the  question,  "What  kind  of  death  is  the 
most  to  be  desired?"  Caesar,  who  was  writing  at  the  time, 
had  his  attention  arrested  by  it,  and  exclaimed,  looking  up 
from  his  paper,  "The  most  sudden  death  is  the  most  desira- 
ble." It  is  said  that  he  had  received  frequent  warnings  to 
beware  of  the  Ides  of  March.     Various  incidents  had  so 


ASSASSINATION   OF   C^SAR  235 

wrought  upon  the  mind  of  his  wife,  exciting  her  alarm, 
that  she  passed  the  night  preceding  his  assassination  in 
feverish  dreams,  which  so  excited  her  imagination,  that 
in  the  morning  she  entreated  her  husband  not  to  leave  the 
house  that  day.  Cgesar  himself  was  not  well  that  morning, 
and,  yielding  to  the  fears  of  his  wife  Calpuruia,  he  remained 
at  home  until  the  senate  was  assembled. 

One  of  the  conspirators,  Decimus  Brutus,  apprehensive, 
from  the  delay,  that  Caesar  had  received  some  intimation 
of  the  plot,  and  might  not  attend  the  meeting  of  the  senate, 
visited  him  and  urged  his  attendance.  At  eleven  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  Caesar,  accompanied  by  Decimus  Brutus,  and 
others  of  the  conspirators,  set  out  for  the  senate- house.  On 
his  way,  a  friend  whose  suspicions  had  been  aroused,  ap- 
proached him,  and  placed  in  his  hands  a  paper  containing 
a  written  statement  of  his  suspicions,  which  he  begged  him 
to  read  immediately.  C?esar,  holding  the  paper  in  his 
hand,  and  pressed  by  the  crowd,  passed  along  in  conver- 
sation with  his  friends,  until  he  entered  the  senate-house. 
Marc  Antony,  the  devoted  friend  of  Cassar,  and  his  col- 
league in  the  consulship,  was  detained  at  the  door  by  Tre- 
bonius,  one  of  the  conspirators,  that  he  might  not  render 
Caesar  any  aid.  Some  of  the  conspirators  had  wished  tliat 
Antony  should  be  slain  also,  but  Junius  Brutus  objected 
to  it  as  needless. 

All  the  senators  rose  to  greet  Csesar  when  he  entered  the 
senatorial  chamber.  As  he  ascended  to  his  magnificent  chair 
of  state,  the  conspirators  contrived  to  gather  around  him  as 
his  immediate  train.  The  chair  was  placed  near  the  pedes- 
tal of  a  statue  of  Pompey  the  Great,  which  Caesar  had  char- 
acteristically permitted  to  remain  as  the  chief  ornament  of 
the  senate- chamber — a  building  which  Pompey  had  reared. 
It  was  observed  that  Cassius  looked  imploringly  to  that 
statue  as  if  invoking  the  spirit  of  Pompey  to  aid  him  in 
hip  murderous  deed. 

As  Caesar  took  his  seat,  surrounded  by  the  conspirators, 
one  of  them,  L.  Cimber,  approached  as  if  to  offer  him  a  peti- 


236  ITALY 

tion.  His  accomplices  pressed  near  as  if  to  support  him  in 
his  request.  Cimber  suddenly  seized  Coesar  by  his  robe.  It 
was  the  signal  for  the  attack.  Many  daggers  were  instantly 
gleaming  in  the  air,  and  Ciesar  was  pierced  by  many  wounds. 
The  victim  made  frantic  endeavors  to  brush  his  assailants^ 
away,  and  the  confusion  was  so  great  that  many  of  the 
assassins  were  wounded  by  each  other's  daggers.  Csesar, 
seeing  Brutus  among  his  murderers,  seemed  to  surrender 
himself  to  despair,  as  he  exclaimed,  "And  you  too,  Bru- 
tus!" Then,  with  dignity,  covering  his  face  with  his  man- 
tle, he  fell,  pierced  by  twenty-three  wounds.  It  seemed  that 
each  one  of  the  conspirators  wished  to  avoid  striking  the 
fatal  blow,  for  of  the  twenty-three  wounds  he  received,  but 
one  was  mortal. 

The  scene  of  consternation  and  confusion  in  the  senate 
cannot  be  described,  as  that  numerous  and  august  body 
witnessed  this  murderous  act.  The  deed  was  so  rapid  in 
its  accomplishment  that  there  could  be  no  rescue.  Brutus, 
brandishing  his  dagger,  dripping  with  blood,  in  the  air, 
called  upon  Cicero,  congratulating  him  that  his  country 
was  delivered  from  a  tyrant.  The  senate  immediately  dis- 
persed in  terror,  the  friends  of  Ca3sar  flying  for  their  lives, 
expecting  that  they  also  were  marked  out  for  death.  The 
conspirators,  keeping  in  a  body  for  mutual  protection,  re- 
paired to  the  forum,  where  they  addressed  the  crowd  who 
gathered  around  them,  and  in  earnest  harangues  endeavored 
to  defend  their  deed.  Protected  by  a  band  of  gladiators, 
they  then  went  into  the  capitol,  where  they  took  refuge  for 
the  night,  accompanied  and  sustained  by  a  number  of  the 
nobles. 

The  dismay  throughout  all  Eome  was  such  that  the  body 
of  Caesar  remained  for  several  hours  in  the  spot  where  it  fell. 
At  length  three  of  his  slaves  placed  the  body  on  a  litter  and 
carried  it  to  his  home.  They  were  so  agitated  that,  as  they 
bore  the  mutilated  corpse  through  the  streets,  the  arm  of 
Caesar,  blood-stained,  hung  down,  the  hand  at  times  sweep- 
ing the  pavement;  a  piteous  and  revolting  spectacle. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   CJESAR  237 

The  morning  of  the  sixteenth  of  March  found  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  with  their  accomplices,  in  the  capitol,  which  was  a 
citadel  on  the  Capitoline  hill.  Many  of  the  aristocratic 
party  had  joined  them,  with  their  sympathy  or  their  con- 
gratulations, and  among  the  rest  was  Cicero.  The  aristoc- 
racy expected  the  immediate  restoration  of  the  old  regime, 
which  had  been  crushed  with  Pompey  at  Pharsalia,  which 
was  to  the  ancient  nobility  of  Eome  what  Waterloo  was 
subsequently  to  the  popular  party  in  France.  Dolabella, 
who  had  been  in  high  authority  under  Cgesar,  seems  to  have 
hoped  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  radical  democratic 
party — the  mob — and  sustained  by  them  to  grasp  the  su- 
preme power.  He  immediately  assumed  the  consular  dig- 
nity, inveighed  bitterly  against  his  murdered  benefactor  as  a 
tyrant,  and  attempted  to  conciliate  the  assassins  by  visiting 
them  in  a  friendly  way  in  their  retreat.  But  Antony  and 
Lepidus  rallied  the  more  conservative  masses  of  the  people, 
who  had  ever  regarded  Caesar  as  their  peculiar  representative. 

The  veteran  soldiers  of  Ci^sar,  many  of  whom  were  then 
in  Eome;  most  of  the  magistrates  who  had  been  appointed 
by  Caesar;  the  foreigners  who  had  been  admitted  to  the 
rights  of  citizenship,  and  a  large  part  of  the  industrial  and 
moneyed  classes,  were  all  disposed  to  support  the  govern- 
ment as  organized  by  Caesar.  Cicero,  we  regret  to  say,  must 
be  regarded  as  a  participator  in  the  crime  of  Csesar's  assas- 
sination; for  he  joined  the  murderers  that  very  night,  and 
counselled  them  as  to  the  steps  next  to  be  pursued.  The 
assassination  of  Caesar  was  regarded  as  securing  the  "resto- 
ration" of  the  Roman  "Bourbons." 

Marc  Antony  and  Lepidus,  as  soon  as  they  had  recovered 
from  their  consternation,  rallied  the  friends  of  Caesar,  to  wage 
determined  warfare  against  the  re-establishment"of  that  ex- 
clusive and  insulting  system  which  was  upheld  by  the 
friends  of  the  old  aristocracy."  '  It  now  seemed  that  the 
murder  could  only  introduce  a  civil  war,  from  which  there 

'  Thomas  Arnold. 


238  ITALY 

could  be  no  refuge  but  in  another  dictator.  Cicero  urged 
the  leaders  of  the  assassins,  Cassius  and  Brutus,  immedi 
ately  to  summon  the  senate,  and  grasp  all  the  reins  of  gov- 
ernment while  the  people  were  bewildered  by  the  panic. 
But  Marc  Antony  anticipated  them,  and,  in  his  character 
of  consul,  legally  convened  the  senate  on  the  seventeenth  of 
March.  Ca3sar's  veteran  soldiers  sprang  to  arms  and  sur- 
rounded the  capitol  where  the  conspirators  were  assembled, 
menacing  them  with  death  should  they  emerge  from  their 
retreat.  Csesar's  widow,  Calpurnia,  placed  in  the  hands  of 
Antony  Ceesar's  will.  Its  contents  were  immediately  an- 
nounced to  the  people,  and  its  generous  provisions  roused 
their  enthusiasm  to  the  highest  pitch. 

By  this  will,  Caius  Octavius,  then  a  young  man  of  eigh- 
teen, was  declared  the  heir  of  Caesar's  property,  and  was 
adopted  into  his  family  to  assume  his  name.  Several  of 
the  conspirators  were  appointed  his  guardians  while  he 
should  remain  under  age,  so  little  did  Cassar  suspect  their 
treachery.  He  bequeathed  his  beautiful  gardens  upon  the 
Tiber  to  the  Roman  people;  and  to  every  citizen  a  sum  of 
money  amounting  to  about  twelve  dollars.  The  vast  popu- 
lation of  Rome,  roused  by  this  remarkable  proof  of  the  at- 
tachment of  their  illustrious  advocate,  burned  with  the  de- 
sire to  avenge  his  death.  All  opposition  to  the  good  name 
of  Csesar  was  swept  away  by  the  breath  of  their  indignation. 

His  friends  in  the  senate  were  animated  by  the  public 
tide  flowing  so  strongly  in  his  favor.  They  immediately 
vote'd  him  the  most  imposing  funeral  honors  at  the  public 
expense.  Marc  Antony  was  appointed  to  deliver  his  eulogy. 
All  his  administrative  acts  were  confirmed,  his  appointments 
to  office  were  declared  to  be  valid,  and  all  the  grants  of  land  he 
had  made  were  pronounced  inviolable.  The  assassins  were, 
however,  so  powerful  in  rank  and  influence,  and  the  peril  of 
civil  war  so  great,  and  its  issue  so  uncertain,  and  yet  so  in- 
dubitably promotive  of  national  ruin  and  woe  in  its  prog- 
ress, that  the  two  parties  agreed  to  a  truce,  which  was 
effected  by  the  advice  and  through  the  influence  of  Cicero. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   C^SAR  289 

The  conspirators  assented  to  the  continued  ascendency 
of  the  popular  party,  and  that  party  decreed  to  consign  to 
everlasting  oblivion  the  crime  of  the  Ides  of  March,  and 
promised  never  to  call  any  of  the  participators  in  it  to  ac- 
count for  their  conduct.  This  adjustment  was  considered  so 
satisfactory  that  we  are  informed  Brutus  and  Cassius  on  that 
same  evening  supped  with  Marc  Antony  and  his  friends. 

The  funeral  of  C^sar  was  conducted  on  a  scale  of  mag- 
nificence such  as  had,  perhaps,  never  been  witnessed  before. 
The  body  was  conveyed  through  the  streets  on  a  bier  of 
ivory,  decorated  with  scarlet  and  gold.  At  the  head  of  the 
procession  was  borne  the  dress  in  which  Csesar  was  assas- 
sinated. The  funeral  pile,  upon  which  the  body  was  to  be 
consumed,  was  reared  in  the  Campus  Martins,  and  a  model 
of  the  temple  of  Yenus  was  constructed  to  hold  the  remains 
while  the  funeral  oration  was  delivered.  The  oration  of  An- 
tony was  brief  bat  very  effective.  The  decrees  with  which 
the  senate  had  awarded  to  Cassar  extraordinary  honors  and 
powers  in  requital  for  his  extraordinary  services  were  pub- 
licly read,  and  also  the  oath  which  the  senate,  including  the 
assassins,  had  taken  to  defend  his  person.  The  few  words 
which  Antony  added  so  vividly  recalled  the  brilliant  achieve- 
ments of  Csesar  and  his  devotion  to  the  popular  cause  that 
the  ardor  of  the  people  in  favor  of  Cassar,  and  their  indigna- 
tion against  the  assassins,  was  roused  beyond  all  bounds. 

A  clamor  arose  as  to  the  place  where  the  body  should 
be  burned,  all  being  anxious  to  name  the  most  honorable 
locality  in  the  city.  Some  named  the  senate-house,  others 
the  temple  of  Jupiter.  In  the  midst  of  the  confusion,  two 
of  the  veteran  soldiers  of  Csesar  stepped  forward  and  set 
fire  to  the  bier  upon  which  the  body  lay  enwrapped  in 
thick  and  gorgeous  drapery.  An  unparalleled  scene  of 
enthusiasm  then  ensued.  The  ladies  rushed  forward  and 
threw  upon  the  flames  their  scarfs  and  mantles.  The  sol- 
diers crowded  to  the  bier  and  cast  upon  the  pile  their  jave- 
lins and  war  clnbs.  The  populace  broke  into  the  neighbor- 
ing houses  and  temples,  smashed  chairs,  tables,  altars,  and 


240  ITALY 

heaped  the  fragments  upon  the  pyre.  Dense  volumes  of 
smoke  arose  as  from  a  volcano,  and  the  crackling  of  the 
flames  drowned  the  murmurs  of  the  multitude. 

The  passions  of  the  populace  were  now  roused,  and  not- 
withstanding the  decree  of  amnesty  passed  by  the  senate, 
they  demanded  vengeance  upon  the  murderers  of  Caesar. 
Earth  has  never  heard  a  sound  more  aj)palling  than  the 
roar  of  an  infuriate  mob  sweeping  the  streets.  With  the 
rush  of  the  tornado  the  frenzied  masses,  raising  cries  which 
sent  terror  to  all  hearts,  assailed  the  dwellings  of  Brutus 
and  Cassius,  but  the  senate  had  adopted  the  precaution  of 
placing  troops  in  defence  of  these  dwellings,  and  the  un- 
armed mob  were  repelled.  Turning  away  they  encountered 
an  innocent  man,  whom  they  mistook  for  Cinna,  one  of  the 
enemies  of  Caesar.  His  doom  was  sealed.  As  well  might 
one  appeal  to  the  reason  of  famished  wolves  as  to  the  pas- 
sions of  an  infuriated  mob.  They  fell  upon  the  innocent, 
helpless  stranger,  beat  him 'to  the  ground  with  their  clubs, 
cut  off  his  head,  and  j)araded  it  through  the  streets  on  a 
pike. 

For  many  days  these  tumults  continued.  The  populace 
erected  to  the  memory  of  their  benefactor  a  marble  statue, 
in  the  forum,  twenty  feet  high,  and  upon  it  inscribed  the 
words,  "To  the  Father  of  his  Country."  An  altar  was 
reared  by  the  side  of  this  statue,  on  which,  for  a  long  time, 
sacrifices  were  offered  to  Caesar  as  if  he  were  a  god.  Every 
day  tumultuous  groups  assembled  around  this  cojumn,  un- 
til at  length,  by  the  strong  arm  of  the  law,  these  acts  of  vio- 
lence were  quelled. 

A  man  by  the  name  of  Amatius,  who  was  to  Eome  what 
Marat  was  subsequently  to  Paris,  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  mob,  and  formed  a  conspiracy  for  the  assassination  of 
all  the  principal  senators  of  the  aristocratical  party.  But 
Antony,  the  consul,  was  by  no  means  disposed  to  tolerate 
the  reign  of  the  mob.  Amatius  was  arrested,  tried,  con- 
demned, executed,  and  his  body  was  ignominiously  dragged 
by  a  hook  through  the  streets  of  Rome,  and  thrown  into  the 


ASSASSINATION   OF    C^SAR  2-il 

Tiber.  Still  the  hearts  of  the  peoj^le  burDed  to  avenge  the 
murder  of  Ci«sar.  There  was  an  instinct  of  justice  which 
declared  that  such  a  crime  must  not  go  unpunished.  These 
indications  so  alarmed  the  conspirators  and  rendered  their 
residence  in  Eome  so  uncomfortable  that  they  deemed  it 
expedient  to  retire,  for  a  time,  from  the  city. 

They  all  left  Eome,  some  seeking  refuge  in  their  coun- 
try-seats, and  others  in  distant  provinces.  Marc  Antony 
was  thus  enabled  gradually  to  assume  dictatorial  power. 
Having  Ceesar's  will  in  his  possession,  and  being  regarded 
by  the  people  as  his  successor  and  the  representative  of  his 
political  views,  he  had  but  to  announce  a  decree  as  recom- 
mended in  Csesar's  will  to  secure  its  immediate  enforcement. 
Cicero  says  that  Antony  forged  grants  to  states  and  individ- 
uals, which  he  pretended  to  have  found  among  the  papers 
of  Csesar,  and  which  he  sold  to  such  advantage  that  he 
raised  in  less  than  a  fortnight  a  sum  of  money  exceeding 
a  million  and  a  half  of  dollars.  He  made  a  tour  of  the 
neighboring  states,  and  bound  to  his  service  by  oath 
Csesar' s  veteran  generals. 

The  young  Octavius  was  at  this  time  in  Apollonia,  in 
Greece,  pursuing  his  studies.  He  had  long  been  regarded 
as  Csesar's  probable  heir,  and  had  consequently  received 
very  flattering  attentions.  As  soon  as  the  tidings  reached 
Apollonia  of  the  assassination  of  Csesar,  the  military  offi- 
cers in  the  vicinity  crowded  around  him,  and  urged  him  to 
avenge  the  murder  of  his  uncle,  assuring  him  of  the  co-op- 
eration of  all  the  troops  under  their  command.  Octavius, 
not  knowing  the  strength  of  the  foes  he  might  have  to  en- 
counter, deemed  it  expedient  to  move  with  caution,  and 
consequently  hastened  privately  to  Eome.  He  did  not  as- 
certain the  particulars  of  the  assassination  until  he  reached 
Brundusium,  where  he  was  also  informed  that  he  was  de- 
clared Cesar's  heir  and  his  adopted  son. 

Octavius  immediately  assumed  the  name  of  Cassar;  and, 
as  he  advanced  from  Brundusium  to  Rome,  his  partisans 
rallied,   from  all  quarters,   around   him.      On  his  way  he 

Italy— 11 


242  ITALY 

stopped  at  Puteoli  to  visit  his  father  and  mother.  Cicero's 
villa  was  at  this  place,  and  Octavius,  anxious  to  secure  the 
support  of  the  illustrious  orator,  called  to  see  him.  Cicero 
received  him  with  great  politeness,  but  studiously  refrained 
from  calling  him  Ccesar.  Octavius  hastened  to  the  capital, 
and  at  once  sought  an  interview  with  Antony.  But  An- 
tony, now  in  the  height  of  his  power,  as  the  executor  of 
Caesar's  will,  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  resign  the  sceptre 
to  Octavius.  Indignant  at  the  repulse  he  encountered  from 
Autony,  who  had  very  artfully  ingratiated  himself  into  the 
popular  favor  and  felt  secure  of  the  people's  support,  he 
turned  to  the  aristocratic  party,  seeking  to  court  their  favor 
in  the  strife  against  Antony,  in  which  it  was  evident  that 
he  must  now  engage. 

Indeed,  the  aristocratic  party  was  at  this  time  gaining 
ground.  Decimus  Brutus,  one  of  the  assassins,  had  been 
appointed  by  Caesar,  in  his  unsuspecting  confidence,  to  the 
command  of  Cisalpine  Graul.  He  was  now  there,  rapidly 
organizing  an  army;  and  by  the  plunder  of  neighboring 
tribes  he  was  obtaining  wealth,  which  he  lavished  upon 
his  soldiers  to  secure  their  support,  Sextus,  the  youngest 
son  of  Pompey,  whom  we  have  before  mentioned  as  having 
secured  an  unmolested  retreat  among  the  fastnesses  of  the 
Pyrenees,  was  gathering  the  fragments  of  the  old  aristo- 
cratical  party  in  Spain,  that  with  these  forces  he  might 
join  Decimus  Brutus. 

Junius  Brutus  and  Cassius,  exiles  from  Eome  through 
fear  of  popular  violence,  were  secretly  plotting  with  the 
members  of  the  aristocratic  party  to  co-operate  with  the 
generals  in  Gaul  and  Spain  to  re-establish  patrician  ascen- 
dency. In  Asia,  in  Syria,  and  in  Galatia,  movements  were 
already  on  foot  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  end.  It  was 
the  old  struggle  between  the  outs  and  ins.  Antony  and 
Dolabella,  Cicero's  son-in-law,  were  now  at  the  head  of 
affairs  at  Rome.  A  meeting  of  the  senate  was  convened  in 
June.  Cicero  says  that  Antony  stationed  soldiers  along  all 
the  avenues  leading  to  the  forum,  who  prevented  any  sena- 


ASSASSINATION   OF   C^SAR  243 

tors  from  attending  the  meeting  but  those  who  would  act  in 
accordance  with  his  wishes.  Three  laws  were  passed  which 
were  very  popular.  The  aristocracy  condemned  these  laws 
severely,  and  said  that  they  were  enacted  merely  to  court 
favor  with  the  mob.  By  one  of  these  laws  the  lands  be- 
longing to  the  national  domain  were  to  be  distributed  to 
settlers.  Another  decree  admitted  even  plebeians  who  had 
attained  the  rank  of  centurions  to  be  eligible  to  the  judicial 
power — a  law  exceedingly  offensive  to  the  nobles,  but  which 
modern  civilization  will  certainly  commend.  "The  third 
and  worst"  measure,  in  the  judgment  of  aristocratic  priv- 
ilege, was  a  decree  which  allowed  men  condemned  for  any 
state  offence  to  appeal  to  the  people. 

By  the  verdict  of  republicanism,  these  decrees  would  all 
probably  be  pronounced  salutary  measures  of  reform.  The 
patricians  made  such  endeavors  to  embarrass  the  execution 
of  these  laws  that  Antony  entered  the  senate  escorted  by 
an  armed  force,  that  he  might  repel  any  violence  which 
should  be  attempted.  Antony  was  now  all-powerfal  in 
the  senate  and  in  Rome,  and  the  conspirators  did  not  dare 
to  leave  their  retirement  and  show  themselves  in  the  capi- 
tal. Brutus  and  Cassius  were  untiring  in  their  plots  to  re- 
gain that  power  for  which  they  had  imbrued  their  hands  in 
the  blood  of  assassination.  They  were  preparing  to  leave 
Italy  and  to  rally  around  them  provincial  armies,  with  which 
they  hoped  to  march  triumphantly  upon  Eome. 

Elated  with  their  prospects,  they  issued  a  proclamation, 
which  Marc  Antony  professed  to  regard  as  a  declaration  of 
war.  Cicero,  with  his  characteristic  vacillation,  was  in 
communication  with  both  parties,  though  he  did  not  cor- 
dially espouse  the  cause  of  either.  While  affairs  were  in 
this  menacing  attitude,  and  the  cloud  of  civil  war  was  gath- 
ering blackness,  the  young  Octavius  Ci»sar,  almost  unob- 
served, was  creating  and  concentrating  powerful  influences 
of  support.  Some  victories  of  Sextus  Pompey  in  Spain  so 
animated  Cicero  that  he  at  length  consented  to  allow  him- 
self to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  aristocratic  party,  and 


244  ITALY 

to  consecrate  all  his  energies  to  the  restoration  of  the  old 
patrician  regime.  With  this  object  in  view  he  repaired  to 
Rome,  where  he  arrived  on  the  thirty-first  of  August. 
Cicero  himself  has  given  an  account  of  this  enterprise. 

The  day  after  his  arrival  he  attended  a  meeting  of  the 
senate.  Antony  chanced  to  be  absent.  Cicero,  perhaps 
emboldened  by  the  absence  of  Antony,  pronounced  his 
well-known  oration  called  his  First  Philippic.  Cautiously, 
in  temperate  phrase,  but  very  sagaciously  and  powerfully, 
he  assailed  the  measures  of  Antony's  administration.  An- 
tony was  much  exasperated,  and  soon  replied  in  a  speech  in 
which  he  accused  Cicero  of  being  an  accomplice  in  the  as- 
sassination of  Caesar.  This  charge  Cicero  could  not  suc- 
cessfully repel.  He  was,  indeed,  afraid  to  attend  the  meet- 
ing of  the  senate  when  Antony  replied,  lest  that  reply  should 
rouse  the  senate  to  acts  of  personal  violence  upon  himself. 

Cicero  prepared  a  reply,  called  the  Second  Philippic, 
which  is  read  to  the  present  day  with  admiration,  but 
which  he  feared  to  enter  the  senate  to  deliver.  The 
speech  was  written,  not  spoken.  Cicero  sent  it  at  first 
to  his  friend  Atticus,  with  the  earnest  injunction  that  he 
should  not  let  it  be  seen  by  any  of  the  friends  of  Antony. 
This  visit  discouraged  Cicero,  and  he  retired  again,  the 
weak,  eloquent,  scholarly  man,  to  the  shrubbery  and  flow- 
ers of  his  villa.  Cowper  himself  was  hardly  less  adapted 
for  the  storms  of  state  than  was  Cicero.  And  yet  Cicero 
was  ever  consumed  by  the  desire  of  grasping  that  sceptre 
of  power  which,  by  his  nature,  he  was  utterly  incapable  of 
wielding.  It  is  not  difficult  to  find  such  men  in  modern 
times. 

We  hear  much  in  our  degenerate  days,  so  called,  of  Eo- 
man  virtue.  Unfortunately,  authentic  history  seems  to  be 
but  a  record  of  Roman  vice.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Octa- 
vius  Cassar,  after  his  arrival  in  Rome,  was  to  hire  some  as- 
sassins to  murder  Antony.  The  plot  was  discovered.  An- 
tony, who  had  at  one  time  been  engaged  in  a  similar  en- 
deavor to  assassinate  Csesar,  knowing  how  easy  it  was  in 


ASSASSINATION    OF    CJESAR  245 

Eome  to  Mre  any  number  of  daggers,  was  greatly  alarmed. 
The  indications  of  Octavius'  popularity  were  such  that  he 
did  not  dare  to  bring  him  to  trial.  He  became  even  afraid 
to  trust  the  strong  bodyguard  with  which  he  had  surrounded 
himself.  He  accordingly  left  Eome  and  went  to  Brundu- 
sium,  that  he  might,  by  flattery  and  bribes,  devote  to  his 
interests  four  legions  which  were  quartered  there.  He  ad- 
dressed the  troops  with  all  his  powers  of  persuasion,  and 
offered  to  each  man  a  gratuity  amounting  to  about  fifteen 
dollars.  To  his  surprise  and  mortification,  the  troops,  ac- 
customed to  the  largesses  of  Caesar,  ridiculed  the  meanness 
of  the  gift. 

Alarmed  and  indignant  at  these  indications  of  revolt, 
Antony  summoned  several  officers  whom  he  suspected  of 
being  ringleaders  in  the  disaffection,  and  caused  them  in- 
stantly to  be  put  to  death.  Eeceiving  tidings  from  Home 
that  his  enemies  were  making  headway  there,  he  hastily  re- 
turned. Octavius  Cgesar  was  more  successful  with  some 
legions  in  the  vicinity  of  the  imperial  city.  Through  his 
friends  and  the  vast  wealth  which  Caesar  had  bequeathed 
him,  he  was  enabled  to  present  to  every  man  of  these 
legions  a  sum  amounting  to  eighty  dollars.  He  com- 
menced collecting  his  troops  at  Capua,  and  wrote  to 
Cicero  urging  him  to  advocate  his  cause  in  the  senate. 
The  illustrious  orator,  deeming  the  prospects  of  Octavius 
encouraging,  after  much  hesitation,  and  casting  longing 
eyes  toward  Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  were  now  far  away 
beyond  the  Ionian  gulf,  ventured  to  accept  the  proffered 
hand  of  Octavius. 

The  young  adventurer,  under  the  auspices  of  Cicero, 
visited  Eome,  and  addressed  the  assembled  citizens  in  the 
forum.  But  he  had  a  difficult  task  to  perform,  as  he  wished 
to  reconcile  in  his  favor  the  two  antagonistic  elements  of 
aristocratic  privilege  and  popular  rights.  But  the  spirit 
of  Julius  Caesar  was  in  his  heart,  and  it  broke  out  in  his 
words.  And  when,  in  the  fervor  of  his  address,  he  pointed 
to   the   statue  and  swore,  by  the  immortal  gods,   that  he 


246  ITALY 

would  emulate  his  uncle's  spirit,  and  strive  to  attain  liis 
uncle's  greatness,  the  people  applauded  him  to  the  skies, 
while  the  nobles  turned  away  in  disgust  and  indignation. 
Ciesar,  though  dead,  still  ruled  in  Eome. 

In  the  meantime  Antony  was  marching  upon  Eome  with 
some  troops  who  remained  faithful  to  him.  Octavius,  not 
able  then  to  resist  him,  retired.  Antony  issued  a  proclama- 
tion denouncing  him  as  a  traitor,  and  threatening  with  the 
severest  punishments  all  who  should,  in  any  way,  abet  his 
cause.  But  every  day,  tidings  were  reaching  Antony  that 
his  legions  were  in  revolt,  and  were  giving  in  their  adhesion 
to  Octavius.  He,  in  his  alarm,  retired  to  Gaul,  taking  com- 
mand of  that  distant  province,  hoping  there  to  re-establish 
his  power;  but  his  fears  of  Octavius  were  so  great  that  he 
traversed  Italy  by  crossroads,  lest  he  should  be  intercepted 
by  his  formidable  foe.  Decimus  Brutus  was  then  in  com- 
mand of  Gaul,  and  he  resolved  not  to  surrender  his  office. 
Antony  thus  found  himself  immediately  arrayed  against 
hostile  troops.  Dolabella,  the  colleague  of  Antony  in  the 
consulship,  was  now  in  Syria;  consequently  Rome  was  left 
without  the  presence  of  either  of  the  consuls. 

The  purity  of  Cicero's  private  character  gave  him  much 
influence,  notwithstanding  the  boundless  corruption  of  those 
times.  The  worst  of  men  could  appreciate  the  nobleness  of 
what  is  called  good  morals.  The  pendulum  of  Cicero's  mind 
now  vibrated  again  to  the  cause  of  the  aristocracy,  and,  as 
Brutus  had  sent  a  proclamation  to  Rome,  declaring  both  his 
determination  and  his  ability  to  defend  Gaul  against  Marc 
Antony,  Cicero  hastened  to  the  metropolis,  and  in  a  full 
meeting  of  the  senate  pronounced  his  renowned  oration,  en- 
titled the  Third  Philippic.  This  oration,  in  its  eloquence 
and  its  caution,  is  characteristic  of  the  author.  He  pro- 
posed a  vote  of  thanks  to  Brutus,  the  illustrious  advocate 
of  aristocracy,  for  the  firm  stand  he  was  making  against 
Antony;  and,  at  the  same  time,  called  for  an  expression 
of  gratitude  to  Octavius,  the  representative  of  the  plebeian 
cause,  for  his  hostility  to  Antony. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   C^SAR  247 

The  indications  were  very  decisive  tliat  Antony  was 
ruined;  but  whether  the  party  of  Brutus,  or  that  of  Octa- 
vius  would  rise  upon  those  ruins,  was  not  settled.  Cicero 
was  prudently  prepared  for  either.  The  opening  of  the 
new  year  introduced  two  new  consuls,  Hirtius  and  Pausa. 
Cicero  grew  more  bold,  and  proposed  in  the  senate,  that 
Antony  should  be  declared  a  public  enemy,  and  that  the 
people  should  be  summoned  to  rise  eji  masse  to  crush  him. 
The  proposition  of  Cicero  was  adopted,  with  the  exception 
that  a  deputation  should  first  be  sent  to  Antony  with  the 
demand  that  he  should  throw  down  his  arms  and  submit 
himself  to  the  senate  and  people.  The  sun  of  Octavius 
Caesar  was  now  manifestly  rising.  The  senate  admitted  him 
to  its  membership  with  high  rank,  and  erected  an  eques- 
trian statue  in  his  honor. 

The  delegation  sent  to  Antony  was  composed  of  Sul- 
picius,  a  renowned  lawyer,  and  one  of  Caesar's  most  devoted 
friends,  of  Piso,  the  father  of  Csesar's  wife,  and  of  Philip- 
pus,  the  husband  of  Cassar's  niece,  and  stepfather  of  Oc- 
tavius. One  of  the  consuls,  Hirtius,  also  took  the  field, 
with  a  well  provided  army,  against  Antony.  The  courage 
and  decision  of  Cicero  now  waxed  rapidly.  Antony  rejected 
the  terms  proposed  by  the  senate,  but  returned  some  propo- 
sitions of  his  own,  which  he  offered  in  the  way  of  compro- 
mise, but  which  in  their  turn  were  peremptorily  cast  aside, 
and  Antony  was  declared  to  be  a  rebel.  This  was  a  great 
gain  for  Octavius  C^sar.  The  embroilment  of  parties  was, 
however,  now  such,  that  the  people  were  embarrassed 
to  know  which  was  the  popular  and  which  the  aristo- 
cratic side. 

Junius  Brutus,  then  in  Greece,  with  consummate  sagacity 
and  administrative  skill  roused  the  enthusiasm  of  Pompey's 
veteran  soldiers,  and  assembled  beneath  the  banners  of  the 
old  aristocratic  party  seven  legions,  with  a  well-supplied 
treasury,  and  all  the  needful  munitions  of  war.  Dolabella, 
then  in  Greece,  discomfited  and  defeated,  fled  to  Syria,  and 
sought  a  cowardly  refuge  from  life's  woes  in  suicide. 


248  ITALY 

Cassius  in  Syria  was  as  triumphant  as  Brutus  in  Greece, 
and  it  now  became  apparent  that  the  civil  war  would  be  one 
of  no  ordinary  magnitude;  and,  from  the  chaos  of  parties, 
there  began  to  emerge  again  the  two  distinct  arrays  of  the 
advocates  of  patrician  supremacy  on  the  one  hand,  and  of 
plebeian  equality  of  rights  on  the  other.  Cicero,  whose 
sympathies  were  invariably  with  the  jjatricians,  proposed 
in  the  senate — 

"That  the  senate  highly  approve  of  the  conduct  of  Bru- 
tus and  confirm  him  in  the  government  of  the  armies  he  has 
raised  and  the  provinces  he  has  acquired;  and  that  they  re- 
quest him  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  lend  his  assistance 
to  the  commonwealth,  when  necessary. ' ' 

By  the  commonwealth  was  meant  the  old  aristocratic  re- 
gime of  Pompey.  Cicero  was  now  rushing  headlong  into 
the  embraces  of  the  aristocracy,  and,  in  his  zeal,  which  was 
tempered  with  but  very  little  discretion,  he  urged  a  resolu- 
tion equally  laudatory  of  the  conduct  of  Cassius,  the  other 
leading  assassin  of  Ctesar,  and  which  conferred  upon  him 
also  almost  absolute  control  over  the  fleets,  armies,  and 
revenues  of  the  East.  This  inordinate  proposal  alarmed  the 
peojjle,  and  raised  a  great  outcry  against  Cicero.  Antony 
availed  himself  of  this  sentiment,  in  the  endeavor  to  rally 
around  him  the  undivided  energies  of  the  popular  party. 
He  wrote  a  letter  to  Octavius,  urging  upon  him  the  im- 
policy of  committing  himself  to  the  old  Pompeian  policy, 
a  policy  which  was  in  deadly  hostility  to  all  the  principles 
of  Caesar's  government,  and,  though  it  might  deceive  the 
people  for  a  time,  could  never  secure  their  cordial  suj^port. 

This  letter  was  intercepted  and  placed  in  the  hands  of 
Cicero,  and  he  read  it  to  the  assembled  senate.  The  prog- 
ress of  the  war  in  Ital}",  or  rather  in  that  portion  of  Italy 
then  called  Cisalpine  Graul,  had  placed  Octavius  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  those  forces  which  were  fighting  the 
battles  of  the  assassins  of  his  uncle,  an  eminently  false 
position  for  him  to  occupy.  Antony  had  been  defeated  in 
a  sanguinary  battle  at  Mutina,  now  Modena,  and  was  on  the 


ASSASSINATION    OF    C^SAR  249 

rapid  retreat,  pursued  by  Decimus  Brutus  and  Octavius, 
yet  hoping  to  find  refuge  beyond  the  maritime  Alps.  As, 
in  confused  retreat,  he  pressed  along  his  way,  his  ranks 
were  continually  swelled  by  the  slaves  and  the  lowest  por- 
tion of  the  people,  who  flocked  to  his  standards.  When 
the  tidings  reached  Eome  that  the  army  of  Antony  was 
defeated,  and  in  wild  confusion  was  rushing  through  the 
fastnesses  of  the  Alps,  the  exultation  was  very  great  with 
the  aristocratic  party  then  in  the  ascendency  there.  Con- 
gratulations, thanks,  and  ovations  were  voted  to  Brutus 
and  Octavius,  and  it  was  reaffirmed  that  Antony  and  all 
his  followers  were  public  enemies. 

Octavius  seems  to  have  been  conscious  of  his  false  posi- 
tion, and  that  ■  through  the  force  of  circumstances  he  had 
become  the  tool  of  a  party  who  execrated  the  principles 
of  his  uncle,  and  who  were  the  unrelenting  foes  of  that 
popular  political  equality  through  which  alone  he  could 
hope  for  permanent  ascendency.  He  therefore  manifested 
but  little  zeal  in  the  pursuit  of  the  fugitives;  and  Antony 
soon  rallied  his  forces  between  Genoa  and  Nice,  and  was 
joined  by  such  re-enforcements  as  enabled  him  again  to 
assume  the  aspect  of  one  prepared  to  cope  with  his  foes. 
Cicero,  now  avowedly  the  warm  friend  and  partisan  of  the 
aristocracy,  was,  by  his  commanding  influence,  at  the  head 
of  the  government  of  Eome,  directing  all  its  measures.  He 
was  watchful  to  reward  with  honors  and  to  strengthen  with 
office,  those  upon  whom  he  could  rely  as  supporters  of  the 
patrician  cause. 

Marmurs  loud  and  deep  were  now  heard  in  the  army 
of  Octavius,  respecting  the  unequal  distribution  of  purse 
and  place  in  favor  of  the  enemies  of  the  people.  Octavius 
every  hour  became  more  and  more  warmly  in  sympathy 
with  his  troops,  and  decided  to  turn  his  attention  from  the 
prosecution  of  a  provincial  war  in  which  he  was  but  harm- 
ing his  own  cause,  to  the  endeavor  to  secure  his  election 
as  consul  at  Eome.  This  would  place  the  sceptre  of  power 
in  his  hand  which  he  could  wield  efiectually  for  the  further- 


250  ITALY 

ance  of  his  high  ambition.  He  accordingly  sent  a  deputa- 
tion of  his  friends  to  Kome  to  suggest  his  name  and  to 
labor  for  his  election.  These  men  engaged  in  their  enter- 
prise of  securing  the  consulship  for  their  commander,  Oc- 
tavius,  with  the  spirit  of  successful  soldiers,  who  felt  con- 
scious that  they  were  backed  by  a  powerful  army.  It  is  said 
that  the  centurion  who  headed  this  delegation,  when  he  pre- 
sented the  name  of  Octavius  to  the  senate,  insolently  pointed 
to  the  hilt  of  his  sword  and  said: 

"If  you  refuse  our  request,  this  shall  grant  it." 
Octavius  Cijesar,  now,  in  imitation  of  his  uncle  Julius 
C^sar,  wheeled  around  his  columns  and  commenced  a  march 
toward  Rome.  He  was  at  the  head  of  an  army  flushed  with 
victory,  and  devoted  to  his  service,  and  who  knew  that  if 
the  sceptre  of  power  was  placed  in  their  commander's  hands 
he  would  wield  that  sceptre  for  their  benefit.  By  a  singular 
coincidence,  he  marched  along  the  same  road  from  Cisalpine 
Gaul  which  his  uncle  had  traversed.  The  revolution  of  the 
wheel  which  crushed  the  patricians  and  elevated  the  plebe- 
ians was  almost  instantaneous.  Octavius  encountered  no  im- 
pediments in  his  march;  no  murmurs  even  seem  to  have 
been  raised.  He  advanced  to  the  gates  of  the  capital  and 
encamped  his  troops  in  the  Campus  Martins,  uttering  no 
other  menace  than  the  presence  of  such  an  army  silently 
indicated.  He  was  everywhere  recognized  as  the  Nephew 
of  his  Uncle,  and  that  armed  him  with  almost  invincible 
power. 

Almost  without  opposition  he  was  elected  consul,  and 
the  plebeian's  heel  fell  crushing  upon  the  patrician's  head. 
We  should  have  more  sympathy  for  the  patricians  in  their 
downfall,  had  they  not  enjoyed  long  nges  of  ascendency, 
during  which  the  plebeians  had  writhed  beneath  the  tram- 
plings  of  patrician  feet.  This  oblivion  of  the  ties  of  brother- 
hood— this  attempt  of  one  class  of  men  to  live  at  the  expense 
of  another — this  irrepressible  conflict,  in  which  the  patrician 
has  endeavored  to  crowd  his  brother  plebeian  into  the  dust, 
has  been  through  all  ages  the  fruitful  source  of  human  woe. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   C^SAR  251 

And  this  conflict  will  continue  bitterly  to  tlie  end,  until  ttie 
ties  of  fraternity  shall  be  recognized,  and  until  the  principle 
of  our  own  declaration  of  independence  is  enthroned  in  all 
hearts — that  all  men  are  created  equal,  and  are  entitled  to 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

Octavius  Ceesar  commenced  his  consular  reign  vigor- 
ously. He  first  expunged  the  decree  that  Antony  and  his 
friends  were  public  enemies.  He  then  sent  a  wave  of  terror 
to  the  remotest  bounds  of  the  Eoman  empire,  by  a  law 
which  enacted  that  all  implicated  in  the  assassination  of 
Caesar,  wherever  they  could  be  found,  should  be  arrested 
and  brought  to  trial.  M.  Agrippa  appeared  as  the  accuser 
-of  the  conspirators,  whose  names  were  well  known.  As 
they  did  not  appear  to  respond  to  the  charge,  they  were 
all  convicted  of  treason,  and  doomed  to  perpetual  exile 
from  Eome,  by  a  bill  of  attainder,  which  in  the  usual  style 
prohibited  them  the  use  of  fire  and  water,  within  a  certain 
distance  from  the  metropolis. 


252  ITALY 


CHAPTEE  XIV 

OCTAYIUS     C^SAR 

FROM  42  B.C.  TO  .33  B.C. 

Pate  of  Decimus  Brutus — Massacres  in  Rome — Death  of  Cicer6 — Anec- 
dotes— The  Triumvirate — War  in  Macedonia — Ruin  of  the  Patrician 
Cause — Suicide  of  Cassius  and  Brutus — Triumph  of  the  Triumvirate — 
Oppression  of  the  People  and  Discontent  in  Rome — Profligacy  of  Octa- 
vius  Caesar — Downfall  of  Lepidus — Drusilla — Divorce  of  Antony's 
Wife — Antony  and  Cleopatra — War  between  Octavius  and  Antony — 
Mustering  of  the  Forces. 

DECIMUS  BRUTUS,  abandoned  by  bis  soldiers,  wbo 
deserted  in  battalions  to  Antony,  attempted  to  es- 
cape to  Greece,  in  tbe  disguise  of  a  Gaul.  But  he 
was  arrested,  and,  at  the  command  of  Antony,  beheaded. 
Though  the  assassin  of  C^sar  deserved  no  better  fate,  there 
was  no  virtue  in  Antony  which  authorized  him  to  be  execu- 
tor of  such  vengeance.  Octavius,  now  invested  with  the  con- 
sular dignity,  and  at  the  head  of  a  victorious  army,  opened 
a  friendly  correspondence  with  Antony  and  Lepidus,  in 
which  they  agreed  to  bury  all  past  differences,  and  to  co- 
operate in  the  furtherance  of  the  common  cause.  Antony 
had  reconducted  his  troops  back  to  Mutina,  and  the  three 
chieftains  held  an  interview  on  one  of  the  numerous  marshy 
islands  which  then  existed  between  the  Apennines  and  the 
Po.  They  constituted  themselves  a  triumvirate  to  adminis- 
ter the  affairs  of  the  empire  supported  by  their  united 
armies;  they  divided  among  themselves  the  powers  within 
their  grasp  and  made  arrangements  for  the  punishment  of 
their  adversaries.  The  three  returned  to  Eome,  followed 
by  their  troops,  and,  without  difhculty,  secured  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  triumvirate  by  the  legal  tribunals.  A  list  of 
the  proscribed  was  then  made  out  and  published,  with  a 
proclamation  which  said: 


OCTAVIUS    C^SAR  253 

"While  we  are  hastening  to  attack  our  enemies  abroad, 
■we  cannot  with  safety  leave  so  many  other  enemies  behind 
us  in  Eome;  nor  can  we  delay  to  take  precautions  against 
our  domestic  foes,  lest  the  dangers  with  which  we  are  threat- 
ened from  abroad  become  too  formidable  to  be  overcome." 

Eome  was  appalled  at  the  appearance  of  the  names  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty  senators,  with  a  still  larger  number 
of  the  equestrian  order,  on  these  proscription  lists.  All  per- 
sons were  warned,  by  the  severest  penalties,  against  harbor- 
ing the  proscribed  in  any  way,  while  rewards  were  offered 
to  any  one  who  would  bring  their  heads  to  the  triumvirs; 
and  it  was  also  stated  that  there  should  be  no  record  kept 
of  the  payment  of  this  money,  that  no  stain  might  be  left  on 
the  memory  of  those  who  should  receive  it.  In  nothing, 
perhaps,  is  the  awful  corruption  of  those  times  more  con- 
spicuous than  in  the  eagerness  with  which  sons  sought  the 
promised  reward  by  betraying  their  fathers  to  death. 

The  name  of  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero  was,  of  course,  found 
on  this  proscription  list.  Cicero,  apprehensive  of  danger, 
had  fled  from  Eome,  and  in  disguise  was  hastening  to  the 
coast,  that  he  might  embark  for  Macedonia,  where  he  could 
,^eek  shelter  beneath  the  power  of  Junius  Brutus  and  Cas- 
sius.  He  obtained  a  vessel,  and  even  commenced  his  voy- 
age. But  a  storm  so  delayed  his  progress,  and  caused  him 
to  suffer  so  much  from  sea-sickness,  that  he  returned  to  the 
Italian  coast,  and,  with  unwonted  heroism,  said,  "I  will  die 
in  that  country  which  I  have  so  often  saved." 

Cicero  had  now  attained  his  sixty-third  year.  Quietly 
he  returned  to  his  villa  at  Formic.  His  slaves,  devotedly 
attached  to  their  master,  saw  some  soldiers  approaching, 
and,  knowing  full  well  their  object,  almost  forced  him  into 
a  litter  that  they  might  convey  him  to  the  shore  and  place 
him  on  board  a  ship.  The  soldiers  overtook  them  while 
still  on  Cicero's  grounds.  He  commanded  the  slaves  to 
make  no  resistance,  but  to  set  down  the  litter.  Calmly  he 
stretched  his  head  out,  with  his  neck  bare,  to  be  dissevered 
by  the  sword.     The  deed  was  immediately  performed,  and 


254:  ITALY 

the  gory  liead  remained  in  the  hands  of  his  murderers. 
They  also  cut  off  his  hands,  saying  that  they  were  the  in- 
struments with  which  he  had  written  his  Philippics,  and 
they  carried  both  head  and  hands,  and  exposed  them  at 
the  rostrum  where  Cicero  had  uttered  strains  of  eloquence 
which  still  vibrate  through  the  world.  Rome  crowded  to 
witness  the  shameful  spectacle,  and  both  plebeian  and  pa- 
trician wept  over  his  cruel  fate.  "Whatever  judgment  may 
be  pronounced  upon  the  weakness  of  Cicero,  he  was,  beyond 
all  question,  one  of  the  purest  and  best  of  the  men  of  those 
dark  and  dissolute  days. 

It  is  urged  in  defence  of  Cicero's  apparent  timadity  and 
vacillation,  that  he  regarded  with  equal  disapprobation  the 
selfish  and  unprincipled  members  of  both  factions — the  aris- 
tocratic and  the  democratic.  Neither  party,  it  is  said,  was 
worthy  of  the  support  of  any  intelligent  and  honest  patriot. 
There  was,  however,  this  undeniable  difference:  the  patri- 
cians were  struggling  to  deprive  the  plebeians  of  an  equal 
share  in  political  privileges;  while  the  plebeians  were  con- 
tending for  equal  rights  for  all.  In  this  conflict,  which 
seems  to  have  agitated  the  world  for  countless  ages,  there 
is  not  much  room  for  doubt  where  the  sympathies  of  an 
honest  man  should  be.  Still  every  historian  feels  disposed 
to  deal  tenderly  with  the  reputation  of  Rome's  most  distin- 
guished philosopher  and  orator.  The  intellectual  world 
owes  him  a  debt  of  gratitude,  which  should  fall  as  a  mantle 
to  veil  his  frailties. 

The  annals  of  those  days  were  filled  with  records  of  the 
tragical  deaths  of  some,  and  the  wonderful  escapes  of  others, 
of  the  proscribed.  Many  of  these  anecdotes  aid  one  very- 
much  in  obtaining  a  conception  of  the  state  of  society  at 
that  time.  Vetulio,  one  of  the  proscribed,  assumed  the 
rank  and  state  of  a  pretor,  a  Roman  magistrate  of  very 
high  station,  at  the  head  of  the  judiciary.  He  disguised 
his  slaves  as  lictors,  officers  in  retinue,  who  bore  the  in- 
signia of  power  before  men  of  illustrious  political  position. 
Charioted  in  splendor,  he  thus  commenced  a  journey  from 


OCTAVIUS    C^SAR  255 

Rome  to  Naples.  Travellers  whom  he  met  moved  aside, 
overawed,  from  his  way.  The  doors  of  inns  were  eagerly 
thrown  open.  Carriages  and  horses  were  impressed  as  by 
governmental  power.  At  the  sea-shore,  in  the  name  of  the 
government,  he  seized  vessels  for  himself  and  his  attend- 
ants, and  effected  his  escape  to  Sicily,  where  he  threw  him- 
self under  the  protection  of  Sextus  Pompey,  then  in  power 
there. 

Antius  Restio,  another  of  the  proscribed,  escaped  from 
his  house  by  night.  His  slaves,  elated  at  their  master's 
doom,  commenced  pillaging  his  property.  One  alone  fol- 
lowed his  master;  and  strange  to  relate,  that  one  had  been 
cruelly  branded  in  the  face  by  his  master,  and  had  been 
loaded  with  chains,  from  which  his  insurgent  fellow-ser- 
vants had  released  him.  This  slave,  with  a  spirit  of  for- 
giveness which  Christianity  itself  might  envy,  follov7ed  his 
master,  concealed  him  by  the  wayside,  constructed  a  funeral 
pile,  and  then  with  inhumanity  of  which  even  paganism 
should  be  ashamed,  murdered  an  innocent  traveller  who 
was  passing  by,  and  placed  him  upon  the  pile.  While 
thus  employed  the  soldiers  came  up.  He  informed  them 
that  he  had  slain  his  master,  and  was  preparing  to  burn 
his  body,  and  pointed  to  his  branded  cheek  and  his  limbs 
galled  by  the  chains,  as  an  excuse  for  the  revenge  thus  sati- 
ated. The  unsuspecting  soldiers  cut  off  the  head  of  the 
murdered  man,  and  received  for  it  the  proffered  reward. 
Suspicion  being  thus  lulled,  the  slave  succeeded  in  convey- 
ing his  master  safe  to  Sicily.  It  is  difficult  to  exaggerate 
the  horrors  attending  the  execution  of  these  proscriptions. 
They  found  but  a  colinterpart  during  the  reign  of  terror  ia 
France.  In  the  one  case  as  in  the- other,  all  these  woes  were 
consequent  upon  the  strife  between  aristocratic  usurpation 
and  popular  equality.  The  recognition  of  man's  fraternity; 
the  adoption  of  merit  as  the  passport  to  office,  without  re- 
gard to  the  distinctions  of  rank,  would  have  saved  Rome  all 
this  expenditure  of  blood  and  misery. 

All  the  machinery  of  confiscations,    forced  loans,   and 


256  ITALY 

burdensome  taxes  was  called  into  requisition  to  aid  the 
triumvirs  in  prosecuting  the  civil  war  in  which  thej  were 
now  engaged.  The  soldiers,  conscious  of  their  power,  rioted 
in  robberies  and  plundering,  and  were  guilty  of  every  atroc- 
ity which  human  passion  could  incite.  Bands  of  slaves, 
liberated  by  the  flight  or  death  of  their  masters,  and  with 
no  badge  of  color  to  indicate  their  servile  condition,  as- 
sumed the  disguise  of  soldiers,  and  sought  the  redress  of 
their  past  wrongs  by  the  sorest  vengeance.  It  seems  that 
the  triumvirs  did  what  they  could  to  repress  these  disorders. 
Were  the  leaders  of  the  popular  party  ever  so  patriotic  and 
unselfish,  the  only  choice  before  them  was  to  submit  to  the 
haughtiness  and  the  outrages  of  patrician  suj)remacy,  or  to 
fight  the  battles  of  popular  rights  with  every  weapon  they 
could  grasp.  This  disposition  of  those  in  power  not  to  re- 
spect, but  to  trample  upon  the  rights  of  those  beneath  them, 
is  utterly  infamous,  and  through  all  past  time  has  deluged 
the  world  in  crime  and  woe.  The  only  alternative  for  the 
slave  is  patiently  to  bow  his  neck  to  the  yoke  and  his  back 
to  the  stripe,  or  to  assert  his  manhood  through  the  dreadful 
energies  of  conflagration  and  blood. 

Macedonia  and  Sicily  were  still  under  the  sway  of  the 
patrician  party,  and  many  of  the  aristocracy  from  all  parts 
of  Italy  flocked  to  the  banners  which  were  there  unfurled. 
Sextus  Pompey,  with  a  fleet  and  an  army,  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  island  of  Sicily,  and  there,  safe  from  immediate 
assault,  had  established  his  headquarters.  He  despatched 
his  ships  to  cruise  along  the  coast  of  Italy,  to  encourage  the 
friends  of  patrician  sway  to  persist  in  opposition  to  the  es- 
tablished government,  and  to  receive  on  board  any  who 
either  sought  protection  or  wished  to  join  his  camp. 

Though  the  triumvirs  at  Eome  were  in  the  undisputed 
possession  of  power,  the  old  forms  of  government  were  re- 
tained, the  offices  being  filled  by  men  in  favor  of  plebeian 
rights.  By  the  usual  forms  of  election,  Lepidus  and  Plan- 
cus  were  chosen  consuls.  Lepidus  remained  at  Eome  to 
administer,  with  his  colleague,  the  home  government.     An- 


OCTAVIUS    C^SAR  257 

tony  and  Octavias  Cassar  prepared  for  an  expedition  to  the 
East,  to  attack  Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  were  rallying  the 
forces  of  rebellion  there.  Notwithstanding  the  most  earnest 
entreaties  of  Cicero  that  Brutus  would  hasten  to  Kome  to 
aid  the  nobles  with  his  army  within  the  walls  of  the  capi- 
tal, Brutus,  more  sagacious  than  Cicero  with  regard  to  the 
strength  of  the  plebeian  cause,  declining  this  appeal,  crossed 
over  to  Asia,  and  effected  a  junction  with  Cassius  at  Smyrna. 

Octavius  and  Antony  speedily  despatched  an  army,  under 
able  generals,  across  the  Adriatic  to  Macedonia,  and  took 
possession  of  that  rich  and  powerful  province.  Traversing 
the  whole  kingdom  unopposed,  from  the  Adriatic  to  the 
JEgean  sea,  a  distance  of  nearly  three  hundred  miles,  Saxa 
and  Norbanus,  in  command  of  this  force,  established  them- 
selves in  a  very  formidable  position,  on  the  great  plain  of 
Strymon,  near  Philippi,  at  the  opening  of  some  mountain 
defiles,  through  which  they  supposed  that  Brutus  and  Cas- 
sius must  necessarily  pass,  should  they  attempt  to  return 
from  Asia  and  regain  Macedonia, 

The  patrician  generals  were  soon  on  the  march  with  a 
force  vastly  superior  to  that  of  their  plebeian  foes.  A  Thra- 
cian  chief  guided  them,  through  forests  and  swamps,  by  un- 
frequented paths,  across  the  mountains,  and  suddenly  their 
trumpet  blasts  were  heard  and  their  banners  gleamed  in  the 
rear  of  the  intrenchments  of  Saxa  and  Norbanus.  The  pa- 
tricians threw  up  formidable  intrenchments,  and  having  a 
vast  superiority  of  land  forces,  and  with  their  fleet  in  entire 
command  of  all  the  neighboring  seas,  they  hoped  soon  to 
starve  their  foes  into  submission  without  risking  a  battle. 
Octavius  and  Antony,  hearing  of  the  peril  of  the  army, 
hastened  to  its  aid  with  large  re-enforcements,  from  Brun- 
dusium;  and,  notwithstanding  the  most  energetic  endeavors 
of  Sextus  Pompey  to  cut  them  o£E  with  his  fleet,  they 
effected  a  landing  in  Macedonia,  and  soon  joined  their 
friends  at  Philippi. 

The  material  forces  now,  on  either  side,  were  nearly 
equal;  but  the  moral  forces  were  so  unequal  as  to  render 


258  ITALY 

the  victory  of  the  triumvirs  almost  certain.  Tlie  soldiers 
of  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  fighting  for  their  masters;  the 
sokliers  of  Octavius  were  fighting,  as  they  believed,  for 
themselves,  their  own  rights,  their  own  political  equality 
with  the  wealthy  and  the  high-born.  After  a  few  days  of 
cautious  manoeuvring  the  charge  was  sounded,  and  horse- 
man and  footman  rushed  into  the  battle. 

Cassius  led  the  left  wing  of  the  patrician  army,  Brutus 
the  right.  The  field  was  soon  so  enveloped  in  dust,  that 
neither  victors  nor  vanquished  could  tell  what  was  transpir- 
ing around  them.  Antony  rushed  upon  Cassius,  trampled 
down  his  cohorts,  and  sweeping  everything  before  him, 
broke  through  the  intrenchments,  and  seized  the  camp  of 
his  foe.  The  unhappy  assassin  of  Caesar,  accompanied  by 
an  ofhcer  and  a  single  freedman,  fled  to  a  neighboring  hill, 
and  immediately  despatched  one  of  his  staff  to  ascertain  the 
fate  of  the  division  led  by  Brutus. 

Anxiously,  from  the  hillside,  he  watched  his  progress. 
In  the  extreme  distance  he  soon  saw  him  meet  a  body  of 
cavalry,  and  a  faint  shout  reached  his  ear.  The  horsemen, 
with  his  messenger  in  their  midst,  now  commenced  a  rapid 
advance  toward  the  spot  where  he  stood.  Cassius,  inferring 
that  his  officer  was  a  prisoner,  and  that  his  captors  were  ap- 
proaching but  to  cut  him  down,  yielded  himself  to  the  folly 
and  the  cowardice  of  suicide.  Presenting  his  sword  to  his 
freedman  he  ordered  him  to  plunge  it  into  his  heart.  The 
order  was  obeyed,  and  Cassius  fell  dead  to  the  ground.  A 
moment  after,  the  cavalry  came  galloping  up  the  hill  to  an- 
nounce to  Cassius  that  Brutus  had  been  signally  successful, 
and  to  call  upon  him  to  rally  his  broken  bands  in  the  rear 
of  the  victorious  ranks.  Had  Cassius  lived,  the  whole  issue 
of  the  campaign  might,  perhaps,  have  been  changed. 

Brutus  was  thus  deserted  to  struggle  alone  against  the 
■^ide  of  adverse  fortune.  Though  he  had  maintained  his 
ground  and  repelled  the  assaults  of  the  enemy,  there  was 
but  little  in  prospect  to  encourage  him.  His  soldiers  had 
fought  through  the  influence  of  military  discipline,  and  not 


OCTAVIUS    C^SAB  259 

inspired  by  good-will.  Desertions  began  to  thin  bis  ranks. 
Octavius,  though  but  j^artially  victorious,  was  elated  by  the 
result  of  the  battle,  and  all  his  troops  were  eager  for  another 
fight.  Brutus,  conscious  that  he  was  growing  weaker  by 
every  hour's  delay,  gathered  such  re- enforcements  as  he 
could  speedily  command,  and  again  led  out  his  legions  in 
order  of  battle. 

Octavius  was  ready  for  the  strife.  Fiercely  for  a  few 
hours  the  battle  raged,  and  then  the  patrician  troops  began 
to  give  ground.  First  they  slowly  retired,  then  rapidly  re- 
treated, then  fled,  a  rabble  rout,  in  utter  confusion  and  dis- 
may. Brutus,  cut  off  from  his  flying  troops,  escaped  to  a 
ravine  in  the  mountains,  gloomy  with  overhanging  cliflis 
and  forests.  Several  of  his  friends  accompanied  him  in 
utter  despair.  The  sun  had  now  set,  and  the  gloom  of 
night  enveloped  them.  Brutus  sat  down  upon  a  rock, 
and,  for  a  moment,  gazed  in  silence  from  the  glen  through 
the  foliage  and  clifEs  to  the  stars  beaming  brightly.  Sadly 
he  conversed  with  his  friends,  in  such  strains  as  would  nat- 
urally fall  from  the  lips  of  a  reflective  man  whose  whole 
earthly  interests  were  wrecked,  and  who  had  no  confidence 
in  immortality.  The  Christian  can  look  beyond  time's  nar- 
row horizon  for  the  redress  of  all  wrongs,  but  Brutus,  in 
death,  could  see  nothing  but  a  leap  in  the  dark. 

"Oh,  unhappy  virtue!"  said  he,  "I  have  worshipped 
thee  as  a  real  good;  but  thou  art  a  vain,  empty  name,  and 
the  slave  of  fortune." 

Again  he  quoted  a  verse  from  the  Medea  of  Euripides: 

"0  Jupiter,  forget  not  to  punish  the  author  of  all  this  misery." 

Thus  the  melancholy  hours  of  the  night  wore  away.  A 
friend  was  despatched  to  see  if  he  could  ascertain  any  tidings 
from  the  camp.  But  he  did  not  return,  and  Brutus  rightly 
inferred  that  he  had  perished  by  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
The  morning  was  beginning  to  dawn,  when  their  retreat 
would  no  longer  be  safe. 

"It  is  time  for  us  to  go  hence,"  some  one  said. 


260  ITALY 

"Yes,"  Brutus  replied;  "we  must  indeed  go  hence;  but 
it  must  be  with  our  hands  and  not  with  our  feet." 

He  also  had  decided  upon  suicide.  Shaking  hands  with 
all  his  friends,  in  a  final  adieu,  and  thanking  them  for  their 
faithful  adherence  to  his  cause,  he  said: 

"I  weep  for  mj  country,  but  not  for  myself.  I  am 
happier  than  my  conquerors;  for  I  shall  leave  behind  me  a 
name  which  no  success  or  power  can  confer  upon  them." 

Then,  to  save  his  friends  the  anguish  of  witnessing  his 
death,  with  two  attendants  he  retired  for  a  short  distance 
out  of  their  sight.  To  one  of  them  he  gave  his  sword,  and, 
placing  his  heart  against  the  glittering  point,  he  threw  him- 
self upon  it  with  such  force  that  he  instantly  fell  dead  to 
the  ground.  Thus  perished  Brutus — the  noble  assassin,  the 
heroic  self-murderer,  in  whose  character  were  singularly 
blended  far  more  of  the  virtues  than  of  the  vices  of  pagan- 
ism.    Brutus  died  at  the  early  age  of  forty-three. 

The  leaders  of  the  aristocratic  party  were  now  nearly  all 
destroyed;  and  the  power  of  the  triumvirs  was  effectually 
established.  But  the  soldiers  were  to  be  rewarded,  and 
their  expectations  were  high.  The  military  chest  was 
empty,  and  could  only  be  replenished  by  confiscation  and 
plunder.  Antony  was  accordingly  sent  to  Asia  to  reorgan- 
ize that  country,  and  to  raise  contributions,  by  those  extor- 
tions with  which  all  Eoman  generals,  of  every  party,  were 
so  familiar.  Octavius  returned  to  Italy  to  superintend  the 
important  matters  demanding  attention  there. 

Octavius,  suffering  severely  from  ill  health,  commenced 
slowly  his  journey  to  Rome.  But  the  triumph  of  the  ple- 
beians had  by  no  means  secured  the  liberties  of  the  23eople. 
They  soon  found  that  the  rapacity  of  a  victorious  army 
could  be  as  oppressive  as  the  extortions  of  a  rich  nobility. 
The  people  were  despoiled  of  their  property  and  their  lands, 
that  these  gifts  might  be  lavished  upon  the  troops.  This 
caused  so  much  exasperation  that  there  were  frequent  and. 
bloody  conflicts  between  tlie  soldiers  and  the  citizens; 
houses  were  plundered  and  destroyed,  and  anarchy,  even 


OCTAVIUS    CyESAR  261 

in  the  city  of  Rome,  became  so  great  tliat  the  shops  were 
closed  and  the  magistrates  resigned  their  offices  in  despair. 

Lucius  Antony,  a  brother  of  Marc,  raised  the  banner  of 
revolt  against  this  merciless  spoliation.  The  people  rushed 
eagerly  to  his  standards.  Patrician  and  plebeian  alike  com- 
bined for  mutual  protection  against  the  extortion  of  a  rapa- 
cious soldiery.  Octavius  himself  would  gladly  have  re- 
pressed these  disorders,  but  he  was  indebted  to  his  soldiers 
for  his  supremacy,  and  a  quarrel  with  them  would  leave  him 
entirely  powerless.  The  army  was  conscious  that  its  leader 
must  obey  its  behests,  and,  unscrupulously  and  unopposed, 
they  rioted  in  violence  and  oppression. 

But  Octavius  soon  had  cause  for  alarm,  in  seeing  that  a 
truly  national  party,  composed  of  men  of  all  parties,  was 
rapidly  forming  around  Lucius  Antony.  Octavius  had 
professed  to  be  the  leader  of  the  democracy,  but  now  the 
democracy  itself  was  organizing  against  him.  Undisci- 
plined citizens,  however,  could  make  but  a  feeble  stand 
against  the  veteran  legions  of  Octavius.  L.  Antony  was 
soon  overwhelmed.  But  anxious  still  to  court  popular 
favor,  and  to  retain  the  position  of  a  friend  of  the  people, 
Octavius  pardoned  the  plebeians  engaged  in  the  revolt,  and 
wreaked  his  vengeance  on  the  patricians  alone.  Lucius  An- 
tony, in  deference  to  Marc,  the  colleague  of  Octavius  in  the 
triumvirate,  was  pardoned,  but  nearly  all  the  citizens  of  dis- 
tinction who  were  taken  captive  were  remorselessly  put  to 
death.  Three  hundred  of  the  prisoners,  most  of  them  of  the 
highest  rank,  were  sacrificed,  on  the  Ides  of  March,  on  an 
altar  erected  in  honor  of  Julius  Caesar.  The  city  of  Pene- 
sia,  where  the  insurgents  had  made  a  stand,  was  plundered, 
and  then  burned  to  the  ground,  and  the  magistrates  were  all 
put  to  death.  Octavius  Cassar  was  then  but  twenty-three 
years  of  age. 

From  the  defeat  of  the  army  of  Lucius  Antony,  and 
from  the  executions  which  ensued,  a  young  man,  of  the 
highest  patrician  rank,  and  whose  family  subsequently  be- 
came renowned  in   history,   escaped  to  Sicily.     His  name 


262  ITALY 

was  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero.  His  wife,  Brasilia,  soon  after 
was  married  to  Octavius  Caesar,  and  his  little  son,  then  but 
two  years  old,  in  half  a  century  from  that  time,  as  Tiberius 
Caesar,  became  emperor  of  Rome.  Such  is  history,  and  such 
is  life.  The  impoverished  fugitive  to-day  is  the  monarch 
to-morrow — and  the  monarch  throws  aside  his  diadem  to 
perish,  an  exile  in  distant  lands. 

This  brief  contest,  thus  terminated,  rendered  all  further 
opposition  to  Octavius  hopeless.  The  whole  power  of  the 
empire  was  now  in  the  hands  of  a  mercenary  standing  army, 
and  that  army  dominated  its  chief,  Sextus  Pompey  was 
still  in  power  in  Sicily,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  and  well- 
disciplined  army,  and  his  fleet  was  in  supremacy  so  entire 
that  nearly  all  the  ports  of  Italy  were  blockaded  by  it,  and 
even  Rome  itself  was  thus  reduced  to  great  distress.  Some 
considerable  jealousy  had  now  sprung  up  between  Octavius 
and  Marc  Antony,  as  to  which  should  be  the  greater.  The 
one  was  Caesar's  nephew — the  other  his  oldest  associate,  and 
his  favorite  general.  Octavius,  very  wisely,  was  disposed 
to  compromise,  that  he  might  avert  the  threatened  breach 
of  friendship.  Fulvia,  the  wife  of  M.  Antony,  having  re- 
cently died,  Octavius  gave  him  his  sister  Octavia  in  mar- 
riage, and  agreed  that  all  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire, eastward  of  the  Ionian  gulf,  should  be  under  the 
exclusive  dominion  of  Antony,  while  Octavius  C«sar 
should  be  supreme  over  the  region  west  of  that  line. 
Lepidus  was  to  be  left  undisturbed  in  the  possession  of 
Africa.  The  triumvirs  then,  after  some  correspondence 
with  Sextus  Pompey,  held  an  interview  with  him  at  Mise- 
num,  on  the  coast  of  Campania,  and  concluded  a  treat}'-,  by 
which  they  surrendered  to  him  the  islands  of  Sicily,  Sar- 
dinia, Corsica,  and  the  province  of  Achaia.  They  also  paid 
him  a  sum  amounting  to  about  three  millions  of  dollars,  in 
compensation  for  his  father's  confiscated  estates.  Thus  the 
Roman  empire  was  divided  into  four  parts. 

It  is  pleasant  to  record  that  in  this  treaty  the  humane 
regulation  was  introduced,  that  there  should  be  a  general 


OCTAVIUS    C^SAR  263 

amnesty  for  all  political  offences,  and  tliat  the  proscribed, 
■who  had  fled  from  Italy,  should  be  allowed  to  return  in 
safety,  and  recover  a  fourth  part  of  their  confiscated  estates. 
But  the  leviathan  of  human  depravity  is  not  easily  tamed. 
War  was  soon  renewed ;  and  the  shouts  of  the  infuriated 
combatants  pierced  the  skies,  while  conflagration  and  blood 
desolated  the  land.  The  Parthians,  from  the  eastern  shores 
of  the  Caspian,  had  marched  upon  Syria;  and,  after  many 
fierce  battles,  all  Syria  and  Palestine,  with  the  exception  of 
Tyre  alone,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  invaders.  The  foe 
then  ravaged  Cilicia,  and  like  demon  legions  penetrated 
Asia  Minor.  Antony  raised  an  army  in  Greece  for  the 
recovery  of  his  provinces,  and  again  the  torrid  billows  of 
war  rolled  over  the  land,  leaving  in  their  train  pestilence, 
famine,  and  misery.  But  the  Parthians  were  driven  out, 
and  the  woe-scathed  people  had  Antony  for  their  plunderer 
instead  of  Pacorus,  the  son  of  the  Parthian  king. 

Difficulties  soon  arose  between  Octavius  and  Pompey, 
each  accusing  the  other  of  not  being  faithful  to  the  terms 
of  the  treaty.  Some  affirm  that  Octavius  was  the  aggressor, 
and  that  he  had  assented  to  peace  only  that  he  might  re- 
cruit his  energies  to  renew  the  war,  and  acquire  for  himself 
universal  empire.  Others  assert  that  Pompey,  hungering 
and  thirsting  to  regain  the  ascendency,  throughout  the 
Eoman  empire,  of  the  old  aristocratic  party,  of  which  his 
father  was  the  illustrious  representative,  was  responsible 
for  the  outbreak  of  hostilities.  The  question  cannot  well 
be  decided.  Even  to  the  present  day  opinions  will  be  ex- 
pressed according  to  the  reader's  proclivities  toward  the 
patrician  or  plebeian  side  of  this  question.  Neither  Octa- 
vius nor  Pompey  was  scrupulous  as  to  the  means  em- 
ployed for  the  attainment  of  his  ends,  and  there  can  be 
no  question  that  they  both  were  equally  eager  to  gain,  for 
the  parties  which  they  represented,  undisputed  dominion. 

The  war  between  aristocracy  and  democracy  is  ever 
waged  fiercely.  Octavius  wrote  immediately  to  Antony 
to  co-operate  with  him.     But  Antony  was  then  fully  occu- 


264  ITALY 

pied  with  the  Parthian  war,  and  it  is  supposed  that,  jealous 
of  the  power  of  Octavius,  he  was  perfectly  willing  that  he 
should  be  weakened  in  the  strife  with  Pompey.  But  for 
the  entreaties  of  his  wife,  Octavia,  the  sister  of  Octavius,  it 
is  said  that  he  would  even  have  united  his  fortunes  with 
those  of  Pompey.  Octavius,  baffled  in  his  first  attempts  to 
effect  a  landing  in  Sicily,  appealed  again  to  Antony.  The 
two  illustrious  sovereigns  met  at  Tarentum,  by  their  sole 
authority  renewed  the  triumvirate  for  five  years  more,  and 
Antony,  who  was  just  setting  out  on  a  military  expedition 
to  Parthia,  intrusted  his  fleet  of  three  hundred  ships  to 
Octavius,  and  also  his  wife  and  child,  to  reside  in  Kome 
during  his  absence. 

At  the  same  time  Octavius,  in  harmony  with  the  utter 
demoralization  of  the  times,  married  his  third  wife,  Livia 
Drusilla,  being  separated  from  her  husband,  Tiberius  Nero. 
Drusilla,  at  the  time  of  her  marriage,  was  on  the  eve  of 
again  becoming  a  mother.  To  this  unbecoming  union  Oc- 
tavius was  driven  by  mere  light  frivolity.  Octavius  first 
married  Clodia,  the  daughter-in-law  of  Antony.  He  soon 
repudiated  her,  and  married  Scribonia,  the  sister  of  the  wife 
of  Sextus  Pompey.  Both  of  these  unions  were  formed  for 
political  purposes  merely.  Octavius  charged  Scribonia  with 
being  as  frivolous  as  he  was  himself.  This  charge,  however, 
was  not  made  until,  incited  by  a  passion  for  Drusilla,  he  had 
resolved  to  divorce  Scribonia.  This  divorce  was  effected 
with  such  haste  as  proved  how  thoughtless  the  union  orig- 
inally was.  At  this  time  Octavius  was  but  twenty-five 
years  of  age. 

A  vast  amount  of  money  was  needed  for  the  prosecution 
of  the  war  against  Pompey,  and  Italy  again  groaned  beneath 
the  burden  of  taxation.  Every  man  of  wealth  was  required 
to  furnish  a  certain  number  of  slaves  to  provide  the  ships 
with  rowers.  In  the  spring  of  the  year  36  B.C.,  Octavius 
had  assembled  an  overwhelming  force  on  the  coast  of  Cam- 
pania. The  fleets  were  sheltered  in  the  lakes  Lucriuus  and 
Avernua,     Lepidus  had  sent  to  his  aid  a  powerful  army 


OCTAVIUS    CJEISAR  265 

from  Africa.  The  army  effected  a  landing  on  tlie  island  of 
Sicily,  and  Pompey,  utterly  defeated  both  by  land  and  sea, 
abandoned  the  contest  as  hopeless,  and  escaped  to  Pelopon- 
nesus. 

Octavius,  flushed  with  victory,  assumed  an  air  of  author- 
ity and  of  superiority  which  roused  Lepidus.  A  conflict  im- 
mediately ensued,  which  was  short,  bloodless,  and  decisive. 
The  soldiers  preferred  to  have  for  their  commander  one  who 
was  sovereign  at  Rome,  rather  than  a  governor  of  the  re- 
mote province  of  Africa.  In  a  body  they  passed  over  to 
the  camp  of  Octavius.  The  ruin  of  Lepidus  was  so  entire, 
and  so  utter  his  helplessness,  that  in  the  garb  of  a  sup- 
pliant he  repaired  to  the  tent  of  Octavius,  threw  himself  at 
his  feet,  and  besought  his  mercy.  There  was  no  occasion 
for  severity  upon  so  powerless  a  foe.  Octavius  spared  his 
life,  and  allowed  him  to  retire  wherever  he  pleased,  with 
his  private  property.  Some  of  the  nobles  had  rushed  to 
the  camp  of  Lepidus,  hoping  to  take  advantage  of  the 
quarrel  for  their  own  reinstatement.  All  of  these,  with  but 
few  exceptions,  were  mercilessly  put  to  death. 

Having  secured  the  enthusiastic  devotion  of  his  troops 
by  immense  gifts  of  money  and  lands,  Octavius  now  re- 
turned to  Italy.  The  army  was  in  his  hands,  a  pliant 
weapon  with  which  he  could  bid  defiance  to  the  world. 
By  such  influences  does  one  man  get  a  control,  which  com- 
pels millions  of  men  to  bow  to  his  sway.  A  people,  jealous 
of  liberty,  should  guard,  above  all  things  else,  against  the 
organization  of  a  great  military  power,  unless,  as  is  un- 
happily the  case  in  many  of  the  states  of  Europe,  this  great 
military  power  is  absolutely  essential  to  guard  against  the 
encroachments  of  menacing  foes. 

The  conqueror  was  received  in  Italy  as  undisputed  sov- 
ereign. Antony,  far  away  upon  the  plains  of  Asia,  was 
forgotten  in  Rome.  The  senate  voted  that  Octavius  Caesar 
should  be  received  with  that  triumph  called  an  ovation; 
that  an  annual  thanksgiving  should  be  appointed  in  com- 
memoration of  his  victory;  and  that  his  statue,  decorated 

Italy — 12 


266  ITALY 

with  triumplial  robes,  should  be  erected  in  the  forum.  He 
addressed  the  senate  in  speeches  containing  a  full  exposition 
of  his  political  views.  The  sentiments  he  advanced  were, 
generally,  eminently  just,  and  calculated  to  promote  the 
public  weal.  He  promised  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  grant 
peace  to  the  empire;  all  the  unpaid  taxes,  for  the  support 
of  the  war,  were  remitted;  he  proposed  vigorous  measures 
to  prevent  the  extortion  which  had  been  practiced  by  the 
public  officers,  and  established  an  efficient  city  police. 

But  these  judicious  measures  were  sullied  by  one  of  un- 
pardonable atrocity,  if,  through  the  somewhat  obscure  re- 
cital of  those  times,  we  are  correctly  informed  respecting 
its  nature.  In  the  treaty  with  Pompey,  amnesty  was  prom- 
ised for  all  political  offences.  A  large  number  of  slaves, 
who  had  served  under  Pompey,  were  now  scattered  through- 
out the  empire.  These  men  were  ordered  to  be  arrested, 
and  returned  to  their  former  masters,  if  they  could  be 
found.  If  their  masters  could  not  be  found,  they  were 
mercilessly  to  be  put  to  death.  It  would  seem  that  there 
must  be  some  mistalie  in  this  recital,  the  act  seems  so  un- 
reasonable. But  historic  fidelity  renders  it  necessary  that 
it  should  not  be  passed  over  in  silence. 

Sextus  Pompey  arrived  safely  in  the  Peloponnesus,  and 
sailed  thence  with  a  few  followers  to  Asia  to  seek  Marc 
Antony,  hoping  to  form  an  alliance  with  him  against  Oc- 
tavius  Caesar.  He  first  stopped  at  the  island  of  Lesbos, 
where  his  father  found  his  wife  and  child  on  his  retreat 
from  the  fatal  field  of  Pharsalia.  He  was  received  by  the 
inhabitants  so  kindly  that  his  hopes  were  quite  revived. 
A  number  of  his  partisans,  who  had  been  widely  dispersed, 
here  joined  him;  and  a  great  number  of  others  plundered 
and  wretched,  who  had  nothing  to  lose,  and  nothing  to  fear, 
as  no  change  could  be  for  the  worst,  offered  him  their 
services.  For  food,  clothing  and  a  chaDce  for  plunder, 
they  were  willing  to  go  anywhere,  and  serve  anybody. 

Antony  sent  a  force  of  disciplined  troops  under  M.  Titius 
to  oppose  him,  and  the  rabble  of  adventurers  gathered  be- 


OCTAVIUS   CMSAR  267 

neath  the  banners  of  Pompey  were  speedily  slain  or  dis- 
persed; and  Pompey  himself  was  taken  prisoner  and  cruelly 
slain.  The  death  of  this  illustrious  son,  of  a  still  more  illus- 
trious sire,  was  celebrated  by  Octavius  in  Eome  with  inde- 
cent rejoicings. 

Octavius  and  Antony  were  now  dividing  the  world  be- 
tween them.  They  were  both  men  of  too  much  ambition 
to  brook  a  superior;  and  Antony,  as  sovereign  of  the  east, 
was  by  no  means  disposed  to  yield  the  palm  to  Octavius, 
monarch  of  the  west,  though  Eome,  which  had  claimed  to 
be  the  mistress  of  the  world,  was  his  capital.  Every  month 
the  indications  of  an  approaching  quarrel  became  more 
clear.  Complaints  and  recriminations  passed  from  one  to 
the  other,  until  war  was  openly  and  madly  declared. 

Antony  was,  at  this  time,  in  Leucopolis,  a  city  of  Asia 
Minor.  Here  he  was  rapidly  becoming  fascinated  by  the 
beauty  and  the  charm  of  Cleopatra,  the  Egyptian  queen, 
whom  we  have  already  mentioned  in  connection  with  Julius 
Caesar's  visit  to  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs.  This  although 
Antony  was  already  married.  Octavius  sent  his  sister  Oc- 
tavia  to  her  undutiful  husband,  expecting  that  his  treat- 
ment of  her  would  be  such  as  to  magnify  his  unpopularity 
in  Italy,  and  rouse  the  people  to  that  vigorous  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war  which  personal  animosity  would  inspire. 
Antony,  in  obedience  to  the  requirements  of  Cleopatra,  the 
Egyptian,  who  languished,  sighed,  and  wept,  and  played 
off  all  the  pretty  artifices  of  coquetry,  not  only  sent  Octavia 
back  to  Eome,  refusing  to  see  her,  but  followed  this  outrage 
with  a  bill  of  repudiation  and  divorcement,  cuttingly  copied 
verbatim  from  the  divorce  which  Octavius  had  shamefully 
inflicted  upon  Clodia,  the  daughter-in-law  of  Antony.  Such 
was  Roman  virtue. 

Needless  almost  to  say  that  Antony  desired  to  marry 
Cleopatra,  of  whom  he  had  become  deeply  enamored. 
Whether  she  would  make  a  good  wife,  and  occupy  her 
position  as  such  with  the  dignity  that  a  Roman  should 
have  expected,   Antony  never  reflected  upon  at  all.     He 


268  ITALY 

was  entirely  enraptured  and  carried  away  by  her  external 
graces,  whicli  certainly  were  beyond  compare.  Shakespeare, 
in  his  play  of  "Antony  and  Cleopatra,"  describes  this 
woman  as  being  without  a  rival  in  all  the  perfections  of 
female  loveliness,  and  he  also  acquaints  us  with  her  power 
to  inthral  the  other  sex.  At  the  same  time,  she  lived  but 
for  pleasure,  and  her  extravagance  and  love  of  ostentatious 
splendor  knew  no  bounds.  Accordingly,  her  marriage  with 
Antony  was  one  of  the  most  gorgeous  festivities  in  the 
world's  history.  On  this  occasion  Antony  conferred  upon 
his  bride,  as  a  present,  vast  provinces  over  which  he  held 
sway. 

While  the  agents  of  Antony  were  collecting  an  army  in 
Greece  for  the  decisive  strife  with  Octavius,  he  repaired 
with  Cleopatra  to  Samos,  an  island  of  the  Archipelago,  to 
superintend  his  measures.  His  conduct  here  was  such  as 
must  needs  consign  his  name  to  utter  contempt.  His  camp 
was  crowded  with  armed  men  from  all  the  countries  of 
the  East,  blended  in  ridiculous  confusion  with  comedians, 
dancing  girls  and  buffoons.  From  Samos,  Antony  and  his 
beautiful  wife  proceeded  to  Athens,  in  Greece.  But  while 
they  were  thus  wasting  their  hours  in  folly  which  exposed 
them  to  universal  derision,  Octavius  was  mustering  all  his 
energies  for  the  strife. 

Still  Antony,  through  the  combined  energies  of  Egypt 
and  the  whole  western  empire,  had  assembled  an  enormous 
force,  consisting  of  one  hundred  thousand  foot,  twelve  thou- 
sand horse,  and  five  hundred  ships  of  war.  Octavius  had 
mustered  an  army  of  eighty  thousand  foot,  twelve  thousand 
horse,  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  ships.  His  ships,  how- 
ever, were  better  built  and  more  efficiently  manned  than 
those  of  his  antagonist.  With  such  forces  these  two  im- 
perial men  prepared  to  contend  for  the  mastery  of  the  world. 


C^SAR    AUGUSTUS   AND   MARC    ANTONY  269 


CHAPTEE  XV 

CJESAR  AUGUSTUS   AND   MARC  ANTONY 

FROM  32  B.C.   TO    10  B  C. 

Battle  of  Actium — Flight  of  Cleopatra — Entire  Victory  of  Octavius — The 
Pursuit  to  Alexandria — Suicide  of  Antony — Guile  of  Cleopatra — Her 
Endeavors  to  Win  Octavius — Despair  and  Suicide  of  Cleopatra — Tri- 
umphant Return  of  Octavius  to  Rome — His  Wise  Measures — The  Title 
of  Augustus  Conferred — State  of  the  Roman  Empire,  Italy,  Gaul,  Bri- 
tain, Spain,  Africa,  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Greece — Desolations  of  Civil  War 

ON  THE  coast  of  the  Grecian  province  of  Epirus, 
there  is  a  noble  sheet  of  water,  twenty-five  miles 
in  extreme  length,  and  from  three  to  ten  miles  in 
breadth,  now  called  the  gulf  of  Arta,  but  then  known  as 
the  Ambracian  gulf.  Within  this  bay  Antony  had  assem- 
bled his  fleet,  and,  in  a  formidable  position,  had  drawn 
them  up  in  line  of  battle.  Cleopatra,  in  alliance,  had  con- 
tributed sixty  Egyptian  galleys  to  the  armament.  Octavius 
entered  the  bay,  with  his  fleet,  prepared  for  the  decisive 
encounter.  The  two  armies  were  upon  the  opposite  shores, 
where  they  could  not  reach  each  other  or  take  any  part  in 
the  battle,  but  in  situations  in  which  the  whole  scene  was 
open  before  them,  and  where  they  could  animate  the  com- 
batants by  gestures  and  shouts 

The  hostile  ships  approached  each  other,  to  grapple  side 
to  side  and  to  engage  in  a  hand-to-hand  struggle,  with  all 
the  fury  human  passion  could  inspire.  Octavius  and  An- 
tony, in  person,  were  in  command  of  their  several  fleets. 
Cleopatra  also,  in  person,  assumed  the  command  of  her  own 
sixty  Egyptian  galleys.  The  luxurious  queen  sat  canopied 
in  her  imperial  barge,  ridiculously  surrounded  by  her  maids 
of  honor. 
•     The  morning  of  the  second  of  September,  31  B.C. ,  dawned 


270  ITALY 

clear  and  cloudless  upon  the  bay,  whicli  was  covered  and 
fetirrounded  with  all  the  pomp  and  pageantry  of  war.  The 
banners  of  the  opposing  legions,  and  the  gleams  of  polished 
helmet  and  cuirass,  sword  and  javelin,  glittered  in  the  sun's 
rays,  while  twenty-four  thousand  horsemen  rode  to  and  fro, 
impatient  to  participate  in  a  fight,  which,  however,  they 
could  only  witness  as  a  spectacle.  Such  a  gladiatorial  scene 
on  such  an  arena  stands  unrivalled  in  this  world's  history. 
In  beautiful  order  and  in  a  long  line  the  two  fleets,  driven 
by  the  arms  of  the  rowers,  approached  each  other.  Each 
ship  was  in  itself  a  fort,  containing  its  garrison  of  fighting 
men;  and  the  business  of  the  rowers  was  simply  to  lay  them 
alongside  of  each  other,  that  the  trained  soldiers,  hand  to 
hand,  with  sword,  javelin  and  battle-axe,  might  decide  the 
fray.    It  was  Rome  against  Rome;  Antony  against  Octavius. 

For  a  long  time  the  horrid  butchery  continued.  The 
clangor  of  the  battle,  as  steel  met  steel,  and  rang  upon 
coats  of  mail;  the  cries  and  shouts  of  onset  and  of  death; 
the  huzzas  of  the  legions  upon  the  shore;  the  cloud  of 
missiles  which  almost  darkened  the  air;  the  flash  of  fire- 
balls and  the  smoke  and  flame  of  the  conflagration,  all  com- 
bined to  present  a  scene  which  Trafalgar  or  Aboukir  could 
hardly  have  surpassed.  Cleopatra  was  struck  with  a  sudden 
panic,  as  she  saw  several  of  the  mammoth  quinqueremes  of 
Octavius  pierce  Antony's  centre,  hurling  destruction  on 
all  sides.  Fearing  that  her  detachment,  thus  cut  off,  was 
doomed  to  destruction,  she  gave  the  signal  for  retreat. 
This  created  a  general  panic,  and,  in  a  few  moments,  the 
whole  fleet  of  Antony  was  in  a  state  of  utter  rout,  the  oars- 
men straining  every  nerve  to  escape  as  they  could,  pursued 
by  the  exultant  galleys  of  Octavius,  hurling  destruction 
upon  the  fugitives. 

Antony  joined  Cleopatra  in  her  own  ship,  but  at  first 
was  so  angry  with  her  for  her  cowardice,  so  fatal  to  his 
cause,  that  for  three  days  he  refused  to  speak  to  her,  he 
remaining  at  the  prow  of  the  ship,  with  his  attendants,  and 
she,  with  her  maids  of  honor,  being  at  the  stern.     But  love 


C^SAR    AUGUSTUS   AND    MARC    ANTONY  271 

triamphed;  and  soon  in  complete  reconciliation  they  ap- 
proached the  coast  of  Africa.  The  army  of  Antony,  thus 
abandoned  by  its  leader,  and  cut  off  from  retreat,  either 
by  sea  or  by  land  by  vastly  overpowering  forces,  surren- 
dered to  Octavius. 

Antony  was  so  transported  with  mortification  and  rage 
that  he  resolved  to  resort  to  suicide,  which  seems  to  have 
been  the  E,oman  remedy  for  all  great  misfortunes.  With 
much  difficalty  he  was  dissuaded  from  the  cowardly  act, 
and  returned  to  Alexandria  with  Cleopatra, 

The  queen  of  Egypt  was  apprehensive  that  Octavius, 
having  subjugated  all  Greece,  Asia  Minor,  and  Syria,  would 
urge  his  conquering  legions  even  to  Egypt,  and,  conscious 
of  her  inability  to  repel  him  even  from  her  own  capital  of 
Alexandria,  she  adopted  the  desperate  resolve  of  transport- 
ing her  fleet  across  the  isthmus  of  Suez,  to  the  Red  Sea,  and 
embarking  there  with  her  army,  to  seek  a  new  realm  which 
she  would  conquer  for  herself  from  distant  and  unknown 
barbarians.  She  accordingly,  without  mercy,  robbed  her 
helpless  subjects,  confiscating  estates  and  pillaging  the 
shrines  of  the  gods  and  the  magazines  of  the  opulent, 
until  she  obtained  riches  sufficient  for  the  enterprise.  But 
the  difficulty  of  transporting  a  fleet  over  a  sandy  waste, 
eighty  miles  in  width,  was  found  to  be  insurmountable,  and 
Cleopatra  was  compelled  to  remain  in  Egypt  and  abide  her 
doom.  She  had  succeeded  in  transporting  a  few  of  her 
ships  across  the  isthmus,  but  the  Arabs  seized  and  burned 
them. 

Antony  and  Cleopatra  now  combined  to  place  Egypt  in 
the  best  possible  state  of  defence;  for  though  they  had  no 
hope  of  being  able  to  repel  their  proud  conqueror,  it  was 
probable  that  such  formidable  preparations  would  influence 
Octavius  to  grant  them  more  favorable  terms.  Indeed, 
Cleopatra,  whose  love  for  Antony  was  merely  ambition, 
and  the  pride  of  exercising  her  own  powers  of  fascination, 
resolved  to  sacrifice  him  and  to  make  terms  with  Octavius 
on  her  own  account.     She  had  had  considerable  experience 


272  ITALY 

in  diplomatic  negotiations,  and  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  wo- 
man of  great  canning  and  resource.  With  some  cogency, 
too,  she  argued  that  Octavius,  still  a  young  man,  might  feel 
flattered  at  being  approached  by  a  queen  renowned  for  both 
her  political  power  and  her  personal  beauty.  And  unluck- 
ily for  her  this  calculation  was  justified,  as  the  sequel  sets 
forth. 

Several  embassies  were  sent  by  Antony  and  Cleopatra 
to  Octavius;  but  with  each,  Cleopatra  treacherously  sent  a 
secret  messenger  with  propositions  of  her  own.  Octavius 
did  not  condescend  to  pay  any  attention  to  any  of  these 
combined  messages,  but  strode  onward  with  his  legions. 
He,  however,  opened  secret  communications  with  Cleopatra, 
and  with  that  perfidy  which  was  so  often  displayed  by  the 
most  illustrious  men  of  that  day,  offered  to  treat  Cleopatra 
with  distinguished  favor,  if  she  would  expel  Antony  from 
her  kingdom,  or  put  him  to  death.  History  declares,  with 
all  her  manifold  vices,  that  outside  of  Christianity  true  vir- 
tue has  rarely  been  found. 

At  length  Antony  discovered  this  secret  correspondence 
which  was  passing  between  Octavius  and  Cleopatra.  But 
Antony  was  powerless.  He  had  neither  fleet  nor  army, 
and  his  proud  mistress  had  but  to  utter  the  word  and  he 
was  banished,  imprisoned,  or  executed.  The  unhappy  man, 
inflamed  with  jealousy  and  rage,  and  conscious  of  utter  im- 
potence, was  almost  frantic.  But  the  days  were  passing, 
the  armies  of  Octavius  drawing  nearer,  and  the  doom  of 
Antony  and  Cleopatra  was  soon  to  be  decided. 

Octavius  reached  Pelusium,  at  the  mouth  of  the  most 
eastern  branch  of  the  Nile,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  from  Alexandria.  The  governor  of  the  city,  proba- 
bly at  the  suggestion  of  Cleopatra,  surrendered  without  the 
slightest  attempt  at  defence.  There  was  now  no  obstacle 
whatever  in  the  way  of  the  march  of  Octavius  to  Alexan- 
dria. But  Antony  resolved  not  to  perish  without  a  strug- 
gle. Cleopatra  had  again  acquired  her  accustomed  domin- 
ion over  him,  and  had  beguiled  him  into  the  belief  that  she 


CJESAR    AUGUSTUS    AND    MARC    ANTONY  273 

was  attached  to  his  fortunes.  As  the  advance  guard  of  Oc- 
tavius  approached  the  city,  Antony,  at  the  head  of  a  picked 
body  of  troops,  sallied  from  the  gates,  and  for  a  moment 
resuming  his  long  lost  energies,  repulsed  the  division  with 
considerable  slaughter.  Elated  with  this  trivial  victory,  he 
returned  to  the  city,  and  in  a  sort  of  miniature  triumph' — the 
last  flicker  of  the  dying  flame  of  his  fortune — presented  to 
Cleopatra  a  soldier  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the 
fight.  The  queen,  in  continuation  of  her  duplicity,  mag- 
nificently rewarded  him  with  a  helmet  and  breast-plate  of 
gold.  But  that  very  night  the  soldier,  with  his  glittering 
reward,  deserted  to  the  ranks  of  Octavius. 

The  next  day  the  whole  army  of  Octavius  approached, 
both  by  sea  and  by  land.  His  galleys,  almost  covering  the 
sea,  impelled  by  vigorous  oarsmen  and  crowded  with  war- 
riors, entered  the  harbor.  His  infantry  and  his  cavalry, 
marching  beneath  those  eagles  which  the  genius  of  Julius 
Caesar  had  immortalized,  and  which  ever  seemed  to  lead 
to  victory,  invested  the  city  by  land.  But  Antony  had 
aroused  the  energies  of  despair.  He  had  collected  a  large 
fleet  and  army,  had  made  all  his  arrangements  for  a  conflict 
which  he  knew  full  well  must  prove  decisive,  and,  with  a 
throbbing  heart,  he  took  his  stand  upon  an  eminence  which 
commanded  alike  the  bay  and  the  shore,  that  he  might 
watch  and  guide  the  fight. 

His  galleys,  in  beautiful  order,  advanced  to  meet  the 
foe;  and  just  as  Antony  expected  to  hear  the  trumpets 
peal  the  charge,  and  to  witness  the  commencement  of  the 
murderous  fray,  to  his  amazement  and  consternation  he  saw 
the  fleet  of  Octavius  opening  to  admit  his  galleys;  the  two 
fleets  exchanged  friendly  salutes,  and  with  blending  banners 
and  triumphant  music,  returned  to  the  harbor. 

Bewildered  and  woe-stricken,  the  unfortunate  chieftain 
turned  his  eyes  to  the  land.  The  same  scene  was  opened  to 
him  there.  His  cavalry,  with  sheathed  swords  and  waving 
banners,  galloped  into  the  lines  of  Octavius,  where  they 
were  received  with  plaudits  which  almost  shook  the  temples 


27-1  ITALY 

of  Alexandria.  The  infantry  thus  abandoned  and  with  no 
retreat  before  them,  threw  down  their  arms  in  despair.  The 
duplicity  of  Cleopatra  had  been  successful,  and  Antony,  be- 
trayed, was  ruined  beyond  all  hope  of  redemption.  In  a 
state  of  ungovernable  fury  he  returned  to  the  city,  clamor- 
ously inveighing  against  the  perfidy  of  Cleopatra,  and  ap- 
parently resolved,  in  his  frenzy,  to  plunge  a  poniard  into 
her  heart  and  then  into  his  own. 

But  Cleopatra,  anticipating  this  violence,  was  prepared 
to  evade  it.  She  had  erected  a  strong  citadel,  in  which  she 
had  that  morning  taken  refuge,  under  the  protection  of  an 
efficient  guard,  and  it  was  not  in  Antony's  power  to  ap- 
proach her.  Still  continuing  her  duplicity  while  concealed 
in  this  retreat,  she  caused  word  to  be  sent  to  Antony  that, 
in  despair,  in  view  of  the  defection  of  her  troops,  and  of  the 
utter  ruin  which  awaited  both  her  and  Antony,  she  had  re- 
fused longer  to  live,  and  had  committed  suicide. 

The  tale,  so  plausible,  again  deceived  the  deluded  old 
man,  whose  energies  of  mind  as  well  as  of  body,  voluptuous 
indulgence  had  enfeebled.  All  his  former  passion  for  Cleo- 
patra returned  with  the  violence  of  a  flood.  Bitterly  he 
condemned  himself   for  his  unjust  suspicions. 

"Miserable  man  that  I  am,"  he  cried,  "what  is  there 
now  worth  my  living  for.  All  that  could  render  life  at- 
tractive to  me  IS  gone.  Oh,  Cleopatra!  thou  hast  taught 
me  the  way,  and  the  only  way,  to  escape  the  misery  which 
is  now  my  lot. ' ' 

Calling  a  faithful  attendant  to  his  side,  a  man  named 
Eros,  who  had  been  his  slave,  but  whom  he  had  freed, 
Antony  placed  a  poniard  in  his  hand  and  ordered  him  to 
plunge  it  into  his  heart.  The  devoted  man,  who  had  prom- 
ised to  perform  this  deed  for  his  former  master,  should  for- 
tune drive  him  to  this  last  resource,  took  the  dagger,  and 
plunging  it  into  his  own  bosom  fell  dead  at  the  feet  of  An- 
tony. For  a  moment  the  Eoman  chieftain  hung  in  admira- 
tion over  the  corpse  of  his  faithful  attendant;  then  seizing 
the  blood-stained  weapon,  he  thrust  it  into  his  own  body, 


CJESAR    AUGUSTUS    AND    31  ARC    ANTONY  ^75 

inflicting  a  fatal  wound,  but  one  whicli  did  not  cause  imme- 
diate death. 

Writhing  in  anguish  and  deluged  in  blood,  and  yet  with- 
out sufficient  fortitude  to  repeat  the  blow,  he  entreated  his 
friends  to  put  an  end  to  his  life.  With  fright  and  horror 
they  recoiled  from  the  deed.  In  the  meantime  Cleopatra 
had  heard  that  Antony  had  stabbed  himself  and  was  dying. 
The  scene  in  Alexandria,  at  that  hour,  no  imagination  can 
conceive.  A  hostile  fleet  was  entering  the  harbor,  Eoman 
legions,  with  shouts  of  victory,  were  crowding  in  at  the 
gates.  Antony  was  dying.  Rumors  of  every  kind  filled 
the  streets  with  regard  to  Cleopatra.  The  vast  population 
of  the  city  surged  to  and  fro,  in  the  wildest  turmoil  and 
dismay. 

Cleopatra  did  not  dare  to  leave  her  retreat.  But  she  sent 
one  of  her  secretaries  with  a  body  of  men  to  bring  Antony 
to  her  presence.  He  was  taken  upon  a  litter  and  carried 
through  the  tumultuous  streets  to  the  citadel.  But  even 
then  the  queen  was  afraid  to  allow  the  gates  to  be  opened, 
and  cords  were  let  down  from  a  window  by  which  the  litter, 
containing  the  body  of  the  dying  man,  was  drawn  up  to  her 
apartment.  Antony,  pallid,  faint,  and  bathed  in  blood, 
gazed  feebly  upon  Cleopatra,  and  endeavored  to  reach  forth 
his  arms  as  if  to  embrace  her.  The  queen,  either  with  love 
revived  by  the  sight,  or  continuing  the  dissimulation  which 
had  ever  been  so  prominent  in  her  character,  wept  and 
bemoaned  bitterly.  She  tore  her  hair,  beat  her  breast,  and 
frantically  kissed  the  pale  lips  of  the  dying  man,  calling 
him  her  husband,  her  lord,  her  emperor. 

"Moderate  your  grief,"  exclaimed  Antony,  "and  still 
live,  if  you  can  do  so  with  honor.  As  for  me,  weep  not 
over  my  misfortunes,  but  congratulate  me  upon  the  happi- 
ness which  I  have  enjoyed.  I  have  lived  the  greatest  and 
the  most  powerful  of  men.  Though  I  now  fall,  my  death  is 
not  inglorious.  I  am  a  Roman,  and  by  a  Roman  only  have 
I  been  vanquished. ' ' 

He  had  but  just  uttered  these  words  when  he  fell  back 


276  ITALY 

in  his  litter,  and  tiie  spirit  of  the  Roman  warrior  departed 
to  God  who  gave  it. 

One  of  the  generals  of  Octavius,  named  Proculeius,  now 
approached  the  citadel  with  propositions  for  Cleopatra.  She, 
however,  justly  fearful  of  treachery,  refused  to  admit  him; 
but,  aided  by  his  soldiers,  he  effected  an  entrance  by  means 
of  a  ladder,  at  the  window  through  which  Antony  had  been 
drawn.  Cleopatra,  alarmed  at  finding  herself  a  prisoner, 
drew  a  poniard  and  attempted  to  stab  herself,  but  Procu- 
leius snatched  the  dagger  from  her  hand.  She  was  then 
conveyed,  with  the  respect  to  which  her  rank  entitled  her, 
to  the  palace  where  Octavius  had  established  his  headquar- 
ters, but  was  guarded  with  the  utmost  circumspection. 

Octavius,  now  undisputed  master  of  the  world,  was 
dreaming  of  the  splendid  triumph  which  awaited  him  in 
Rome;  and  the  presence  of  Cleopatra,  the  renowned  queen 
of  Egypt,  to  lead  in  the  train  of  the  captives,  would  be  one 
of  the  most  conspicuous  ornaments  of  the  triumph.  Con- 
scious of  the  degradation  which  awaited  her,  she  watched 
for  an  opportunity  to  commit  suicide.  Octavius  with  al- 
most equal  interest  guarded  his  captive,  that  she  might  not 
thus  escape  him.  Her  fetters  were  truly  those  of  silk  and 
gold,  for  she  was  treated  with  the  most  profound  deference, 
surrounded  with  all  her  accustomed  luxuries,  and  all  her 
wants  were  abundantly  supplied. 

Octavius  indulged  himself  with  a  triumphal  entrance  into 
Alexandria,  endeavoring  by  humanity  and  condescension  to 
secure  the  favor  of  the  people.  Yet  cruelly,  it  would  seem, 
he  caused  the  eldest  son  of  Antony,  and  also  Coesario,  Cleo- 
patra's son  by  Julius  Cffisar,  to  be  put  to  death.  Fearing 
nothing  from  any  of  the  other  children  of  Cleopatra,  he 
treated  them  all  as  princes,  providing  them  with  teachers 
that  they  might  receive  an  education  suitable  to  their  rank. 

At  length  Octavius  visited  Cleopatra  in  person.  She  re- 
ceived him  artistically  languishing  upon  a  couch,  draped 
in  handsome  and  costly  garments,  greatly  setting  ofi  her 
beauty;  for  though  the  freshness  of  youth  had  departed, 


C^SAR    AUGUSTUS   AND    MARC   ANTONY  277 

she  was  still  a  woman  of  rare  loveliness.  ISIo  one  knew 
better  than  Cleopatra  how  to  magnify  her  charms,  by  tones 
of  softness,  and  that  artlessness  of  manner  which  is  the 
highest  achievement  of  art.  Her  beautiful  eyes  were  filled 
with  tears,  her  cheek  flushed  with  emotion,  and  rising  from 
her  couch  she  fell,  half-fainting,  prostrate  at  the  feet  of 
Octavius.  The  young  conqueror  lifted  her  up  gently,  al- 
though quite  unmoved  by  either  her  distress  or  her  charms. 
She  had  designed  to  captivate  him  by  the  same  methods  she 
had  formerly  employed,  and  began  by  appealing  to  his  prob- 
able admiration  of  female  beauty.  How  could  he  treat  her 
cruelly !  Had  Cleopatra  been  nineteen  instead  of  thirty- 
nine,  the  decision  might  have  been  different,  and,  by  facile 
divorce,  the  way  might  have  been  made  easy  for  Cleopatra 
to  share  the  throne  of  universal  empire  with  Octavius.  But 
as  the  circumstances  were,  ambition  proved  more  powerful 
than  love. 

Cleopatra  exhausted  all  her  magazines  of  art — tears, 
smiles,  reproaches,  blandishments,  flattery,  supplications — 
to  win  Octavius,  but  in  vain.  He  treated  her  with  polite- 
ness, but  his  heart  remained  obdurate.  The  queen  took 
from  her  bosom  some  letters,  full  of  tenderness,  from  Julius 
Caesar,  and  with  a  trembling  voice  and  falling  tears  read 
them  to  Octavius. 

"But  of  what  avail  to  me  now,"  she  said,  "is  all  this 
kindness:  Why  did  I  not  die  with  him  ?  And  yet  in  Octa- 
vius I  see  another  Julius.  You  are  his  perfect  image.  He 
seems  to  have  returned  from  the  spirit  land  in  you. ' ' 

All  was  in  vain.  After  a  long  interview  Octavius  left, 
and  Cleopatra  reflected  in  despair  that  for  the  first  time  her 
charms  had  failed  her.  She  had  attempted  to  captivate 
Octavius  and  he  had  coldly  disdained  her.  What  more 
could  she  do  ?  JSTothing.  There  now  remained  for  her  but 
to  die,  or  to  be  carried  to  Rome  to  grace  the  triumph  of  her 
conqueror.  There  was  a  young  Roman  in  the  camp  by  the 
name  of  Dolabella.  He  was  much  affected  with  the  queen's 
grief,  and  she,  with  woman's  tact,  had  soon  thrown  around 


278  ITALY 

him  all  the  meshes  of  her  wiles.  Dolabella  kept  her  in- 
formed of  all  that  was  transpiring.  One  day  he  brought  to 
her  couch  the  tidings  that  in  three  days  she  and  her  children 
were  to  be  sent  to  Rome. 

The  crisis  had  now  come,  and,  with  singular  calmness 
and  fortitude,  Cleopatra  prepared  to  die.  After  taking  a 
bath,  she  attired  herself  in  her  most  sumptuous  robes,  and  sat 
down  with  her  friends  to  a  truly  regal  feast.  Apparently 
banishing  all  care,  the  festive  hours  passed  rapidly  away. 
At  the  close  of  the  feast  she  dismissed  all  her  attendants 
but  two.  She  then  wrote  a  note  to  Octavius,  informing  him 
of  her  intention  to  die,  and  requesting  that  her  body  might 
be  buried  in  the  tomb  with  that  of  Antony.  She  had  con- 
trived to  have  brought  to  her,  in  a  basket  of  flowers,  an  asp, 
a  reptile  the  concentrated  venom  of  whose  bite  causes  inevi- 
table death,  and  yet  with  but  little  pain.  She  despatched  the 
letter  to  Octavius,  and  immediately  placed  the  reptile  upon 
her  arm.  The  poisonous  fangs  pierced  her  flesh,  stupor 
and  insensibility  soon  ensued,  and  she  sank  back  upon  her 
couch  and  died. 

Octavius,  immediately  upon  receiving  the  letter  from 
Cleopatra,  despatched  messengers  hoping  to  prevent  the 
fatal  deed.  But  they  arrived  too  late.  Upon  entering 
the  chamber  they  found  Cleopatra  already  dead,  still  ar- 
rayed in  her  royal  robes.  Her  two  waiting-women  were  at 
her  side.  One  of  the  messengers  uttered  words  of  reproach ; 
but  the  maid  of  honor  replied: 

"It  is  well  done.  Such  a  death  becomes  a  glorious 
queen,  descended  from  a  race  of  illustrious  ancestors." 

'  Octavius  now  returned  to  Eome,  the  undisputed  master 
of  the  world.  His  ambition  was  gratified  in  a  very  magnifi- 
cent triumph;  the  portrait  of  Cleopatra  with  the  serpent 
upon  her  arm  being  borne  very  conspicuously  in  the  train 
of  the  captives.  Rome  was  now  at  its  culminating  point  of 
power  and  splendor.  Such  an  empire  liad  never  before  ex- 
isted upon  earth.  It  contained  within  itself  nearly  the  whole 
of  the  then  known  world,   being  bounded  by  the  Atlantic 


Cu^SAR    AUGUSTUS   AND   MARC   ANTONY  279 

Ocean  and  the  Euphrates.  It  was,  however,  a  heterogene- 
oas  realm;  a  conglomeration  of  discordant  states,  with 
every  diversity  of  languages,  manners,  customs,  and  laws. 
The  city  of  Eome  numbered  near  four  millions  of  inhabi- 
tants, a  motley  concourse  from  all  the  nations  and  tribes  of 
the  world;  the  circumference  of  the  city  was  fifty  miles. 

Octavius  now  commenced  a  series  of  measures  of  reform, 
which  have  secured  alike  the  approbation  of  friends  and 
foes.  Whatever  his  motives  may  have  been,  his  actions 
were  nobJe  in  the  highest  degree.  Every  act  seemed  aimed 
at  the  promotion  of  the  public  welfare.  /  Barbarous  customs 
were  abolished;  the  rights  of  the  citizens  protected;  hu- 
manity encouraged,  and  wholesome  laws  enacted  upon 
every  subject  which  legislation  could  reach.'  There  was 
transient  peace  throughout  the  world,  and  most  of  the  na- 
tions over  which  the  Eoman  eagles  fluttered  were  in  the 
enjoyment  of  a  measure  of  prosperity  such  as  the  world 
had  never  known  before. 

These  enactments  being  in  successful  operation,  and  the 
favor  of  all  classes  of  people  being  won,  Octavius,  whatever 
his  motives  may  have  been,  assembled  the  senate,  and  in  a 
carefully  prepared  speech,  which  he  read  to  them,  resigned 
all  his  power,  expressing  the  wish  to  retire  to  private  life, 
and  to  restore  Rome  to  the  old  constitution  of  the  common- 
wealth, republican  in  its  forms.  The  intelligence  of  most 
people,  even  now,  will  decide  that  such  a  conglomeration 
of  heterogeneous  people,  so  ignorant,  so  barbaric,  so  law- 
less, so  infinitely  diversified  in  manners  and  laws,  could 
not  be  well  governed  by  Republican  institutions.  It  is 
said  that  Octavius  could  not  have  been  blind  to  this;  that 
he  not  only  knew  full  well  that  the  senate  of  Rome  would 
not  accede  to  a  measure  so  suicidal,  but  that  he  had  actually 
arranged  with  his  partisans  in  the  senate  to  reject  his  pro- 
posal, and  that  thus  his  resignation  of  power  was  a  mere 
trick. 

It  may  have  been  so.  The  motives  which  influence  hu- 
man minds  are  so  conflictive  and  blending  that  it  is  not  easy 


280  ITALY 

to  pronounce  judgment.  Indeed,  the  heart  often  deceives 
itself.  Octavius  was  now  thirty-six  years  of  age.  Ambi- 
tion may  have  been  sated,  and,  as  he  could  then  retire  safely 
with  opulence,  renown,  and  an  immortalized  name,  he  may, 
with  a  mind  now  vacillating  to  this  side  and  now  to  that  of 
the  question,  have  decided  to  retire  to  the  tranquil  dignity 
opening  before  him.  At  the  same  time  he  may  have  been 
gratified,  and  his  ambition  inspired  anew,  by  the  solicita- 
tions of  the  senate  that  he  should  continue  in  power.  But 
whatever  his  motives  may  have  been,  the  facts  are  that  he 
made  a  formal  surrender  of  all  his  power  into  the  hands  of 
the  senate. 

The  senate  unanimously,  and  with  urgency  which  could 
not  well  be  resisted,  besought  him  not  to  resign,  declaring 
that  such  a  surrender  of  power  would  plunge  the  nation  into 
irremediable  disorder.  With  reluctance,  real  or  affected, 
Octavius  consented  to  retain  the  cares  of  empire  for  ten 
years  longer,  expressing  the  hope  that,  at  the  end  of  that 
period,  imperial  powers  would  no  longer  be  needed  for  the 
interests  of  the  state.  With  the  most  ardent  expressions  of 
joy  the  senate  and  the  people  accepted  this  consent.  All 
parties  now  vied  with  each  other  in  lavishing  honors  upon 
Octavius.  The  senate  voted  that  the  epithet  August  should 
be  ever  attached  to  his  name  of  Csesar;  and  from  that  time 
the  prefix  Octavius  has  been  dropped,  and  he  has  thence- 
forth been  known  as  Caesar  Augustus.  In  his  honor  the 
eighth  month  of  the  year  was  called  August,  as  the  seventh 
month  had  been  named  July,  in  commemoration  of  the  re- 
nown of  Julius  Csesar. 

Thus,  at  the  age  of  thirty-six,  Caesar  Augustus  com- 
menced his  legitimate  and  undisputed  reign,  which,  with 
the  cordial  support  of  both  senate  and  people,  continued 
undisturbed  for  forty  years.  His  administration  was  so 
brilliant  in  all  beneficial  results  that,  to  the  present  day, 
no  higher  commendation  can  be  conferred  upon  a  sovereign 
than  to  compare  his  administration  with  the  Aligustan  era 
of  the  Eoman  empire. 


CMSAR    AUGUSTUS   AND   MARC   ANTHOY  281 

The  remote  barbaric  island  of  Britain  was  nominally  in 
subjection  to  Eome.  Julius  Caesar,  during  his  campaign 
in  Gaul,  had  crossed  the  channel  with  a  fleet  of  one  hun- 
dred galleys,  and,  after  several  fierce  battles  with  the  sav- 
age inhabitants,  declared  himself  conqueror  of  the  island, 
and,  laden  with  what  was  then  called  glory,  but  with  noth- 
ing more  substantial,  returned  to  Rome.  The  petty  chiefs 
of  the  tribes  of  Britain  occasionally  sent  gifts  to  Augustus 
Caesar  to  propitiate  his  favor,  for  the  foray  of  Julius  Cgesar 
had  made  them  alarmingly  acquainted  with  the  energy  of 
Roman  arms. 

The  despotic  power  held  by  Augustus  was  conferred 
upon  him  by  the  appointment  of  the  people,  and  it  was 
universally  understood  that  this  power  was  wielded  for 
the  public  benefit.  All  history  shows  that  to  such  des- 
potism communities  will  readily  submit.  Such  was  the 
despotism  of  the  first  Napoleon.  The  French  people  re- 
garded him  as  their  own  creation.  They  regarded  with 
admiration  the  sagacity  and  energy  with  which  he  swayed 
the  sceptre  of  power  for  their  good;  and  they  were  ever 
eager  to  confer  upon  the  idol  they  had  enthroned  more 
power  than  he  wished  to  assume. 

By  the  famous  Portian  law,  the  origin  of  which  is  lost  in 
obscurity,  no  Roman  citizen  could  be  either  scourged  or  put 
to  death.  No  matter  what  his  crime,  the  severest  penalty 
which  could  be  inflicted  upon  a  citizen  was  exile  and  confis- 
cation of  property.  Even  in  the  army,  a  Roman  soldier 
could  not  be  flogged;  though  the  scourge  was  applied 
freely  to  soldiers  from  the  allies.  Such  was  the  law.  In 
times  of  mutiny,  however,  and  in  seasons  of  popular  vio- 
lence, the  law  was  often  disregarded. 

The  whole  Italian  peninsula,  from  the  Alps  to  the  Straits 
of  Messina,  was  now  called  Italy,  and  all  the  native  born  in- 
habitants of  this  region  had  attained  the  rights  of  Roman 
citizenship.  We  must  exclude,  however,  from  these  rights 
a  large  number  of  slaves,  torn  from  their  homes  in  various 
nations  by  the  rapacity  of  war.     Sicily  was  at  this  time 


282  ITALY 

quite  desolate.  It  had  recently  been  ravaged  by  tbe  wars 
between  Caesar  and  Sextus  Pompey,  and  impoverished  cities 
and  wasted  fields  everywhere  met  the  eye.  Immense  flocks 
and  herds  tended  by  slaves  were  pastured  on  its  fertile  plains 
and  mountain  sides.  The  islands  of  Corsica  and  Sardinia 
were  in  a  similar  state,  only  the  inhabitants,  on  a  much 
lower  scale  of  civilization,  were  exceedingly  barbarous,  and 
robbers  roamed  the  mountains  and  in  piratic  bands  infested 
all  the  neighboring  seas.  They,  not  infrequently,  even 
crossed  the  sea  to  Italy,  and,  after  plundering  a  few 
houses,  retreated  to  their  inaccessible  fastnesses  where 
they  could  bid  defiance   to  the  Roman  power. 

The  condition  of  the  Alpine  provinces,  bordering  Italy 
on  the  north,  had  been  essentially  the  same.  But  Augus- 
tus Caesar  himself  had,  at  one  time,  in  traversing  those 
provinces,  lost  all  his  baggage  and  many  of  his  soldiers 
from  an  attack  by  the  robbers,  which  so  exasperated  him 
that  he  entirely  extirpated  the  nation  of  the  Salassi,  selling 
no  less  than  forty-four  thousand  of  them  into  slavery.  He 
then  colonized  the  country  with  Roman  settlers.  One  of 
the  colonies  was  established  at  Aosta,  at  the  head  of  the 
valley  from  whence  two  roads,  still  famous,  branch  across 
the  Alps,  one  for  mules  over  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  and 
the  other,  then  practicable  for  carriages,  over  the  Little  St. 
Bernard.  Thus  tranquil  communication  with  Gaul  was 
secured. 

Gaul  had  hardly  yet  recovered  from  the  rough  usage  it 
had  encountered  in  its  recent  subjugation  to  Rome.  But 
twenty  years  had  elapsed  since  Julius  Caesar  swept  over  it 
with  his  legions.  The  Roman  conquest,  introducing  Ro- 
man laws,  arts  and  commerce,  had  proved  so  beneficial  to 
the  realm  that  the  Gallic  people  were  well  satisfied  with 
the  result.  Roman  colonies  had  been  established  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  kingdom.  Still  the  extortions  of  the  Ro- 
man governors  were  at  times  very  oppressive,  and  yet  per- 
haps not  more  so  than  were  the  exactions  of  the  native 
rulers  of  Gaul.     Human  sacrifices  were  prohibited  by  the 


C^SAR    AUGUSTUS   AND   MARC   ANTONY  283 

Romans,  and  also  the  barbaric  custom  of  carrying  about  as 
ornaments  the  skulls  of  enemies.  Learned  Greeks  became 
in  great  demand  in  the  cities  of  Gaul  as  teachers.  As  the 
Gauls  had  no  literature  of  their  own,  the  old  Celtic  lan- 
guage, which  was  not  a  written  language,  rapidly  disap- 
peared, and  the  Koman  took  its  place.  The  Latin  became 
of  necessity  the  court  language,  and  was  almost  exclusively 
adopted  by  the  higher  classes. 

The  peninsula  of  Spain  was  at  that  time  divided  into 
three  provinces,  Bgetica,  Lusitania,  and  Hispania  Tarraco- 
nensis,  each  of  which  was  placed  under  the  dominion  of  a 
Boman  governor.  Spain  had  been  in  the  possession  of 
Rome  for  about  two  hundred  years,  and  was  the  most 
flourishing  part  of  the  empire.  The  inhabitants  had  be- 
come almost  entirely  Roman  in  dress,  manners,  and  speech. 
From  the  valley  of  the  Gaudalquivir,  then  one  of  the  most 
fertile  and  densely  populated  on  the  globe,  a  very  lucrative 
traffic  was  carried  on,  along  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
with  the  cities  of  Italy.  The  articles  transported  in  this 
traffic  were  wool,  corn,  wine,  oil,  wax,  honey,  and  an  in- 
sect used  in  producing  a  celebrated  scarlet  dye.  The 
Spanish  merino  was  then,  as  now,  highly  celebrated,  a 
single  ram  often  selling  for  over  nine  hundred  dollars  of 
our  money.  Spain  was  also  rich  in  mineral  treasures,  gold, 
silver,  lead,  tin,  iron,  and  copper.  The  present  towns  of 
Cordova  and  Seville  were  then  distinguished  Roman 
colonies. 

All  the  northern  coast  of  Africa,  from  the  present  site 
of  Algiers  to  the  straits  of  Gibraltar,  was  called  Mauritania. 
Augustus  had  conferred  the  sovereignty  of  this  province 
upon  Juba,  an  African  prince,  who  had  married  one  of  the 
daughters  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra.  The  portion  of  north- 
ern Africa,  bordering  on  the  Mediterranean,  east  of  this  re- 
gion, extending  several  hundred  miles,  was  called  the  prov- 
ince of  Africa,  and  was  assigned  to  a  proconsul,  with  a 
military  establishment  of  two  legions.  It  was  a  powerful 
province,  and  was  engaged  in  almost  constant  warfare  with 


284  ITALY 

the  barbaric  tribes  of  the  unexplored  interior.  A  very  lib- 
eral trade  was  carried  on  between  this  region  and  the  Italian 
cities.  Next,  eastward,  came  the  large  province  Cjrenaica 
or  Libya,  originally  a  Grecian  colony,  but  now  devoured  by 
the  omnivorous  Eoman  empire.  From  this  region  the  cur- 
rents of  trade  flowed  eastward,  by  the  way  of  Egypt  and  the 
Red  Sea,  to  India.  There  was  then  a  canal  from  the  delta 
of  the  Nile  to  Suez  on  the  Red  Sea.  There  was  also  a  land 
route  across  the  desert,  tolerably  supplied  with  water  from 
wells  and  reservoirs.  Alexandria  was  the  great  Egyptian 
port  for  all  this  commerce.  When  the  Apostle  Paul  sailed 
from  Syria  to  Rome,  he  informs  us  that  the  voyage  was 
made  in  a  ship  from  Alexandria.  "When  we  had  sailed 
over  the  sea  of  Cilicia  and  Pamphylia, "  he  writes,  "we 
came  to  Myra,  a  city  of  Lycia.  And  there  the  centurion 
found  a  ship  of  Alexandria,  and  he  put  us  therein." 

At  this  time  Alexandria  was  the  second  city  in  the  Ro- 
man empire. 

Leaving  Egypt  and  following  along  the  coast  of  the 
Mediterranean  to  the  ^gean  Sea,  we  pass  through  the  ex- 
tensive, populous,  and  opulent  provinces  of  Syria  and  A.sia 
Minor.  These  provinces  were  cut  up  into  smaller  subdivi- 
sions, all  subjected  to  Roman  control.  Throughout  this 
wide  region  Greek  was  the  language  commonly  spoken, 
particularly  by  the  higher  classes.  Still  there  were  very 
many  languages  and  dialects  in  vogue  in  the  different  prov- 
inces. The  enormous  expenses  of  the  Roman  armies  de- 
manded heavy  taxation;  and  the  tax-gatherers,  unprin- 
cipled and  extortionate,    were  detested  by  the  people. 

All  Greece  was  divided  into  the  two  great  provinces  of 
Macedonia  and  Achaia.  Civil  war  had  swept  these  prov- 
inces with  a  blast  more  destructive  than  tornado  ever  in- 
flicted. The  war  between  Julius  Caesar  and  Pompey  was  a 
storm  which  emptied  all  its  vials  upon  that  devoted  land. 
The  cloud  was  but  just  disappearing,  and  the  thunders  of 
the  tempest  had  scarcely  ceased  their  reverberations,  when 
the  blackness  of  another  cloud  appeared  in  the  horizon, 


CuESAR    AUGUSTUS   AND   MARC   ANTONY  285 

gleaming  and  rumbling  with  the  most  terrific  menace. 
Again  the  tempest  swept  the  land,  as  the  legions  of  the 
triumvirs  and  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  surged  to  and  fro  in 
billows  of  flame  and  blood.  The  ashes  of  the  cities  were 
still  smoking,  and  the  clotted  blood  still  crimsoned  the 
fields,  when  the  bugle  blasts  announced  the  rush  of  still 
other  legions  to  the  war- scathed  arena,  and  all  the  powers 
of  the  east,  under  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  met  all  the  pow- 
ers of  the  west  under  Octavius  Caesar,  to  contend  for  the 
mastery  of  the  world.  Greece,  scathed,  depopulated,  smoul- 
dering, presented  but  a  melancholy  aspect  of  ruin  and  de- 
spair. But  notwithstanding  this  material  desolation,  Greece 
still  maintained  her  pre-eminence  in  literature,  philosophy 
and  the  arts. 


286  ITALY 


CHAPTER   XVI 

TIBERIUS    C^SAR,    CALIGULA,    AND    CLAUDIUS 

FROM  10  B.C.  TO  A.D.  51 

Unequal  Division  of  Wealth — Slavery — The  Jews — Tiberius  Caesar — Death 
of  Caesar  Augustus — Tyranny  of  Tiberius — His  Retreat  of  Capreae — 
Death  of  Germanicus — Edict  against  the  Play-Actors — Testimony  of 
Tacitus — Terrible  Accident — Caligula — Death  of  Tiberius — Crucifixion 
of  our  Saviour — Reign  of  Caligula — His  Cruelty  and  Madness — Assas- 
sination of  Caligula — Accession  of  Claudius — Anecdotes — Death  of 
Claudius — Accession  of  Nero — His  Character 

THERE  has  never  been  any  period  of  the  world  in 
which  wealth  has  been  so  unequally  divided,  as 
during  the  Augustan  age  of  the  Roman  empire. 
The  great  generals  and  the  haughty  nobles  rioted  in 
princely  luxury,  exhausting,  in  their  voluptuous  pleas- 
ures, the  revenues  of  whole  provinces.  There  was  an  order 
of  Roman  citizens,  below  the  nobles,  called  equites,  or 
knights.  The  fortune  necessary  to  admit  a  man  into  this 
order,  was  about  sixteen  thousand  dollars  of  our  money; 
and  yet  in  the  city  of  Rome,  with  a  population  of  over  four 
millions,  there  were  but  four  thousand  persons,  not  nobles, 
possessed  of  this  sum.  An  immense  number  of  the  popula- 
tion, at  but  a  slight  remove  above  begging,  were  mainly  sup- 
ported by  the  bounty,  so  called,  of  the  emperor;  that  is,  dis- 
tant provinces  were  robbed  to  feed  the  idle  population  of 
Rome,  which  population  was  ever  eager  to  rush  into  the 
armies  of  the  Csesars.  Consequently,  the  circling  and  swoop- 
ing of  the  Roman  eagles  was  pretty  certain  to  be  seen  where- 
ever  plunder  was  to  be  found.  And  no  plunder  was  more 
eagerly  grasped  by  the  brutal  soldiery  of  pagan  Rome  than 
the  matrons  and  maidens  of  the  conquered  nations.  But 
little  more  than  half  a  century  before  the  reign  of  Cassar 
Augustus,  one  of  the  consuls  at  Rome,  L.   Philippus,  de- 


TIBERIUS,  CuESAR,  CALIGULA,  AND  CLAUDIUS      287 

clared  that  there  were  not  at  that  time  in  the  whole  com- 
monwealth more  than  two  thousand  citizens  worth  anything. 
An  amazing  statement,  which,  however  it  may  have  been 
exaggerated,  proves  the  deplorable  state  of  the  times. 

All  the  industry  and  prosperity  of  the  empire  were  cursed 
and  crushed  by  slavery.  By  the  opulent  families  slaves 
were  so  generally  employed  that  there  was  no  encourage- 
ment for  the  free  laborer.  As  the  slaves  were  of  the  same 
race  with  their  masters,  many  of  them  being  men  of  high 
culture  and  genius,  they  were  occupied  in  the  most  impor- 
tant vocations.  Even  architecture,  medicine,  and  the  lib- 
eral arts  and  professions  were  in  their  hands;  and  these  em- 
ployments were,  consequently,  rendered  less  respectable  and 
less  profitable  when  pursued  by  others. 

The  condition  of  the  slaves,  generally,  was  dreadful. 
The  barbarous  wars,  ravaging  all  lands,  had  glutted  the 
market;  and  the  slaves  were  so  cheap  that  there  were  but  fee- 
ble motives  of  self-interest  to  restrain  masters  from  the 
inhumanity  of  wearing  out  their  slaves  by  neglect  and  hard 
usage.  According  to  Plutarch,  slaves  could  often  be  pur- 
chased in  the  Roman  camp  for  three  shillings  of  our  money. 
In  that  day  there  were  no  newspapers,  no  established  mails 
for  letters,  no  public  means  of  conveyance  for  travellers. 
Many  of  the  Roman  roads,  however,  were  excellent,  and 
there  were  relays  of  horses  to  expedite  the  journeys  of  gov- 
ernment couriers.  The  eastern  and  western  extremities  of 
the  Roman  empire  were  separated  by  the  formidable  barrier 
of  totally  different  languages,  the  Latin  being  the  predomi- 
nant language  in  the  west,  the  Greek  in  the  east.  In  the 
elementary  schools  at  Rome  nothing  was  taught  but  read- 
ing and  arithmetic ;  and  the  teachers  were  men  of  the  hum- 
blest station  and  acquirements.  The  religion  of  Rome  had 
but  the  slightest  influence  in  the  control  of  morals.  It  was 
an  axiom  among  the  philosophers  that  God  could  never  be 
the  cause  of  pain  or  punishment,  and,  consequently,  they 
had  no  fear  of  any  divine  retribution  for  whatever  crimes. 
And  the  silly  superstitions  of  the  vulgar  had  about  as  much 


288  ITALY 

influence  over  the  habits  of  life  as  the  fear  of  ghosts  has  at 
the  present  day.  The  writings,  the  paintings,  the  statuary, 
still  extant,  all  attest  to  the  exceeding  grossness  of  manners, 
and  the  unmitigated  sensuality  which  then  prevailed.  The 
idea  even  of  sympathy  and  brotherly  kindness  between  man 
and  man  seems  hardly  to  have  existed.  We  turn  over  page 
after  page  of  the  ancient  writers  in  the  vain  endeavor  to 
find  any  allusion  to  those  virtues.  There  were  no  alms- 
houses, no  hospitals,  no  societies  of  benevolence.  No  one 
raised  his  voice  against  the  degradation  of  the  lower  classes, 
against  slavery,  against  the  crimes  of  the  kidnapper,  and  the 
atrocities  of  the  slave  market. 

The  Jews  were  widely  scattered  over  the  eastern  prov- 
inces of  the  empire.  Their  kingdom,  in  Syria,  had  first 
been  overrun  by  the  Greeks,  then  by  the  Romans.  Their 
native  language,  as  a  spoken  tongue,  was  lost;  so  entirely 
was  it  lost  that  it  had  been  found  necessary  to  translate 
their  scriptures  into  Greek.  This  translation,  called  the 
Septuagint,  from  the  number  of  learned  Jews  engaged  in 
it,  was  made,  or  rather  commenced,  about  280  years  B.C., 
and  contained  "The  Scriptures"  in  general  use  by  the  Jews 
at  the  time  of  our  Saviour,  and  from  which  our  Saviour 
quoted  in  His  public  and  private  addresses.  Here  and 
there,  scattered  over  the  cities  and  villages  of  Palestine, 
were  individuals,  Romans  and  others,  who,  having  read 
these  scriptures,  had  imbibed  their  ennobling  spirit.  En- 
lightened by  the  revelation  of  one  God,  of  immortality,  of 
the  nature  of  piety,  these  "proselytes  of  the  gate"  who  had 
yet  not  become  Jews,  worshipped  the  true  God,  and  were 
thus  distinguished,  in  character  and  moral  conduct,  from 
the  pagans  around  them,  and  from  whom  they  emerged. 
They  were  spoken  of  by  the  Jews  as  "devout"  persons 
who  feared  God.  Such  was  the  Roman  centurion,  Cor- 
nelius, and  many  others  spoken  of  in  the  New  Testament. 

Fourteen  years  before  the  death  of  Cassar  Augustus,  our 
Saviour,  Jesus,  the  long-promised  Messiah,  was  born,  in 
Bethlehem  of  Judea,  in  the  days  of  Herod  the  king.     Herod 


TIBERIUS,  C^SAR,  CALIGULA,  AND  CLAUDIUS      289 

was  a  native  of  Syria.  He  had.  fought  under  tlie  banners  of 
Brutus  and  Cassius.  After  their  overthrow  he  joined  Marc 
Antony,  and  by  him  was  appointed  king  of  Judea,  one  of 
the  provinces  of  Palestine.  After  the  disastrous  battle  of 
Actium,  Herod  paid  such  successful  court  to  the  conqueror, 
Octavius  Caesar,  that  he  was  confirmed  in  his  Idngdom.  He 
was  a  man  of  distinguished  abilities  but  of  ungovernable 
passions,  and  execrable  and  •  infamous  in  character.  This 
was  the  Herod  who  ordered  the  assassination  of  all  the  babes 
of  Bethlehem,  hoping  thus  to  destroy  the  infant  Messiah. 
He  died  miserably  a  few  years  after  the  advent  of  Christ. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Augustus  Cassar  had  married, 
as  his  third  wife,  Livia  Hrusilla,  then  the  wife  of  Tiberius 
Nero,  a  Eoman  noble  and  general.  Caesar  had,  at  that 
time,  by  his  wife  Scribonia  whom  he  repudiated  for  alleged 
misconduct,  a  daughter  Julia.  Livia  had  also  a  son  Tibe- 
rius. Julia  and  Tiberius,  by  the  marriage  of  Octavius  and 
Livia,  became  brother  and  sister  in-law.  They,  however, 
were  subsequently  married,  and,  as  Csesar  had  no  other 
children,  Tiberius  was  adopted  as  his  heir.  Julia  behaved 
in  such  an  undignified  manner,  and  by  it  created  so  much 
gossip  and  scandal,  that  Augustus  himself  ordered  her  di- 
vorce, and  banished  her  to  a  small  island  just  oflE  the  coast 
of  Campania.  Here  she  was  imprisoned  and  treated  with 
great  rigor,  her  father  refusing  to  forgive  her,  or  even  to 
see  her  again.  This  might  be  considered  severe  treatment, 
but  no  doubt  it  was  merited. 

^..---CsBsar  Augustus  was  now  advancing  in  life,  and,  during 
the  last  ten  years  of  his  reign,  associated  Tiberius  with  him 
in  the  administration  of  the  empire.  As  the  shades  of  the 
evening  of  life  darkened  around  Augustus-,  he  displayed 
with  increasing  conspicuousness  that  gentleness,  courteous- 
ness,  and  affability  which  had  characterized  his  reign  for 
forty  years.  He  forbade  any  one  to  call  him  "lord"  or 
master.  When  the  people  urged  him  to  assume  the  title 
of  dictator,  he  cast  aside  his  robe,  saying  that  he  had  rather 
they  would  plunge  a  dagger  into  his  breast  than  give  him 

Italy— 13 


290  ITALY 

that  odious  name.  He  adopted  the  utmost  simplicity  in  his 
equipage  and  his  style  of  living.  When  a  delegation  was 
presented  to  him,  to  announce  in  the  name  of  the  senate  and 
the  people,  the  title  conferred  upon  him  of  "Father  of  his 
Country,"  he  was  affected  even  to  tears,  and  replied: 

"I  have  now  gained  all  that  I  have  desired.  What  is 
there  left  for  me  to  pray  for,  but  that  I  may  preserve,  to  the 
last  day  of  my  life,  this  same  unanimous  love  of  my  coun- 
trymen. ' ' 

When  seventy- six  years  of  age  he  accompanied  Tiberius 
on  a  journey  to  Beneventum,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  south  of  Rome.  Here  he  was  slightly  attacked  with 
illness.  Returning  slowly,  as  his  disease  grew  more  serious, 
he  stopped  at  Nola,  at  the  paternal  mansion  where  his  father 
died.  Here,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  nine- 
teenth of  August,  A.D.  13,  the  emperor,  Augustus  Caesar, 
expired,  saying  with  his  last  breath: 

"Farewell,  Livia!  and  ever  remember  our  long  union." 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  awful  corruption  of  those  times 
that  no  one  seems  to  have  been  shocked  at  the  supposition 
that  Livia  poisoned  her  husband.  Tacitus  attempts  to  ex- 
plain the  motives  which  might  have  influenced  Livia  to  this 
crime.  Poisonings  and  assassinations  were  so  common  that 
such  atrocities  seem  hardly  to  have  been  regarded  as  a  breach 
of  respectable  morality,  if  there  were  any  motive,  in  the  line 
of  expediency,  for  the  deed. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  Tiberius,  who  now  reigned  un- 
trammelled, was  to  assassinate  Agrippa,  the  son  of  his  di- 
vorced wife  Julia.  Agrippa,  quite  unprincipled,  was  as  bad 
as  his  mother.  Tiberius  said  that  Augustus  had  enjoined  it 
upon  him,  with  his  dying  breath,  not  to  allow  Agrippa  to 
live  one  day  after  Augustus  should  breathe  his  last.  Taci- 
tus, however,  says: 

"It  is  more  probable  that  Tiberius  and  Livia,  the  former 
from  motives  of  fear,  the  latter  impelled  by  a  stepmother's 
aversion,  expedited  the  destruction  of  this  young  man,  the 
object  of  their  jealousy  and  hatred." 


TIBERIUS,  C^SAR,  CALIGULA,  AND  CLAUDIUS      291 

It  is  recorded  of  Augustus  Cassar,  that  he  was  in  stature 
a  little  below  the  ordinary  size,  admirably  proportioned, 
with  brown  hair,  slightly  curled,  and  a  countenance  re- 
markably genial  and  mild.  He  was  extremely  temperate 
in  eating  and  drinking,  but  also  possessed  a  few  undesirable 
characteristics.  Graming  was  a  vice  which  followed  him 
through  all  his  years.  His  education  was  good,  and  all 
his  intellectual  efforts,  whether  in  writing  or  speaking, 
highly  creditable  to  him.  His  public  speeches  were  care- 
fully written  and  committed  to  memory.  He  never  was 
considered  a  man  of  courage  even  on  the  field  of  battle, 
where,  inflamed  by  the  excitement,  cowards  can  easily  be 
brave.  He  had  a  constitutional  dread  of  lightning,  and 
when  there  was  a  severe  storm,  would  hide  himself  in  the 
interior  of  his  house.  But  his  reign,  as  a  whole,  was  so  in- 
finitely superior  to  that  of  any  of  his  predecessors,  that  the 
"Augustan  era"  of  any  nation  has  become  a  proverbial  ex- 
pression to  denote  harmony,  prosperity,  and  enlightenment. 

The  funeral  of  Augustus  was  solemnized  at  Eome  with 
great  magnificence.  Tiberius  pronounced  the  eulogy  in  the 
presence  of  the  assembled  senate.  Temples  were  erected  for 
his  worship,  divine  honors  decreed  to  him,  and  the  supersti- 
tious people  were  fully  confirmed  in  the  belief  of  his  divin- 
ity, as  one  of  the  senators,  Numerius  Atticus,  attested  on 
oath  that  he  had  seen  Augustus  ascending  to  heaven. 

Tiberius  Caesar,  on  his  accession  to  the  government  of 
the  Eoman  emjDire,  was  fifty-six  years  of  age.  With  the 
exception  of  the  assassination  of  Agrippa,  which  Eome 
seems  to  have  regarded  as  a  mere  peccadillo,  the  com- 
mencement of  his  reign  was  distinguished  by  clemency, 
sagacity,  and  devotion  to  the  public  interests.  But  soon 
Tiberius  entered  a  career  of  cruelty,  which  has  transmitted 
his  name  with  infamy  to  the  present  day. 

Eetiring  from  Eome  he  sought  a  retreat  in  Campania,  a 
province  composing  part  of  the  present  kingdom  of  Naples, 
and  which  was  then  deemed  the  most  mild,  salubrious,  and 
fertile  spot  upon  the  globe.     At  a  short  distance  from  the 


292  ITALY 

shore  was  the  beautiful  island  of  Caprese.  Here  Tiberius 
surrendered  himself  to  the  most  extravagant  luxury,  and 
to  every  sensual  indulgence,  heedless  of  the  complaints 
and  the  misery  of  his  subjects.  Crime  created  suspicion, 
and  suspicion  engendered  cruelty.  Secret  spies  were  listen- 
ing at  all  keyholes,  and  the  most  harmless  actions  were  con- 
strued into  deadly  offences. 

The  legions  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube  had  a  com- 
mander by  the  name  of  Germanicus,  who  was  the  idol  of 
the  soldiery.  His  troops  urged  upon  him  to  assume  the 
sovereign  power,  promising  to  support  him  with  their 
swords.  Indignantly  he  repelled  the  suggestion,  punish- 
ing as  traitors  those  who  were  the  instigators  of  the  revolt. 
Nevertheless  Tiberius,  notwithstanding  the  loyalty  of  Ger- 
manicus, thus  effectually  tried,  dreading  his  popularity, 
ordered  him  on  a  distant  mission,  where  he  soon  perished, 
if  not  by  poison,  administered  by  command  of  Tiberius  as 
was  supposed,  certainly  by  hardships  and  exposure,  which 
the  emperor  had  arranged  to  secure  his  death.  The  chil- 
dren of  Germanicus  were  denounced  as  enemies  of  the  state, 
and  several  of  them  were  thrown  into  prison,  where  they 
were  starved  to  death.  The  wife  of  Germanicus,  thus  widowed 
and  childless,  was  driven  into  exile.  Execution  now  fol- 
lowed execution.  Suspicion  doomed  multitudes  to  impris- 
onment, torture,  and  death  without  the  formality  of  trial. 
When  one,  to  escape  this  cruel  torture  of  the  rack,  com- 
mitted suicide,  Tiberius  express  deep  regret  that  the  victim 
had  thus  escaped  him.  When  another,  in  agony  insupport- 
able, implored  that  death  might  put  an  end  to  his  suffer- 
ings, Tiberius  exclaimed,  "I  am  not  sufficiently  your  friend 
to  shorten  your  torments." 

The  fear  of  assassination  imbittered  every  hour  of  this 
monster's  life.  The  miseries  he  inflicted  upon  others  re- 
bounded upon  himself.  Piso,  one  of  the  most  illustrious 
of  the  Eoman  generals,  finding  that  his  own  doom  was 
sealed,  retired  to  his  chamber  and  plunged  a  dagger  into 
his  heart.     He  had  but  executed  the  orders  which  Tiberius 


TIBERIUS,  CJESAR,  CALIGULA,  AND  CLAUDIUS      293 

had  issued,  and  he  was  then  pursued  unrelentingly,  that 
it  might  be  made  to  appear  that  Tiberius  had  not  directed 
but  condemned  his  acts.  He  left  the  following  touching 
letter  addressed  to  Tiberius: 

"Oppressed  by  the  combination  of  my  enemies,  and  the 
odium  of  falsely  imputed  crimes;  since  no  place  is  left  here 
for  truth  and  innocence,  I  appeal  to  the  immortal  gods, 
that  toward  you,  Ceesar,  I  have  lived  with  sincere  faith, 
nor  toward  your  mother  with  less  reverence.  For  my  sons 
I  implore  her  protection  and  yours.  My  son  Cnaeus  had  no 
share  in  the  events  laid  to  my  charge,  of  whatever  character 
they  were,  since  during  the  whole  time  he  abode  at  Eome. 
My  son  Marcus  dissuaded  me  from  returning  to  Syria.  Oh 
that,  old  as  I  am,  I  had  yielded  to  him,  rather  than  he, 
youug  as  he  is,  to  me !  Hence  the  more  earnestly  I  pray 
that,  innocent  as  he  is,  he  be  not  involved  in  the  punish- 
ment of  my  guilt.  By  my  devoted  services  for  five-and- 
forty  years,  I  entreat  you;  I  who  formerly,  during  my 
fellowship  in  the  consulship  with  the  deified  Augustus, 
your  father,  enjoyed  his  approbation  and  your  friendship; 
I,  who  shall  never  ask  your  favor  hereafter,  implore  your 
mercy  for  my  unhappy  son." 

It  is  a  fact,  worthy  of  record,  but  not  easily  explained, 
that  during  so  corrupt  a  reign  as  that  of  Tiberius,  when  all 
sorts  of  wrongful  doings  were  practiced  with  unblushing 
effrontery,  even  Tiberius  should  have  entered  a  complaint 
to  the  senate  against  the  demoralizing  influence  of  play- 
actors. 

"In  many .  instances, "  said  the  emperor,  "they  sedi- 
tiously violate  the  public  peace.  Many  promote  dissen- 
sion in  private  families.  The  Oscan  Farce,  formerly  only 
the  contemptible  delight  of  the  vulgar,  has  risen  to  such 
a  pitch  of  depravity,  and  has  exercised  such  an  influence 
on  society  that  it  must  be  checked  by  the  authority  of  the 
senate. ' ' 

The  play-actors,  thus  denounced  as  a  public  nuisance, 
were  expelled  from  Italy.     The  senate  and  the  Roman  peo- 


294  ITALY 

pie  had  become  so  obsequious  that  a  proposition  was  made 
that  a  temple  should  be  reared  to  Tiberius,  and  that  he 
should  be  worshipped  with  divine  honors.  In  the  utterance 
of  the  following  fine  sentiments  Tiberius  rejected  the  pro- 
posal; showing,  in  accordance  with  the  declaration  of  Paul, 
that  there  is  a  law  of  right  and  wrong,  written  upon  the 
human  heart,  which  renders  every  man,  pagan  as  well  as 
Christian,  accountable  at  God's  bar: 

"For  myself,"  Tiberius  replied,  "I  solemnly  assure  you, 
and  1  would  have  posterity  remember  it,  that  I  am  a  mortal 
man;  and  that  I  am  confined  to  the  functions  of  human 
nature,  and  that  if  I  well  fulfil  my  duties  as  a  sovereign 
it  suffices  me.  Justice  will  be  rendered  to  my  memory,  if 
I  am  regarded  as  worthy  of  my  ancestors,  watchful  of  your 
interests,  unmoved  in  perils,  and  fearless  of  private  enmities 
in  defence  of  the  public  weal.  These  are  the  temples  I  would 
raise  in  your  breasts.  These  are  the  fairest  effigies,  and  such 
as  will  endure. 

"As  for  temples  of  stone,  if  the  judgment  of  posterity 
changes  from  favor  to  dislike,  they  are  despised,  as  no 
better  than  sepulchres.  Hence  it  is  that  I  here  invoke 
the  gods,  that,  to  the  end  of  my  life,  they  would  grant 
me  a  spirit  undisturbed,  and  discerning  in  duties  human 
and  divine.  And  hence,  too,  I  implore  our  citizens  and 
allies,  that,  whenever  my  dissolution  comes,  they  would 
celebrate  my  actions  and  the  odor  of  my  name  with  praises, 
and  benevolent  testimonies  of  benevolence." 

It  was  nine  years  after  Tiberius  commenced  his  reign 
that  he  retired  from  Rome  to  the  island  of  Capreae. 
Tacitus,  in  allusi  n  to  this  retirement,  says  that  the  prob- 
able motive  for  seeking  this  retreat  was  "that  he  might  in- 
dulge his  cruel  and  licentious  disposition  with  greater  effect 
in  the  secrecy  of  a  retired  situation.  Some  thought  that  in 
his  old  age  he  was  ashamed  of  his  personal  appearance,  for 
he  was  exceedingly  emaciated,  lank,  and  stooping,  his  head 
bald,  his  face  ulcerous,  and  thickly  patched  with  plasters." 
Tacitus  states  that  there  was  also  a  report  that  Tiberius  was 


TIBERIUS,  C^SAR,  CALIGULA,  AND  CLAUDIUS      295 

driven  from  Eome  bj  the  restless  spirit  of  his  mother,  whom 
he  scorned  to  admit  as  a  partner  in  the  sovereignty,  which 
she  demanded,  since  through  her  he  had  received  the  sov- 
ereignty itself. 

For  six  years  Tiberius  remained  at  Capreae.  During  this 
time  there  were  many  revolts  in  distant  provinces  and  many 
conspiracies  at  home,  all  of  which  were  put  down  with  a 
bloody  hand.  A  terrible  accident  occurred  at  this  time,  sur- 
passing anything  which  has  been  experienced  in  modern 
days.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Atillius  erected  at  Fidenae, 
a  few  miles  from  Eome,  as  a  pecuniary  speculation,  an  im- 
mense amphitheatre,  for  gladiatorial  exhibitions.  As  his 
sole  object  was  to  make  money,  he  sordidly  built  it  upon 
a  weak  foundation,  without  sufficient  braces,  for  an  edifice 
so  vast  and  to  contain  such  multitudes.  Crowds  of  all  ages 
and  both  sexes  flocked  from  Eome  to  witness  these  games. 
The  theatre  was  filled  to  overflowing,  and  a  countless  throng 
surrounded  the  walls,  when  they  gave  way,  with  an  awful 
crash,  some  portions  bulging  out  and  overwhelming  the 
multitudes  swarming  around  the  walls,  while  other  portions 
tumbled  inward.  Thousands  were  instantly  killed,  but 
other  thousands  crushed  and  mangled  were  buried  beneath 
the  ruins.  Their  cries  and  groans,  for  many  days  and 
nights,  filled  the  air  as  they  were  laboriously  dug  out  from 
the  mass  of  timber  and  stone.  According  to  Tacitus  the 
carnage  resulting  from  this  one  accident  was  greater  than 
the  slaughter  at  Waterloo.  Fifty  thousand  persons  were 
crushed  or  maimed  by  this  terrible  disaster,  which  led  to 
an  efficient  senatorial  enactment  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of 
such  a  calamity. 

There  was  at  Eome  a  young  man,  called  Caligula,  son 
of  that  renowned  general,  Germanicus,  whom  Tiberius  had 
so  much  feared,  and  whom  it  is  supposed  he  had  caused  to 
be  put  to  death.  This  young  man,  utterly  dissolute,  had 
played  the  sycophant  with  so  much  address,  flattering 
Tiberius,  applauding  his  voluptuousness  and  cruelty,  and 
paying  him  the  most  servile  homage,  that  be  so  ingratiated 


296  ITALY 

himself  in  the  favor  of  the  tyrant,  who  had  no  children, 
that  he  adopted  him  as  a  son,  and  took  him  to  share  his 
counsels  and  his  wickedness  at  Caprege.  Of  this  Caligula 
a  distinguished  Koman  orator  remarked,  "Never  was  there 
a  better  slave  or  a  worse  master. "  Tiberius  himself  said  of 
Caligula,  "He  has  all  the  vices  of  Sylla,  with  none  of  his 
virtues. ' ' 

At  length  the  sands  of  the  tyrant  Tiberius  were  run  out, 
and  his  death  hour  tolled.  He  did  everything  in  his  power 
to  drive  off  reflection  and  to  deceive  himself  with  hopes 
of  continued  life.  But  the  king  of  terrors  was  inexorable. 
Tiberius  had  left  his  retreat  at  Capreae,  and  was  at  this 
time  at  Misenum,  near  Naples.  As  he  was  reclining  upon 
his  couch,  death  rapidly  approaching,  his  physician  felt  his 
pulse  and  whispered  to  others,  "His  life  is  ebbing  fast;  he 
cannot  long  continue."  A  fainting  lit  ensued,  which  led  ail 
to  think  that  he  was  dead. 

The  courtiers  immediately,  mindless  of  the  corpse,  sur- 
rounded Caligula  with  congratulations,  declaring  him  the 
successor.  Triumph  and  joy  reigned  through  the  apart- 
ments, and  Caligula  was  exultingly  receiving  the  homage 
ever  attendant  upon  a  new  reign,  when,  to  the  consterna- 
tion of  all,  it  was  announced  that  Tiberius  had  revived  and 
was  calling  for  attendants  and  food.  But  the  wretched  old 
man  was  helpless.  A  few  persons  entered  his  chamber,  took 
a  pillow,  pressed  it  upon  his  face,  and,  after  a  short  and 
feeble  struggle,  the  smothered  monarch  lay  still  in  death. 
Thus  expired  Tiberius  in  the  seventy- eighth  year  of  his 
age,  and  the  twenty-second  of  his  reign. 

Our  Saviour  was  crucified  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  the 
reign  of  Tiberius  Csesar.  Pontius  Pilate  was  at  this  time 
the  Koman  governor  of  Judea.  Though  the  Jews  were 
permitted  to  retain  many  of  their  local  laws,  they  were  not 
permitted  to  inflict  the  death  penalty,  without  the  approval 
of  the  B-oman  governor.  Hence  the  Jews,  having  condemned 
our  Saviour,  took  Him  to  Pilate  for  the  confirmation  of  the 
sentence.     Pilate,  deeming  the  sentence  unjust,  as  he  could 


TIBERIUS,  C^SAR,  CALIGULA,  AND   CLAUDIUS      297 

find  no  ground  even  for  accusation,  and  yet  not  willing  to 
displease  his  Jewish  subjects,  referred  the  case  to  Herod, 
son  of  Herod  the  Great,  who  was  then  tetrarch,  or  sub- 
governor  of  Galilee,  the  province  in  Judea  in  which  our 
Saviour  had  been  arrested,  and  who  with  most  propriety 
should  take  cognizance  of  the  charges  against  Him.  This 
was  the  Herod  who  beheaded  John  the  Baptist  at  the  insti- 
gation of  his  wife  Herodias,  because  John  had  denounced 
their  irregular  union. 

But  Herod  was  unwilling  to  assume  the  responsibility  of 
condemning  a  man  to  death  who  was  manifestly  guiltless, 
and  referred  the  matter  back  again  to  his  superior  Pilate. 
The  governor,  thus  forced  to  action,  wickedly  surrendered 
the  victim  to  His  persecutors,  at  the  same  time  declaring 
that  Jesus  was  innocent  of  crime,  and  that  all  the  respon- 
sibility of  His  death  must  remain  upon  the  heads  of  His 
executioners.  "His  blood  be  upon  us,"  they  exclaimed, 
"and  on  our  children." 

It  is  related  by  Justin,  and  by  Tertullian,  Eusebius,  and 
others  who  have  perhaps  followed  his  narrative,  that  Pilate 
wrote  to  the  emperor  Tiberius  an  account  of  the  crucifixion 
of  our  Saviour  by  the  Jews,  His  subsequent  resurrection, 
and  the  miracles  which  He  performed,  and  that  Tiberius  was 
so  impressed  by  this  narration  that  he  reported  it  to  the 
senate,  with  a  recommendation  characteristic  of  the  super- 
stition of  the  times,  that  Christ  should  be  recognized  as 
divine,  and  take  His  place  as  one  of  the  crowd  of  Roman 
gods.  The  senate  did  not  accede  to  his  request,  but 
Tiberius  issued  an  edict  commanding  that  Christians 
should    not   be   molested   in   their   worship. 

Caligula  commenced  his  reign  with  a  brief  attempt  to 
secure  popularity  by  justice.  But  not  one  year  had  passed 
away  ere  he  surrendered  himself  to  the  uncontrolled  domin- 
ion of  vices  and  passions  rendered  furious  and  untamable 
by  years  of  indulgence.  Elated  by  the  accession  to  sover- 
eign power,  Caligula  assumed  the  most  arrogant  airs,  de- 
manded divine    honors,    and   appropriated   to   himself   the 


298  ITALY 

names  of  such  divinities  as  he  thought  he  most  resembled. 
His  conduct  was  often  that  of  an  idiotic  madman.  He 
erected  a  temple  of  gold,  and  placed  in  it  a  statue,  dressed 
daily  in  similar  clothes  to  those  which  he  that  day  wore. 
Crowds  were  influenced  to  gather  around  the  statue  in 
worship.  The  most  exquisite  delicacies  which  money  could 
purchase  were  offered  in  sacrifice  at  his  shrine.  He  even, 
with  sacred  rites,  ordained  his  wife  and  his  horse  to  officiate 
as  priests  in  the  service  of  the  temple,  reared  for  his  deifica- 
tion. His  extravagance  in  luxury  and  personal  gratification 
exceeded  all  bounds.  His  baths  were  composed  of  the  most 
costly  liquids,  his  service  was  of  gold;  and  jewels  were  dis- 
solved in  his  sauces.  His  horse,  Incitalus,  occupied  a  stable 
of  marble,  with  a  manger  of  ivory.  Grilt  oats  were  presented 
him  to  eat,  and  wine  from  a  golden  goblet  to  drink. 

The  cruelty  of  Caligula  was  equal  to  his  insane  folly. 
Senators  were  slain  at  his  command,  "uncondemned  and  un- 
tried. Death,  in  the  most  cruel  form,  was  the  doom  of  any 
one  who  incurred  his  suspicion.  He  fed  his  wild  beasts 
with  the  bodies  of  his  victims,  tossing  them  into  their  dens 
to  be  devoured  alive.  No  spectacle  was  so  pleasing  to  him 
as  the  tortures  of  the  dying.  His  spirit,  demonized  by  cru- 
elty, was  wrought  up  to  such  a  frenzy  that  he  was  heard  to 
express  the  wish  that  all  the  Roman  people  had  but  one 
neck,  that  he  might  despatch  them  at  a  blow.  His  warlike 
expeditions  to  Gaul  and  Germany  were  marked  by  folly 
which  the  world  had  never  before  seen  paralleled.  Indeed, 
if  one-half  is  true  which  history  has  transmitted  to  us  re- 
specting Caligula,  there  never  was  an  inmate  of  a  mad 
house  more  thoroughly   and  detestably  crazy. 

Such  a  monster,  wielding  the  sceptre  of  omnipotent 
power,  could  not  live  long.  As  one  after  another  of  the 
members  of  his  court  was  stricken  down,  it  was  plain  to  the 
survivors  that  there  was  no  alternative  before  them  but  to 
kill  or  be  killed.  Caligula,  having  every  nerve  of  suspicion 
quivering  with  sensitiveness,  suspected  a  conspiracy  for  his 
assassination.     A  beautiful  woman,  Quintilia,  was  arrested, 


TIBERIUS,  CjESAR,  CALIGULA,  AND  CLAUDIUS      299 

as  acquainted  with  the  plot,  and  put  to  the  rack  to  extort  a 
confession.  Heroically  she  endured  the  awful  agony,  and 
every  joint  in  her  body  was  dislocated.  This  act  roused 
the  conspirators  to  the  immediate  execution  of  their  deed, 
and  Cherea,  a  Eoman  senator,  as  Caligula  was  going  to  the 
bath,  plunged  a  dagger  into  his  heart,  exclaiming,  "Tyrant, 
think  of  this."  Thus  perished  one  of  the  most  execrable 
monsters  who  ever  burdened  a  throne.  At  the  time  of  his 
death  Caligula  was  but  twenty-nine  years  of  age,  having 
reigned  less  than  four  years.  It  has  been  well  said  of  this 
despot,  "Nature  seemed  to  have  brought  him  forth  to  show 
what  mischief  could  be  effected  by  the  greatest  vices,  sup- 
ported by  the  greatest   authority. ' ' 

Tlie  conspiracy  which  plunged  the  dagger  into  the 
bosom  of  Caligula  was  but  the  spasmodic  movement  of 
despair.  No  arrangements  whatsoever  were  made,  or  even 
contemplated,  for  securing  a  successor,  or  for  continuing 
the  government,  and  consequently  there  ensued  a  singular 
scene  of  confusion  and  anarchy.  The  conspirators,  terri- 
fied, and  not  knowing  what  destruction,  like  an  avalanche, 
might  fall  upon  them,  fled  into  all  possible  concealments. 
The  worthless  sycophants  and  partisans  of  Caligula,  antici- 
pating the  same  doom  which  had  befallen  their  infamous 
confederate,  also  fled  in  the  utmost  consternation.  Some 
soldiers,  strolling  through  the  deserted  palace,  found  hid, 
and  trembling,  behind  some  rubbish,  an  uncle  of  Caligula, 
named  Claudius.  He  was  an  unfortunate  man,  fifty  years 
of  age,  totally  devoid  of  common-sense,  having  experienced 
some  serious  mental  injury  from  the  diseases  of  infancy; 
and  yet  he  had  manifested  some  ability  as  a  writer.  Gen- 
eral viciousness  was  a  prominent  trait  in  his  character. 

The  soldiers  took  the  affrighted,  half  crazed  man,  and 
declared  him  to  be  emperor.  Then,  in  a  body,  marching  to 
the  senate,  by  the  moral  suasion  of  gleaming  swords  and 
sharp  pointed  spears,  they  influenced  the  senate  to  confirm 
the  appointment.  This  poor  wretch  had  a  wife,  Messalina, 
the  most  abandoned  wife  any  ruler  known  to  history  ever 


300  ITALY 

was  afflicted  with.  There  seems  to  be  no  record  of  her  hav- 
ing possessed  any  good  qualities  whatever.  On  the  other 
hand,  her  achievements  in  lying,  deceitfulness,  and  all  man- 
ner of  shameful  intrigue  would  be  hard  to  surpass.  Worst 
of  all,  Messalina  is  known  to  have  transgressed  seriously 
against  the  marriage  vow.  To  dwell  on  this  subject  here 
at  length  would  be  both  painful  and  superfluous.  We 
think  better  of  our  readers  than  to  believe  they  would 
welcome  further  details  of  a  life  that  was  in  this  particu- 
lar so  notoriously  and  flagrantly  bad.  Nor  do  we  conceive 
it  the  duty  of  the  historian  to  go  beyond  the  bounds  of 
propriety  in  order  to  make  plain  every  phase  of  a  vicious 
career.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  after  Messalina's  violent 
death  Claudius  married  one  Agrippina.  She  is  famous 
as  the  mother  of  the  child  subsequently  known  as  the  mon- 
ster Nero.  She  was  the  fourth  wife  of  Claudius,  two  hav- 
ing been  divorced  and  one  killed.  The  question  is  some- 
times asked  whether  the  world,  on  the  whole,  is  advancing 
or  retrograding  in  moral  character.  No  man  who  is  familiar 
with  the  history  of  the  past  will  ask  that  question.  England 
and  America,  manifold  as  are  the  evils  in  both  countries,  are 
as  far  in  advance  of  ancient  Home,  in  all  that  constitutes  in- 
tegrity and  virtue,  as  is  the  most  refined  Christian  family  in 
advance  of  the  most  degraded,  godless,  and  incorrigible. 

Some  of  the  first  acts  of  the  reign  of  Claudius  were  hu- 
mane, and  seemed  intended  to  promote  the  public  good. 
But  the  possession  of  unlimited  power  soon  developed  the 
malignity  and  energy  of  a  demon.  Britain  was  at  this  time 
rent  with  intestine  divisions,  the  barbaric  tribes  struggling 
against  each  other  in  deadly  warfare.  There  seemed  to  be 
no  prospect  of  any  end  to  the  strife.  Bericus,  the  leader  of 
one  of  these  tribes,  or  petty  nations,  went  to  Rome  and 
urged  the  emperor  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  island,  as- 
suring him  that  in  its  present  distracted  state  it  could  be 
easily  subdued.  An  army  was  accordingly  despatched  for 
its  conquest.  Marching  across  Graul,  and  embarking  on 
board    their    ships    on    the    shores   of    the   channel,    they 


TIBERIUS,  C^SAR,  CALIGULA,  AND  CLAUDIUS      301 

crossed  to  the  savage  island,  and  after  many  sanguinary 
battles  witli  the  natives,  planted  the  banners  of  the  em- 
pire securely  there. 

Claudius  was  greatly  elated  with  this  conquest,  and  re- 
paired in  person  to  Britain  that  he  might  receive  the  hom- 
age of  his  new  subjects.  This  was  A.D.  46.  After  remain- 
ing upon  the  island  sixteen  days  he  returned  to  Rome,  where 
a  magnificent  triumph  awaited  him.  His  achievements  were 
deemed  so  important  that  annual  games  were  instituted  in 
commemoration  of  them.  The  conquest,  however,  was  very 
imperfect,  since  but  a  few  tribes  had  been  vanquished,  and 
a  large  portion  of  the  island  still  remained  under  the  sway 
of  its  warring  but  independent  chieftains.  A  Roman  gen- 
eral, Plautius,  and  his  lieutenant,  Vespasian,  who  subse- 
quently rose  to  great  renown,  were  left  to  continue  the 
subjugation  of  the  island.  Thirty  battles  were  fought  be- 
fore Britain  was  fairly  reduced,  A.D.  51,  to  the  form  of  a 
Roman  province.  But  still  for  many  years  remote  tribes, 
in  their  fastnesses,  bade  defiance  to  all  the  armies  of  Rome. 

Carradog,  or  Caractacus,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  the 
king  of  South  Wales,  was  one  of  the  most  valiant  and  suc- 
cessful of  the  opponents  of  the  Roman  general.  But  the 
valor  of  barbarians  was  of  but  little  avail  against  the  dis- 
ciplined legions  of  the  empire.  In  a  decisive  battle  he  was 
taken  prisoner,  with  his  wife  and  daughter,  and,  as  trophies 
of  the  conquest,  they  were  sent  to  Claudius.  When  Carra- 
dog beheld  the  splendor  of  the  imperial  capital,  dazzled  by 
the  wealth,  power,  and  gorgeousness  which  surrounded  him, 
he  exclaimed: 

"How  is  it  possible  that  people,  in  the  enjoyment  of  such 
magnificence,  should  envy  Carradog  a  humble  cottage  in 
Britain  ?' '  Agrippina,  though  from  constitutional  tem- 
perament less  vicious,  was  no  less  unprincipled  than  Mes- 
salina.  She  ruled  her  weak  husband  with  a  rod  of  iron. 
One  day,  when  intoxicated,  he  imprudently  declared  that 
it  was  his  fate  to  be  tormented  with  bad  wives,  and  to  be 
their  executioner.     The  bint  was  sufficient  for  Agrippina. 


302  ITALY 

The  emperor  was  particularly  fond  of  mushrooms.  She 
prepared  with  her  own  wicked  hands  a  dish  for  her  bad 
purpose;  sprinkled  some  poison  upon  the  delicious  viand; 
with  smiles  presented  the  repast  to  Claudius,  and  had  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  him  fall  in  convulsions  and  die  at  her 
feet. 

We  have  mentioned  that  Agrippina  had  a  son,  whose 
name  was  Nero.  He  was  born  of  Agrippina' s  first  mar- 
riage, her  second  husband,  Claudius,  adopting  him  as  his 
son  and  heir.  Nero  was  but  seventeen  years  old  when  his 
mother  poisoned  Claudius.  He  was  highly  educated,  hav- 
ing been  trained  by  the  finest  teachers  the  times  could  fur- 
nish. It  has  been  said  that  the  commencement  of  his  reign 
was  marked  with  clemency  and  justice;  but  this  period  was 
so  exceedingly  short  as  scarcely  to  deserve  notice.  Influ- 
enced by  his  mother,  all  rivals  who  could  endanger  his 
sway  were  speedily  put  to  death  by  poison,  the  dagger, 
and  the  mystery  of  the  dungeon.  It  is  reported  that  the 
young  Nero  at  first  reluctantly  consented  to  these  assassina- 
tions.    But  all  such  scruples  soon  disappeared. 

Nero  pronounced  the  funeral  oration  of  Claudius.  It 
was  written,  however,  by  Nero's  accomplished  teacher, 
Seneca,  and  would  have  been  an  eloquent  performance 
had  it  not  been  so  ridiculously  untrue.  When  Nero 
touched  upon  the  wisdom,  foresight,  and  magnanimity  of 
the  imbecile  brute,  even  the  obsequious  senate  of  Home 
could  not  restrain  itself,  and  the  young  imperial  orator 
was  astonished  by  a  general  burst  of  derisive  laughter. 

Nero  had  early  married  a  lady  of  illustrious  birth  named 
Octavia,  whom  he  now  treated  with  the  grossest  neglect,  she 
being  supplanted  by  a  beautiful  emancipated  slave  named 
Acte,  who  was  purchased  in  Asia.  A  very  bitter  quarrel 
soon  sprang  up  between  Nero  and  his  mother.  Agrippina 
was  a  woman  of  much  ability.  She  had  accumulated  wealth 
which  even  rivalled  the  imperial  treasury,  and  there  was  a 
large  party  ready  to  espouse  her  interests  in  any  conflict 
with  her  son.     Claudius  had  left  a  son,  Britannicus,  four- 


NERO  803 


teen  years  of  age,  and  a  daughter  Octavia.  Agrippina  in 
her  rage  threatened  to  drive  Nero  from  the  throne  and  place 
Britannicus  upon  it. 


CHAPTER  XYII 

NERO 

FROM  A.D.  51  TO  A.D.  67 

Strife  between  Nero  and  his  Mother — Murder  of  Britannicus — Attempt  to 
Murder  Agrippina — Her  Escape — Effectual  Plan  for  her  Murder — Re- 
mark of  Tacitus — War  in  Britain — Horrible  Law  of  Slavery — Its  Exe- 
cution— Repudiation  and  Deatli  of  Octavia — The  Festival — Nero  Sets 
Fire  to  Rome — The  Christians  Falsely  Accused — Their  Persecution — 
The  Insurrection  of  Galba — Terror  of  Nero — lie  Commits  Suicide — 
Galba  Cliosen  Emperor — His  Assassination 

NEEO,  alarmed  lest  his  mother,  with  her  boundless 
wealth,  her  influence,  and  her  peculiar  sagacity, 
might  be  able  to  wrest  the  sceptre  from  him  and 
place  it  in  the  hands  of  Britannicus,  who,  as  the  son  of 
Claudius,  had  a  more  legitimate  right  to  the  throne  than 
he  had  himself,  plotted  the  death  of  Britannicus.  In  those 
days  it  was  necessary  for  every  conspicuous  man  to  guard 
incessantly,  and  with  the  utmost  vigilance,  against  poison 
and  the  dagger.  Neither  princes  nor  their  children  al- 
lowed themselves  to  partake  of  any  food  until  it  was  first 
tasted  by  a  special  ofhcer.  A  cup  of  drink,  yet  harmless, 
was  presented  to  Britannicus  by  his  taster,  but  so  hot  that 
he  handed  it  back  to  be  cooled.  Cold  water  containing 
poison  was  then  poured  in.  He  drank,  fell  back  in  con- 
vulsions, and  died  in  the  arms  of  Agrippina,  who,  with 
Nero,  was  present.  Nero  reclined  upon  a  sofa  in  apparent 
unconcern  as  the  prince  was  struggling  in  the  agonies  of 
death,  and  remarked  that  he  did  not  think  that  much  was 
the  matter  with  Britannicus,  but  that  from  childhood  he 
had  been  accustomed  to  such  fainting  fits.  The  body  of 
the  poisoned  prince  was  removed,  and  the  festive  banquet 
went  on  undisturbed.      Agrippina   understood  the  matter 


304  ITALY 

full  well,  but,  with  policy,  affected  to  be  deceived,  and  to 
regard  the  death  of  Britannicus  as  natural.  The  very  night 
of  his  murder,  in  a  storm  of  wind  and  rain,  the  body  of  the 
murdered  prince  was  burned  on  a  funeral  pile  in  the  Cam- 
pus Martius.  Such  were  the  achievements  of  a  Roman  em- 
peror at  the  commencement  of  his  reign  when  but  little  more 
than  seventeen  years  of  age.  There  were  then  one  hundred 
and  fifty  millions  of  people  subjected  to  the  despotism  of 
this  one  monster.  How  strange  the  power  of  circumstances, 
which  can  confer  upon  one  depraved,  contemptible  boy  such 
unlimited  dominion,  and  which  can  reduce  so  many  millions 
to  such  utter  helplessness ! 

The  vast  property  of  Britannicus  was  distributed  by 
Nero  among  his  own  partisans,  and  thus  their  support  was 
purchased.  But  Agrippina,  in  whose  bosom  maternal  milk 
had  been  converted  into  venom,  slowly,  cautiously,  deter- 
minedly prepared  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  her  detested 
son.  She  laid  aside  vast  treasures,  as  the  resources  for 
bribery  or  war.  She  courted  the  friendship  of  able  men, 
whose  co-operation  she  hoped  to  enlist;  and  held  frequent 
conferences  with  them  in  secret.  But  the  eye  of  Nero  was 
sleeplessly  upon  her;  and  though  they  both,  in  their  social 
intercourse,  alfected  the  most  cordial  relations,  and  addressed 
each  other  with  the  most  endearing  epithets,  neither  of  them 
was  blind  to  the  fact  that  they  were  engaged  in  a  conflict  of 
life  or  death.  The  mother  and  the  son  occupied  palaces  but 
a  short  distance  from  each  other,  and  were  each  surrounded 
by  numerous  retainers,  who  officiated  as  guards  of  honor. 
Nero,  by  his  imperial  power,  withdrew  from  Agrippina  her 
retainers,  and  she  was  left  almost  in  the  condition  of  a  pri- 
vate lady.  Fears  of  his  frown  prevented  also  any  of  the 
courtiers  from  ajiproaching  her  but  in  secret. 

Nero  was  soon  informed  that  his  mother  was  plotting  to 
effect  his  assassination,  and  to  place  one  Eubellias  Plautus 
upon  the  throne,  a  relative  of  the  deified  Augustus.  Nero, 
who,  like  most  guilty  men,  lived  in  a  state  of  constant  ter- 
ror, was  now  anxious  to  secure  as  speedily  as  possible  the 


^'ERO  805 

death  of  both  his  mother  and  Plautus.  But  Agrippina  was 
too  powerful  to  be  stricken  down  by  an  open  blow. 

The  only  way  for  Nero  to  gain  his  dreadful  end  was  by 
cunning.  Nero  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  worst,  if  not 
quite  the  worst,  of  all  criminals  who  ever  disgraced  a  throne. 
It  is  equally  certain,  however,  that  this  villanous  ruler  was 
looked  upon  with  more  indulgence  in  his  own  day  than  we 
look  upon  his  record  now.  For  one  thing,  murder — one  of 
Nero's  special  delights — is  a  far  more  serious  crime  than  it 
was  twenty  centuries  ago.  Eeluctantly  we  do  our  duty  in 
recording  that  both  mother  and  child  were  watching  for 
an  opportunity  to  murder  each  other.  The  following  in- 
genious plan,  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  end,  was  at 
length  adopted  by  Nero.  He  had  a  vessel  so  constructed 
that  by  withdrawing  a  few  bolts,  at  sea,  it  would  easily  fall 
to  pieces.  Agrippina  was  to  be  enticed  on  board  this  ship 
for  a  pleasure  voyage,  and  then  was  to  be  left  to  perish  as 
if  by  the  ordinary  casualties  of  wind  and  wave.  Assuming 
a  very  affectionate  air  he  invited  his  mother  to  accompany 
him  to  a  festival  at  Baise,  near  Naples,  on  the  sea-shore. 
Taking  her  arm  he  conducted  her  to  the  beach,  and  showed 
her  the  beautiful  galley,  richly  decorated,  which  he  had 
prepared  expressly  for  her  pleasure.  There  were  many 
other  regal  barges  floating  upon  the  wave,  but  none  which 
could  compare  with  that  devoted  to  Agrippina.  It  appears 
that  the  mother  was  quite  deceived  by  her  guileful  son.  A 
rich  banquet  was  prepared,  and  after  much  feasting  and 
merriment,  during  which  Nero  leaned  upon  the  bosom  of 
his  mother  very  lovingly,  he  accompanied  her  to  the  shore, 
that  she  might  embark  in  the  treacherous  barge  for  her 
country-seat  at  Antium,  near  Rome.  Conducting  her  to 
her  luxurious  seat  he  kissed  her  affectionately  and  bade 
her  adieu. 

It  was  then  past  midnight,  as  the  festival  had  been  pro- 
tracted to  this  late  hour.  The  night  was  wonderfully  fine, 
the  stars  shining  brilliantly,  and  not  a  breeze  rippling  the 
surface  of  the  Mediterranean.     Seamen  manning  the  three 


306  ITALY 

banks  of  oars  with  lusty  sinews  drove  tlie  barge  over  the 
glassy  sea,  when  suddenly  the  canopy  which  overarched 
Agrippina  fell  with  a  fearful  crash.  It  had  been  so  loaded 
with  lead  that  no  doubt  had  been  entertained  that  it  would 
effect  certain  destruction.  The  attendant  who  reclined  at 
Agrippina' s  feet  was  instantly  crushed,  but  one  of  the  par- 
titions fell  in  such  a  way  as  to  protect  Agrippina,  though 
she  was  slightly  wounded.  The  boat,  however,  filled  and 
sank;  many  perished,  others  escaped  by  swimming  to  the 
shore.  The  agents  of  Nero,  on  board,  who  had  made  pro- 
vision for  their  own  safety,  supposed  that  they  had  effected 
their  purpose,  and  that  their  victim,  mangled,  and  enclosed 
in  a  winding  sheet  of  lead  was  sunk  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea. 

But  Agrippina,  floating  upon  a  part  of  the  wreck  had 
sufficient  fortitude  and  sagacity  to  keep  silent.  In  the  early 
dawn  she  was  picked  up  by  a  small  boat  and  conveyed  to 
her  villa.  Though  she  perfectly  comprehended  the  treach- 
ery from  which  she  had  escaped,  she  shrewdly  pretended  to 
regard  it  all  as  an  accident.  She  immediately  despatched 
a  courier  to  inform  her  affectionate  son  that,  through  the 
mercy  of  the  gods,  she  had  escaped  fearful  peril,  but  en- 
treating him  not  to  be  needlessly  alarmed,  as  she  had  re- 
ceived but  a  slight  wound,  and  would  probably  soon  be 
quite  restored.  Nero  was  impatiently  waiting  to  receive 
the  news  that  his  mother  had  gone  down  to  her  watery 
tomb,  when  he  was  thunderstruck  with  the  intelligence  of 
this  utter  failure  of  the  plot.  He  knew  his  mother  too  well 
to  imagine  that  her  eyes  could  be  blinded  to  the  stratagem 
from  which  she  had  so  wonderfully  escaped,  and  he  doubted 
not  that  she  would  immediately  resort  to  some  desperate 
measure,  in  self-defence,  to  secure  his  assassination.  His 
only  hope,  then,  was  to  strike  a  blow  before  his  mother 
could  strike  the  one  she  was  doubtless  premeditating. 

Immediately  he  summoned  one  of  his  most  efficient  par- 
tisans, in  whose  depravity  and  efficiency  he  could  place  re- 
liance, ordered  him  to  take  a  strong  body  of  picked  men, 
hasten  to  the  villa  of  Agrippina,  break  into  the  room,  cut- 


^ERO  307 

ting  down  all  opposition,  and  kill  her  thoroughly.  Anicetus, 
the  executor  of  this  order,  with  his  band  of  assassins,  was 
soon  on  the  march.  Unannounced  and  unexpected  they 
burst  into  the  villa.  The  slaves  and  feeble  guard  fled  in 
all  directions.  It  was  midnight.  Agrippina  was  in  her 
chamber  with  but  one  maid,  and  a  single  lamp  was  dimly 
burning.  Hearing  the  noise  the  maid  fled.  Agrippina, 
alarmed,  raised  her  head  from  the  pillow,  when  the  assas- 
sins rushed  in,  and  one  blow  from  a  club  upon  her  head, 
followed  by  thrusts  of  swords  and  javelins  which  pierced 
her  body,  despatched  her  so  efiectually  that  Nero  declared 
that  the  mission  was  accomj^lished  to  his  perfect  satisfaction. 

There  was  a  law  enacted  by  the  Koman  slaveholders  that 
if  any  master  should  be  murdered  by  a  slave,  every  slave 
belonging  to  that  household,  male  and  female,  young  and 
old,  should  be  put  to  death.  The  object  of  the  law  was  to 
protect  the  life  of  the  master,  by  rendering  every  member 
of  his  household  responsible,  with  his  life,  for  his  master's 
safety.  A  slave  in  revenge  for  some  injury  which  he  had 
received  from  his  master,  Pedanius  Secundus,  struck  him 
dead.  The  law  doomed  the  whole  family  of  slaves,  four 
hundred  in  number,  to  capital  punishment.  There  were  in 
this  doomed  household  old  men,  babes,  boys,  and  maidens. 
The  deed  was  perpetrated  by  one  man,  maddened  by  out- 
rage, and  it  was  clear  that  all  the  rest  were  innocent.  These 
slaves  were  not  negroes,  but  men  and  women  of  the  same 
blood  with  their  master. 

The  sympathies  of  the  populace  were  excited  in  their 
behalf,  and  with  a  spirit  which  was  then  deemed  radical 
and  fanatic,  they  appealed  to  a  higher  law  than  that  of  the 
tyrants  of  Eome,  to  the  law  of  immutable  justice,  and  de- 
clared that  these  innocent  people  ought  not  to  be,  and 
should  not  be  beheaded.  The  question  created  great  agita- 
tion, and  there  were  indications  of  seditious  resistance  to  the 
execution  of  the  law.  Even  some  of  the  senators  espoused 
the  popular  cause,  and  declared  the  law  to  be  inhuman, 
contrary  to  justice,  and  that  it  ought  not  to  be  executed. 


308  ITALY 

The  conservative  party,  however,  cried  out  vehemently 
against  the  fanaticism  of  this  spirit  of  innovation.  Tacitus 
has  given  us  the  speech  of  Caius  Cassius,  one  of  the  slave- 
holding  senators,  demanding  the  execution  of  the  law: 

"When  a  man  of  consular  rank,"  said  Cassius,  "has  been 
murdered  by  his  slaves,  a  crime  which  none  prevented,  none 
disclosed,  what  security  can  any  man  feel!  Are  we  to  hunt 
up  arguments  against  a  decision  of  law,  long  since  weighed 
and  determined  by  our  wiser  ancestors  ?  Do  you  believe 
that  a  slave  could  murder  his  master  without  one  menace, 
one  incautious  word  betraying  his  design  ?  Grant  that  he 
concealed  his  purpose,  that  secretly  he  obtained  his  weapon, 
could  he  pass  the  guard  at  the  chamber  door,  and  perpetrate 
the  murder  unknown  to  all  ?  Our  ancestors  regarded  with 
suspicion  even  those  slaves  who  were  born  in  their  own 
houses,  and  who,  from  infancy,  had  partaken  of  their  kind- 
ness. But  we  have  slaves  from  various  nations,  with  rites 
and  customs  differing  from  our  own;  and  it  is  impossible  to 
curb  such  a  rabble  without  the  terms  of  law.  Under  this 
act,  some  who  are  innocent  must  doubtless  perish  with  the 
guilty.  But  of  a  routed  army,  when  every  tenth  man  is 
struck  down  with  a  club,  the  brave  must  fall  as  well  as  the 
cowards.  Every  great  judicial  warning  involves  somewhat 
of  injustice  to  individuals,  which  is  compensated  by  the 
general  benefit." 

This  reasoning  carried  the  majority  of  the  Roman  senate, 
and  it  was  decreed  that  the  law  must  be  executed;  and 
though  there  were  a  few  remonstrating  voices,  all  these 
guiltless  people  were  adjudged  to  death.  But  the  popular 
heart  was  aroused.  Tumultuous  throngs  were  assembled  to 
rescue  the  condemned.  Nero,  espousing  with  all  his  energy 
the  cause  of  what  was  then  called  the  "law  and  order"  party, 
lined  the  streets  of  Rome  with  his  armed  legions,  and  with  a 
guard  of  troops  conducted  the  whole  band  to  their  execu- 
tion. There  is  comfort  in  the  thought  that  there  is  another 
tribunal  where  the  oppressed  will  have  a  more  impartia"! 
hearing:. 


I^ERO  809 

One  wearies  of  the  task  of  describing  the  individual  as- 
sassinations which  Nero  perpetrated.  Favorite  after  favor- 
ite, passing  into  disgrace,  drank  the  poisoned  cup,  or  was 
pierced  by  the  dagger.  His  wife,  Octavia,  whose  life  was 
but  a  lingering  martyrdom,  he  repudiated,  and  then  he  mar- 
ried his  favorite,  Poppgea.  The  maids  of  Octavia  were  put 
to  the  rack  to  compel  them  to  accuse  their  mistress  of  crime 
as  an  excuse  for  the  repudiation.  But  even  all  the  intolera- 
ble agony  of  quivering  nerves  and  crushed  bones,  could  ex- 
tort no  evidence  against  Octavia.  But  Nero  was  resolved 
to  put  her  to  death.  He  called  Anicetus,  the  assassin  who 
had  murdered  Agrippina,  and  making  him  a  magnificent 
present,  requested  him  to  swear  that  he  had  positive  evi- 
dence of  the  guilt  of  Octavia.     The  tool  was  pliant. 

The  tyrant  then  in  an  edict  announcing  her  guilt  ban- 
ished her  to  the  island  Pandataria.  Here  this  unhappy 
princess,  the  daughter  of  the  emperor  Claudius,  and  both 
half  sister  and  wife  of  Nero,  and  sister  of  the  assassinated 
Britannicus,  but  twenty  years  of  age,  was  bound  hand  and 
foot,  and  her  veins  opened  under  every  important  joint  in 
her  body.  As,  through  excess  of  terror  it  is  stated,  the 
blood  coagulated  and  would  not  flow  freely,  she  was  placed 
in  a  vapor  bath,  very  highly  heated.  She  soon  fainted  and 
died,  and  her  head  was  cut  off  and  carried  to  Poppaea  to 
satisfy  her  that  she  had  nothing  more  to  fear  from  her 
rival.  Amazing  as  it  may  seem,  the  degraded  Roman  sen- 
ate decreed  thanksgiving  to  the  gods  on  account  of  the  exe- 
cution of  Octavia. 

Tacitus  and  other  Roman  historians  have  written  at 
length  about  the  personal  character  of  Nero,  as  well  as  his 
public  acts.  These  historians  differ  occasionally  in  matters 
of  detail,  so  that  if  one  read  only  one  account  of  this  em- 
peror one  might  derive  an  impression  slightly  different  from 
that  which  another  account  might  convey.  But  the  present 
writer  has  satisfied  himself  that,  in  the  main,  leaving  unes- 
sential particulars  aside,  the  authors  of  ancient  Rome  agree 
on  the  character  of  Nero.     There  are,  we  think,  several  ob- 


310  ITALY 

vious  conclusions  to  be  drawn  regarding  it.  Nero  was  de- 
void of  what  is  commonly  known  as  the  moral  sense,  that 
is  to  say,  he  never  felt  under  the  least  obligation  to  do 
right.  He  also  was  mentally  unbalanced.  This  is  shown 
by  many  extravagant  actions,  the  best  known  of  them  being 
his  attempt  to  destroy  his  own  capital,  of  which  episode  we 
shall  speak  circumstantially  further  on.  The  story  of  how 
he  had  his  mother  killed  proves  his  disposition  to  have  been 
excessively  morbid  as  well  as  cunning.  With  these  features 
of  his  character,  again,  we  are  able  to  connect  the  suspicious- 
ness of  his  nature.  There  was  hardly  anybody  in  his  retinue 
or  court  whom  he  trusted.  Constantly  he  imagined  that 
some  one  was  attempting  to  poison  him.  Besides  all  this, 
Nero  was  fiendishly  cruel,  and,  from  his  absurd  admiration 
of  his  own  abilities,  almost  insanely  despotic. 

One  day  some  one  repeated  in  conversation,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Nero,  the  line,  "When  I  am  dead  let  fire  devour  the 
world."  Nero  replied,  "It  shall  be  said,  'When  1  am  liv- 
ing, let  fire  devour  the  world.'  "  Eome  then  contained  four 
million  of  inhabitants,  dwelling  in  very  close,  narrow,  wind- 
ing streets.  Nero  ordered  his  secret  emissaries  to  fire  the 
city  while  he,  from  a  neighboring  tower,  watched  the  prog- 
ress of  the  flames.  The  buildings  were  mostly  of  wood,  and 
the  conflagration  was  such  as  this  world  had  never  witnessed 
before  and  has  not  seen  since.  It  is  said  that  Nero,  during 
the  conflagration,  in  his  private  theatre,  played  and  sang  the 
"Destruction  of  Troy."  The  motives  which  led  to  this  dia- 
bolical deed  were  probably  complex,  including  love  of  nov- 
elty and  excitement;  a  desire  to  behold  the  sublimity  of  the 
scene  in  which  the  dwellings  of  four  millions  of  people  were 
wrapped  in  flames — the  dismay  of  the  sufferers — their  fran- 
tic endeavors  to  save  life  and  property — and  the  picturesque 
exhibition  of  the  millions  of  the  homeless  and  the  perishing, 
the  aged,  the  sick,  parents,  children,  matrons,  maidens,  wan- 
dering, wailing,  dying  in  the  fields.  The  picture  possessed 
rare  attractions  in  Nero's  eyes.  The  wail  of  concentrated 
millions  was  music  which  but  few  mortals  had  been  priv- 


NERO  311 

ileged  to  hear.  It  is  also  said  that  Nero  wished  to  glorify 
himself  by  rebuilding  the  city  on  a  scale  of  far  greater  mag- 
nificence than  before.  It  is  estimated  that  the  population  of 
the  whole  Homan  empire,  at  this  time,  was  one  hundred  and 
fifty  millions.  By  robbing  these  mercilessly,  funds  could  be 
easily  obtained,  to  rear  a  new  Eome,  which  should  be  the 
pride  of  the  world. 

For  nine  days  and  nights  the  fire  raged  with  quenchless 
fury.  Multitudes,  which  have  never  been  counted,  caught 
in  the  narrow  streets,  perished  miserably  in  the  flames. 
Temples,  libraries,  palaces,  priceless  works  of  art,  all  were 
consumed.  Of  the  fourteen  sections  of  which  Eome  was 
composed,  ten  were  left  but  a  pile  of  smouldering  ruins. 
The  most  extortionate  taxes  were  levied  immediately  upon 
the  provinces,  and  with  the  immense  sum  thus  obtained 
Nero  commenced  rebuilding  the  city.  But  the  cry  of  mil- 
lions plunged  into  poverty  and  misery  could  not  be  stifled. 
The  tyrant,  alarmed  in  view  of  the  execrations  which  rose 
loud  and  deep  around  his  palace,  and  which  the  bristling 
spears  of  his  petted  guards  could  not  exclude,  endeavored 
to  shield  himself  from  obloquy  by  accusing  the  innocent 
Christians  of  the  crime,  and  punishing  them  with  the  most 
terrible  severity. 

"Not  all  the  relief,"  writes  Tacitus,  "that  could  come 
from  man;  not  all  the  bounties  that  the  prince  could  be- 
stow, nor  all  the  atonements  which  could  be  presented  to 
the  gods,  availed  to  relieve  Nero  from  the  infamy  of  being 
believed  to  have  ordered  the  conflagration.  Hence,  to  sup- 
press the  rumor,  he  falsely  charged  with  the  guilt,  and 
punished  with  the  most  exquisite  tortures,  the  persons 
called  Christians." 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Christ,  persecution  in  Judea  scat- 
tered the  Jews  all  over  the  Eoman  empire.  Christianity  was 
probably  thus  carried  to  Eome.  Paul  was  soon  taken  to  the 
imperial  city,  a  prisoner,  in  chains,  and  there,  for  two  years, 
he  preached  the  pure  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  even  in  the 
palace  of  the  C^sars.     A  large  and  flourishing  church  was 


312  ITALY 

ere  long  established  there,  and  on  no  page  of  holy  writ  does 
the  light  of  inspiration  beam  more  brightly  than  in  Paul's 
Epistle  to  the  Eomish  church.  The  purity  of  the  religion  of 
Jesus  Christ,  denouncing  in  language  the  most  impressive 
which  inspiration  could  frame,  adultery,  slavery,  extortion 
— declaring  God  to  be  the  common  Father  of  the  whole 
human  family,  and  that  every  man  should  see  in  his  fellow- 
man  a  brother,  whom  he  should  regard  with  brotherly  love; 
proclaiming  that  God  looked  with  indignation  upon  idolatry, 
that  He  would  avenge  all  wrong,  and  that  a  day  was  coming 
when  all  the  world  should  stand  at  God's  tribunal — emperor 
and  slave  on  the  same  footing — and  that  every  man  should 
receive  according  to  his  deeds — such  a  religion,  such  doc- 
trines, roused  Nero,  and  his  courtiers,  and  all  the  nameless 
pollution  of  pagan  Home  to  a  frenzy  of  rage. 

To  crush  this  rising  faith  the  most  atrocious  libels  were 
fabricated.  Infants  were  taken  to  the  church  to  be  bap- 
tized. Pagan  slanderers  affirmed  that  they  were  offered  in 
bloody  sacrifice.  Wine  was  drunk  at  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  and  bread  eaten  in  commemoration  of  our 
Saviour's  broken  body  and  shed  blood.  The  pagans  de- 
clared that  the  Christians,  in  midnight  feasts,  having  mur- 
dered a  man,  ate  his  flesh,  like  cannibals,  and  drank  his 
blood.  Thus  a  terrible  prejudice  was  created  against  the 
Christians.  Many  believed  these  stories  who  would,  per- 
haps, have  joined  the  Christians  had  they  known  the  truth. 
Tacitus,  the  renowned  pagan  historian,  who  seems  to  have 
been  a  man  of  much  candor,  and  of  much  appreciation  of 
right  and  wrong,  was  manifestly  under  the  influence  of  these 
gross  libels,  for  in  the  following  terms  he  describes  this  first 
persecution  of  the  Christians  at  Kome  by  Nero: 

"Christ,  the  founder  of  that  name,  was  put  to  death  as 
a  criminal  by  Pontius  Pilate,  procurator  of  Judea,  in  the 
reign  of  Tiberius.  But  the  pernicious  superstition,  repressed 
for  a  time,  broke  out  again,  not  only  through  Judea,  where 
the  mischief  originated,  but  through  the  city  of  Kome  also, 
whither  all  things  horrible  and  disgraceful  flow  from  all 


NERO  313 

quarters,  as  to  a  common  receptacle,  and  where  they  are 
encouraged.  Accordingly,  first  those  were  seized  who  con- 
fessed that  they  were  Christians.  Next,  on  their  informa- 
tion, a  vast  multitude  were  convicted,  not  so  much  on  the 
charge  of  burning  the  city,  as  of  hating  the  human  race. 
And  in  their  deaths  they  were  also  made  the  subjects  of 
sport,  for  they  were  covered  with  the  hides  of  wild  beasts, 
and  worried  to  death  by  dogs,  or  nailed  to  crosses,  or  set 
fire  to,  and,  when  day  declined,  burned  to  serve  for  noc- 
turnal lights.  Nero  offered  his  own  gardens  for  that  spec- 
tacle, and  exhibited  a  circensian  game,  indiscriminately 
mingling  with  the  common  people  in  the  habit  of  a  chari- 
oteer, or  else  standing  in  his  chariot.  Whence  a  feeling  of 
compassion  rose  toward  the  sufferers,  though  guilty  and 
deserving  to  be  made  examples  of  by  capital  punishment, 
because  they  seemed  not  to  be  cut  off  for  the  public  good, 
but  victims  to  the  ferocity  of  one  man." 

It  would  seem'that  the  whole  Roman  empire  was  plun- 
dered by  Nero  to  obtain  money  to  rebuild  Eome.  The 
temples  were  pillaged;  and  the  tax-gatherer,  with  his 
armed  bands,  penetrated  the  remotest  provinces,  not  a 
nook  even  of  Greece  and  remote  Asia  escaping  his  extor- 
tionate visits.  But  at  length  human  nature  could  endure 
the  monster  no  longer.  Servius  Galba,  governor  of  Spain, 
a  man  of  meditative,  pensive  mind,  and  of  courage  which 
no  peril  could  daunt,  resolved  at  whatever  hazard  to  rid 
the  world  of  Nero.  Disdaining  the  insidious  movements 
of  the  assassin,  and  believing  that  public  indignation  was 
ripe  for  revolt,  he  summoned  his  willing  legions,  declared 
war  against  Nero,  and  commenced  a  march  upon  Rome. 

The  spark  had  fired  the  train.  With  electric  speed  the 
insurrection  spread,  outstripping  the  forced  marches  of 
the  battalions  of  Galba;  and  the  tidings  reached  Rome, 
rousing  the  whole  city  to  enthusiasm,  even  before  the  tramp 
of  the  avenging  army  was  heard  upon  the  southern  slopes  of 
the  Alps.  Nero  was  seated  at  the  supper  table,  all  uncon- 
scious that  his  wicked  career  was  so  soon  to  be  ended,  when 

Italy — 14 


314  ITALY 

at  the  same  moment  the  intelligence  of  the  march  of  Galba, 
and  the  insurrection  in  the  streets,  reached  his  ear.  The 
bratal,  cowardly  monster  was  so  struck  with  dismay  that 
he  sprang  from  his  seat  so  suddenly  as  to  overturn  the 
table,  breaking  two  vases  of  immense  value.  He  rent  his 
clothes  and  beat  his  forehead,  crying  like  a  madman,  "I  am 
ruined.     I  am  ruined." 

He  called  for  poison,  but  he  had  not  even  courage  to  do 
that  weakest  of  all  deeds — drink  of  the  cup.  He  valiantly 
called  for  a  dagger,  looked  at  its  sharp,  glittering  point, 
and,  afraid  of  the  prick,  laid  it  aside.  He  rushed  from  the 
palace,  heroically  resolved  to  throw  himself  into  the  Tiber, 
but  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  dark  rolling  tide,  his  resolution 
vanished,  and  he  stopped.  One  of  his  companions  urged 
that  they  should  flee  to  his  country-seat,  about  four  miles 
from  Rome,  and  conceal  themselves.  Nero,  insane  with 
terror,  bareheaded,  with  his  long  locks  floating  in  the  wind, 
his  clothes  disordered,  and  covering  his  face  with  his  hand- 
kerchief, leaped  upon  a  horse,  and  with  four  attendants, 
through  innumerable  perils,  hearing  everywhere  around 
him  the  execrations  of  the  multitude,  by  whom  he  was 
not  recognized,  gained  his  retreat.  Just  before  reaching  it, 
however,  some  alarm  induced  him  to  abandon  his  horse, 
and  plunged  into  a  thicket  by  the  roadside,  and  through 
reeds  and  brambles,  with  torn  clothes  and  lacerated  flesh, 
he  reached  his  transient,  insecure  asylum. 

The  senate,  in  the  meantime,  had  assembled,  and,  em- 
boldened by  the  universal  insurrection  and  by  the  approach- 
ing legions  of  Galba,  pronounced  Nero  a  tyrant,  and  doomed 
him  to  death,  more  majorum,  that  is,  according  to  ancient 
custom.  The  decree  soon  reached  the  ears  of  the  trem- 
bling Nero. 

"What  is  it,"  he  inquired,  "to  die  more  majorumV 

"It  is,"  was  the  very  unconsoling  reply,  "to  be  stripped 
naked,  to  have  the  head  fastened  in  the  pillory,  and  in  that 
posture  to  be  scourged  to  death. ' ' 

Nero  had  been  highly  amused  in  witnessing  sufferings 


NERO  315 

far  more  dreadful  inflicted  upon  his  innocent  victims;  but 
the  idea  of  such  a  death  for  himself  was  anything  but  amus- 
ing. Indeed,  he  was  so  horror-stricken,  that  he  seized  a 
dagger  and  pricked  himself.  But  it  hurt.  So  he  laid  the 
dagger  aside  and  groaned.  He  then  tried  to  talk  himself 
into  courage.  "Ought  Nero  to  be  afraid?"  he  said.  "Shall 
the  emperor  be  a  coward?  No!  let  me  die  courageously." 
Again  he  grasped  the  dagger,  looked  at  its  point  earnestly, 
but  it  was  so  sharp !  Again  he  laid  it  aside,  and  groaned 
in  despair. 

Just  then  he  heard  the  sound  of  horses'  feet,  and  looking 
up  saw,  in  the  distance,  soldiers  approaching.  In  a  few 
moments  his  retreat  would  be  discovered,  and  he  would  be 
in  their  hands.  There  would  then  be  no  escape  from  the 
stripping,  the  pillory,  and  the  scourge.  In  frenzy  he  en- 
treated one  of  his  servants,  a  freed  man,  to  hold  the  dagger 
so  that  he  might  run  his  throat  fiercely  against  it.  This 
time  he  succeeded  in  severing  an  artery,  and  the  blood 
gushed  forth.  He  sank  upon  the  floor  just  as  the  soldiers 
entered,  and  looking  up  to  them  with  a  malignant  scowl, 
said,  "Yoa  are  too  late,"  and  died.  There  is  a  theory  of 
false  religion  which  says  that  there  is  no  punishment  in  the 
future  world;  and  that  the  spirit  of  Nero  ascended  to  heaven 
to  be  greeted  with  the  words,  from  the  lips  of  our  heavenly 
Father,  "Well  done,  good  and  faithful  servant,  enter  thou 
into  the  joy  of  thy  Lord."  But  the  Bible  assures  us  that 
"after  death  cometh  the  judgment."  This  is  the  only  solu- 
tion of  such  a  career  as  that  of  Nero.  This  monster  reigned 
thirteen  years,  and  died  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his 
age. 

Servius  Galba,  who  had  not  yet  reached  Eome,  was  im- 
mediately proclaimed  by  the  senate  emperor.  He  was  an 
old  man,  seventy-two  years  of  age,  and  he  was  also  child- 
less. Gralba,  conscious  that  it  would  require  much  time  to 
effect  a  reform  of  the  corruptions  which  pervaded  the  whole 
empire,  and  that  he,  already  oppressed  with  the  infirmities 
of  age,  had  not  long  to  live,  adopted  as  his  successor  a 


316  ITALY 

young  maa  of  very  noble  character  and  rare  virtue,  Piso 
Lucianus.  But  a  depraved  people  do  not  wish  for  a  virtu- 
ous sovereign.  The  Eoman  army,  accustomed  to  plunder 
and  to  licentiousness,  and  to  enormous  bribery,  though, 
weary  of  the  wanton  cruelty  of  Nero,  still  wished  for  a 
leader  who  would  gratify  their  luxurious,  extravagant 
desires. 

A  young  man  by  the  name  of  Otho,  appealing  to  these 
corrupt  passions,  formed  a  conspiracy  in  the  encamped  army 
of  Galba.  He  ridiculed  his  severe  discipline,  the  restraints 
lie  imposed,  and  his  neglect  to  enrich  the  soldiers  with 
plunder  and  bribes.  He  assured  them  that  Piso  would 
tread  in  the  steps  of  Galba,  and  that  the  affectation  of  such 
"virtues,"  as  they  were  called,  was  absurd  in  such  a  world 
as  this.  Probably  earth  has  never  witnessed  a  more  dia- 
bolical band  than  was  presented  in  a  Koman  army.  The 
conspiracy  ripened.  The  soldiers,  at  the  appointed  time, 
in  a  mass,  raised  the  shout  of  revolt,  lifted  Otho  upon  their 
shoulders,  and  with  the  clashing  of  weapons  and  huzzas, 
declared  Otho  their  emperor.  The  venom  with  which  the 
virtuous  Galba  was  pursued,  seems  to  have  been  as  malig- 
nant as  that  which  was  emptied  upon  Nero. 

A  tumultuous  band,  with  oaths  and  imprecations,  rushed 
to  the  tent  of  Galba.  The  heroic  old  man,  conscious  that 
no  resistance  would  be  of  any  avail,  as  the  assassins  burst 
into  his  tent,  looked  up  calmly  and  said,  "If  you  wish  for 
my  head,  here  it  is.  I  am  willing  at  any  time  to  surrender 
it  for  the  good  of  the  people."  The  words  were  hardly  ut- 
tered ere  the  heavy  broadsword  of  a  Roman  soldier  fell 
with  its  keen  edge  upon  his  neck,  and  his  head  rolled  upon 
the  floor  of  the  tent.  Another  seized  it  by  the  hair,  thrust 
a  pike  into  the  palpitating  flesh,  and,  with  shoutings  of 
tumultuous  thousands,  the  gory  trophy  was  paraded 
through  the  camp.  His  body  was  kicked  about  until  one 
of  his  slaves  dug  a  hole  and  buried  it.  Thus  died  Galba, 
after  a  reign  of  but  three  months.  The  senate,  overawed 
by  the   army,   and  impotent,   ratified   the   foul  deed,    and 


NEBO  817 

Otho  was  declared   emperor.     Such  was  ttie  condition  of 
Eome  A.D.  67. 

It  is  supposed  that  the  apostle  Paul  suffered  martyrdom 
at  Home  during  the  persecution  under  Nero.  Chrysostom 
says  that  a  cup-bearer  and  a  favorite  of  Nero,  through  the 
preaching  of  the  apostle,  became  converts  to  the  religion 
of  Jesus,  and  that  this  so  enraged  the  tyrant,  that  Paul  was 
immediately  beheaded. 


318  JTALY 


CHAPTER  XVIIl 

EMPERORS,    GOOD  AND   BAD 

FROM  A.D.  67   TO  A.D.   180 

Otho  and  Yitellius — The  Conflict — The  Triumph  of  Vespasian — Titus  De- 
stroys Jerusalem — His  Accession  to  the  Throne — Succession  of  Domi- 
tian — Adornment  of  the  Capitol — His  Depravit}'  and  Death — The  Crown 
Conferred  on  Nerva — Trajan  Associate  Emperor — Reig;n  of  Trajan — His 
Column — Correspondence  with  Pliny — Conquests  of  Trajan — Reign  of 
Adrian — Antoninus  Pius — His  Noble  Character — Marcus  Aurelius — 
Varus,  his  Colleague — Death  of  AureUus 

OTHO  was  one  of  the  parasites  of  Nero,  having  passed 
his  youth  in  the  midst  of  the  corruption  and  de- 
bauchery of  the  imperial  palace.  He  was  himself 
a  man  of  notoriously  bad  character,  and  was  thus  a  worthy 
companion  for  Nero,  who  seems  to  have  possessed  no  under- 
standing whatever  for  virtue.  Otho,  through  his  luxurious 
way  of  living,  contrived  to  get  deeply  into  debt,  and  was 
for  a  long  time  pressed  by  his  creditors  on  every  side. 
Politically,  he  was  an  important  personage,  being  pro- 
consul of  the  province  of  Lusitania,  in  Spain. 

There  was,  at  that  time,  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  legions 
on  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  a  general  by  the  name  of  Aulus 
Yitellius.  He  was  descended  from  one  of  the  most  illustri- 
ous families  in  Rome,  and  had  received  his  education,  in  all 
the  luxuries  and  vices  of  the  times,  in  company  with  Tibe- 
rius Csesar,  in  his  retreat  at  Capreae.  Hearing  of  the  death 
of  Nero,  immediately  followed  by  the  death  of  Galba, 
Yitellius  secured,  with  large  bribes  and  promises,  the  co- 
operation of  his  army,  and  had  himself  proclaimed  emperor, 
with  all  the  military  parade  of  his  camp.  Otho  and  Yitel- 
lius were  both  instantly  on  the  march  to  settle  their  claims 
on  the  field  of  battle. 

The  armies,  nearly  seventy  thousand  strong  on  either 


EMPERORS,  GOOD   AND   BAD  319 

side,  met  on  the  plains  of  Lombardy,  near  Mantua.  For  a 
week  they  fought  wil?h  prodigious  slaughter,  and  with  vary- 
ing success.  At  length  Otho  was  hopelessly  defeated,  and 
accordingly  he  ran  a  sword  through  his  heart,  after  a  nomi- 
nal reign  of  three  months;  and  the  exultant  Vitellius  ad- 
vanced to  Rome  to  assume  the  imperial  purple.  The  ob- 
sequious senate  promptly  declared  him  emperor,  and  he 
took  up  his  residence  in  the  palaces  of  the  Caesars.  Vitel- 
lius was  neither  cruel  nor  tyrannical,  in  the  ordinary  mean- 
ing of  those  words;  he  merely  surrendered  himself  to  every 
possible  degree  of  voluptuousness  and  self-indulgence,  thus 
securing  for  himself  universal  contempt.  He  even  equalled 
Nero  in  debauchery.  To  have  exceeded  him  surpassed 
mortal  powers.  The  expenses  of  his  table  for  four  months 
amounted  to  a  sum  equal  to  thirty  millions  of  dollars. 

There  was  but  little  to  excite  fear  in  the  character  of 
such  an  effeminate  voluptuary;  and  a  conspiracy  was  soon 
in  progress  for  his  overthrow.  Vespasian,  a  Roman  general 
who  had  acquired  some  renown  in  the  wars  in  Germany  and 
in  Britain,  and  who  had  been  consul  at  Rome,  was  at  this 
time  in  command  of  an  army  in  Judea.  He  resolved  with 
his  soldiers  to  drive  the  usurper,  of  whom  Rome  was  weary, 
from  his  throne.  It  was  not  difficult  for  Vespasian  to  in- 
duce his  soldiers  to  proclaim  him  emperor.  The  conflict 
was  short  but  sanguinary.  Though  Vitellius  displayed  no 
energy,  his  generals  and  his  soldiers,  in  danger  of  losing  the 
spoils  of  office,  fought  fiercely.  But  Vespasian,  having  sent 
able  generals  to  Italy,  was  victorious,  and  Rome  itself  capi- 
tulated, after  a  bloody  battle  beneath  its  walls  and  through 
its  streets,  during  which  the  capitol,  the  pride  of  the  city, 
was  reduced  to  ashes.  Vespasian  still  remained  in  the  east, 
and  Antony  had  command  of  the  army  sent  against  Rome. 
Vitellius  was  dragged  from  an  obscure  corner  in  the  house 
of  a  slave,  where  he  had  hid  himself,  and  was  paraded 
through  the  streets,  with  his  hands  bound  behind  him  and 
a  rope  about  his  neck,  until,  after  hours  of  ignominy  and 
torture,  he  was  beaten  to  death  with  the  clubs  of  the  sol- 


320  ITALY 

diers.  His  body  was  then  dragged  over  the  pavements, 
and  the  mangled  mass,  having  lost  nfearlj  all  semblance  of 
humanity,  was  thrown  into  the  Tiber. 

The  senate  now  united  with  the  army  in  declaring  Ves- 
pasian emperor,  Vespasian  was  at  this  time  at  Alexandria, 
in  Egypt.  The  Jews  had  rebelled  against  their  Eoman  mas- 
ters, and  Vespasian  was  then  organizing  an  army  to  besiege 
Jerusalem.  His  eldest  son,  Titus,  was  an  exceedingly  dis- 
sipated young  man,  who  had  been  educated  at  the  court  of 
Nero,  having  been  an  intimate  friend  of  the  unfortunate 
prince  Britannicus.  The  emperor  intrusted  the  command 
of  the  army  which  was  to  march  upon  Jerusalem  to  this 
young  man,  while  he  proceeded  to  Rome  to  administer  the 
government  of  the  empire.  Having  a  high  reputation  as  a 
man  of  ability  and  iutegrit}^,  he  was  received  with  great  re- 
joicing by  the  Roman  people. 

The  siege  of  Jerusalem  and  its  destruction,  A.D.  70,  is 
one  of  the  most  memorable  events  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  Human  nature,  perhaps,  has  never  before  or  since 
endured  such  woes.  It  is  impossible  for  the  imagination  to 
conceive  more  appalling  horrors  or  sufferings  more  terrible 
than  were  then  experienced.  The  reader  will  find  these 
scenes  of  rage,  despair  and  woe  minutely  detailed  by  the 
pen  of  Josephus.  The  siege  lasted  six  months.  The  city 
was  entirely  demolished.  In  accordance  with  the  predic- 
tion of  our  Saviour,  not  one  stone  was  left  upon  another. 
The  very  foundations  of  Jerusalem  were  plowed  up,  so  that 
even  the  ruins  of  the  city  could  hardly  be  found.  A  mil- 
lion of  Jews  perished  in  the  siege,  and  one  hundred  thou- 
sand taken  captive  were  sold  into  slavery.  All  Judea  was 
thus  brought  into  perfect  and  unresisting  submission  to  the 
conqueror. 

Titus,  with  the  spoil  of  Jerusalem,  and  his  long  train  of 
captives,  returned  in  triumph  to  Rome.  In  commemoration 
of  this  great  victory,  a  triumphal  arch  was  erected,  which 
remains,  almost  perfect,  to  the  present  day.  Vespasian 
proved  one  of  the  best  of  the  Roman  emperors.     He  de- 


EMPERORS,  GOOD   AND  BAD  321 

voted  himself  with  great  energy  and  sagacity  to  the  pub- 
lic weal,  and  after  a  reign  of  ten  years  died  respected  and 
beloved.  Feeling  that  his  end  was  approaching,  he  said, 
"An  emperor  should  die  standing";  and  aided  by  his 
friends  he  rose  from  his  couch  and  expired,  sustained  by 
their  arms.  Vespasian  reared  the  gigantic  amphitheatre 
called  the  Coliseum,  the  ruins  of  which  still  attract  the 
wonder  and  admiration  of  the  world.  It  furnished  seats 
for  eighty  thousand  spectators,  and  standing  room  for 
twenty  thousand  more. 

Titus  succeeded  his  father.  His  character  had  under- 
gone a  wonderful  and  most  salutary  change.  Abandoning 
all  the  vicious  practices  of  his  youth,  he  became  distin- 
guished as  the  exemplar  of  virtue  and  the  guardian  of 
liberty.  With  almost  unexampled  self-devotion,  he  en- 
gaged in  the  work  of  doing  good.  His  memorable  say- 
ing, Perdidi  diem,  "I  have  lost  a  day,"  when  one  day  had 
passed  in  which  no  opportunity  had  occurred  of  doing  good, 
is  characteristic  of  his  disposition  and  his  habits.  Beauti- 
fully has  the  sentiment  been  versified  in  the  words: 

"Count  that  day  lost,  whose  low  descending  sun 
Views  at  thy  hand  no  worthy  action  done." 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  Titus,  A.D,  79,  that  the  cities 
of  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii  were  buried  beneath  the  lava 
and  ashes  of  Vesuvius.  After  being  lost  sixteen  hundred 
years,  they  were  discovered  in  the  beginning  of  the  last  cen- 
tury. These  cities,  thus  wonderfully  brought  to  light,  reveal 
much  of  the  social  habits  and  customs  of  that  day.  The 
renowned  general  Agricola,  during  the  reign  of  Titus,  was 
very  efficient  in  promoting  the  civilization  of  the  barbarous 
natives  of  Britain.  He  introduced  the  Eoman  modes  of 
dress  and  living,  encouraged  education,  and  promoted  a 
taste  for  the  fine  arts. 

The  reign  of  Titus  was  aiiort.  He  had  a  brother  Domi- 
tian,  a  man  of  utterly  depraved  nature,  who  was  eager  to 
grasp  the  sceptre.     It  is  supposed  that  he  poisoned  Titus, 


822  ITALY 

for  the  emperor  was  suddenly  seized  with  a  violent  and 
strange  sickness,  which  speedily  caused  his  death,  in  the 
forty- first  year  of  his  age,  after  a  reign  of  but  about  two 
years. 

Domitian  ascended  the  throne  which  he  had  purchased 
by  the  murder  of  his  brother.  His  character  was  a  com- 
pound of  imbecility,  folly,  jealousy,  and  ambition.  Jeal- 
ous of  the  renown  Agricola  was  acquiring  in  conflict  with 
the  barbarians  of  Britain,  he  caused  him  to  be  poisoned,  as 
is  generally  supposed.  His  conduct  exposed  him  to  uni- 
versal ridicule  and  contempt.  Wishing  to  enjoy  a  trium- 
phal entrance  into  Rome,  he  dressed  a  large  number  of 
slaves  to  grace  his  triumph,  as  if  they  had  been  captives 
taken  in  war.  He  had  gold  and  silver  statues  of  himself 
placed  in  every  conspicuous  position;  and  assuming  divine 
honors,  required  that  all  men  should  address  him  with  the 
titles  they  gave  to  the  Deity.  Those  whom  he  deemed  his 
enemies  were  mercilessly  punished  with  death,  accompanied 
with  all  conceivable  tortures.  The  slightest  suspicion  led 
to  condemnation.  Upon  the  Christians  he  wreaked  ven- 
geance, undiscriminating  and  pitiless.  Ambitious  of  fame, 
he  rebuilt,  with  wonderful  splendor,  the  capitol,  which  was 
burned  during  the  war  between  Yitellius  and  Vespasian. 
The  gilding  alone  of  the  capitol  cost  over  twelve  millions 
of  our  money.  The  profusion  of  his  expenditure  was  such 
that  Martial  says,  in  one  of  his  epigrams,  if  the  emperor 
had  called  in  all  his  debts,  Jupiter  himself,  even  though  he 
had  made  a  general  auction  of  Olympus,  would  have  been 
unable  to  pay  two  shillings  in  the  pound. 

The  tyrant  was  accustomed  to  write  down  in  a  pocket- 
tablet  the  names  of  those  he  intended  to  destroy.  His  in- 
famous wife,  Domitia,  accidentally  got  a  peep  at  the  tablet 
while  her  husband  was  sleeping,  and,  to  her  consternation, 
found  her  own  name,  with  that  of  others,  in  the  fatal  list. 
She  immediately  informed  those  who  were  doomed  to  die 
with  her.  A  successful  conspiracy  was  instantly  entered 
into,  and  the  thrust  of  a  dagger  from  one  of  the  doomed 


EMPERORS,  GOOD  AND  BAD  323 

men  rid  the  world  of  the  monster  Domitian.  In  his  char- 
acter not  a  redeeming  trait  could  be  found  to  mitigate  the 
enormity  of  his  depravity. 

The  tidings  of  the  death  of  Domitian  was  hailed,  through- 
out Eome,  with  universal  acclaim.  His  statues  were  demol- 
ished, the  inscriptions  he  had  cut  erased;  and  his  memory 
was  consigned  to  infamy.  The  senate,  apprehensive  that 
the  army  might  anticipate  them  in  the  choice  of  a  succes- 
sor, on  the  very  day  of  the  tyrant's  death  conferred  the  im- 
perial purple  upon  Nerva,  a  venerable  and  virtuous  old  man 
of  sixty-live,  bat  of  no  force  of  character.  Upon  coming  to 
the  throne  he  took  an  oath  that  no  senator  during  his  reign 
should  be  punished  with  death,  whatever  his  crime.  He  re- 
called all  the  Christians  who  had  been  driven  from  Rome 
by  the  persecution  of  Nero.  The  army  did  not  like  this  hu- 
mane sovereign,  and  conspired  for  his  overthrow. 

The  emperor,  not  knowing  how  to  deal  with  difficulties 
so  stubborn,  and  finding  the  cares  of  government  too  heavy 
for  him  to  bear,  summoned  to  his  aid,  as  a  copartner  upon 
the  throne,  Trajan,  a  general  of  much  renown,  then  in  com- 
mand of  an  army  upon  the  Danube.  JSTerva  had  hardly 
taken  this  important  step  ere  he  suddenly  died,  after  an 
eventful  reign  of  but  little  more  than  a  year.  Trajan  as- 
sumed the  sceptre. 

The  Dacians  had  been  for  some  time  in  the  habit  of  cross- 
ing the  Danube  and  making  destructive  inroads  upon  the  Ro- 
man empire.  Domitian,  lost  in  luxury,  devoted  but  little 
thought  to  the  protection  of  his  frontiers.  Trajan  raised  a 
powerful  army,  marched  into  Dacia,  conquered  the  barba- 
rians in  a  decisive  battle,  and  compelled  the  humiliated 
king  to  acknowledge  himself  a  vassal  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire. But  Trajan  had  hardly  returned  to  Rome  ere  the 
Dacians  were  again  in  revolt.  Again  the  emperor  turned 
upon  his  foes.  That  Dacia  might  be  more  accessible  to 
his  armies  and  thus  more  easily  kept  in  subjection,  he  con- 
structed a  bridge  across  the  Danube.  This  stupendous 
structure    consisted    of    twentv-two    arches.      The    ruins, 


324  ITALY 

which  still  remain,  testify  to  the  amazing  skill  of  the 
Eoman  architects.  The  Dacians  fought  with  great  cour- 
age and  military  prowess,  but  after  a  conflict  of  five  years 
they  were  effectually  subdued,  and  a  new  province,  thirteen 
hundred  miles  in  circumference,  became  an  integral  part  of 
the  Roman  empire.  The  vestiges  of  the  military  road  trod 
by  these  legions,  from  the  banks  of  the  Danube  through  the 
heart  of  Dacia  even  to  Bender,  on  the  river  Dniester,  may 
still  be  traced. 

The  conquest  was  deemed  so  important  that  a  magnifi- 
cent column  was  raised  to  commemorate  it.  This  column, 
one  hundred  and  eighteen  feet  in  height,  and  surmounted 
by  the  statue  of  the  emperor,  was  entwined  by  a  spiral  belt, 
upon  which  were  sculptured  all  the  principal  events  of  the 
expedition.  The  shaft  still  stands,  one  of  the  most  admired 
works  of  art  in  the  world.  Napoleon  adopted  it  as  a  model 
of  the  world-renowned  column  reared  to  his  honor,  or  rather, 
to  the  honor  of  his  army,  in  the  Place  V^endome. 

Trajan  did  not  look  with  a  friendly  eye  upon  the  rapid 
advances  which  Christianity  was  making  throughout  the 
empire.  The  spirit  of  Christianity  prohibited  war,  and 
Trajan  was  emulous  of  military  glory.  Christianity  for- 
bade unlawful  sensual  indulgence,  and  Trajan  was  a  volup- 
tuary. Still  he  was  a  kind-hearted  man,  naturally  humane, 
and  he  had  but  little  heart  zealously  to  persecute  those 
whose  innocence  and  purity  of  life  could  not  but  command 
his  respect. 

Trajan  had  appointed  Pliny,  a  nephew  of  the  illustrious 
philosopher  of  the  same  name,  as  governor  of  the  province 
of  Pontus  in  Asia  Minor.  There  were  very  many  Chris- 
tians in  that  region,  and  as  many  severe  edicts  had  been 
issued  in  Rome  against  them,  which  it  was  the  duty  of 
Pliny  to  see  executed,  and  as  his  humane  spirit  revolted 
against  such  cruelty  as  needless  and  impolitic,  he  was  per- 
plexed, and  wrote  to  the  emperor  for  instructions.  Pliny's 
letter  was  written  about  A.D.  106. 

Trajan  in  his  reply  says: 


EMPERORS,  GOOD  AND  BAD  325 

"You  have  done  perfectly  riglit,  my  dear  Pliny,  in  tlie 
inquiry  you  have  made  concerning  Christians.  For,  truly, 
no  one  general  rule  can  be  laid  down  which  will  apply  itself 
to  all  cases.  They  must  not  be  sought  after.  If  they  are 
brought  before  you  and  convicted,  let  them  be  capitally 
punished,  yet  with  this  restriction,  that  if  any  renounce 
Christianity,  and  evidence  his  sincerity  by  supplicating  our 
gods,  however  suspected  he  may  be  for  the  past,  he  shall 
obtain  pardon  for  the  future  on  his  repentance.  But  anony- 
mous libels  in  no  case  ought  to  be  attended  to,;  for  the  prec- 
edent would  be  of  the  worst  sort,  and  perfectly  incongruous 
to  the  maxims  of  my  government." 

Animated  by  the  love  of  conquest,  and  that  renown  which 
conquest  brings,  Trajan,  in  imitation  of  Alexander,  com- 
menced a  march  of  invasion  through  the  barbarous  and  little 
known  nations  of  the  East.  He  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  his  troops,  lamenting  that  he  was  so  far  advanced  in  life 
that  he  could  hardly  hope  to  eclipse  the  renown  of  the  great 
Grecian  conqueror.  Traversing  the  whole  extent  of  Asia 
Minor,  he  crossed  the  Euphrates,  and,  in  an  uninterrupted 
career  of  conquest,  advanced  to  the  Tigris.  Leaving  sub- 
jugated nations  behind  him,  the  annou.ncement  of  whose 
names  excited  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  ambitious 
Eonie,  he  descended  even  to  the  Persian  galf.  Here, 
building  a  fleet,  he  embarked  his  army  and  ravaged  the 
coasts  of  Arabia,  compelling  all  the  kings  of  those  regions 
to  confess  themselves  as  vassals  of  the  empire.  He  was  pre- 
paring to  follow  the  route  of  Alexander,  and  to  extend  his 
conquests  to  the  remote  Indies,  when  death,  that  sovereign 
whom  even  a  Roman  emperor  must  obey,  summoned  him  to 
the  spirit  land.  The  approach  of  the  king  of  terrors  led 
Trajan  to  endeavor  to  reach  his  home  in  Kome,  before  he 
should  die.  With  failing  heart  he  left  the  army,  and  turned 
to  retrace  his  steps.  But  death  was  inexorable,  and  the  em- 
peror had  but  reached  Cilicia  when  he  died,  in  the  sixty- 
fourth  year  of  his  age,  after  a  reign  of  nineteen  years. 

When  Trajan  left  his  triumphant  army  on  the  shores  of 


326  ITALY 

the  Persian  gulf,  he  intrusted  its  command  to  his  nephew 
Adrian,  who  had  been  his  companion  in  many  wars,  and  was 
a  man  of  much  military  renown.  The  army  proclaimed  him 
emperor,  and  Eome  accepted  the  appointment.  1  He  had  the 
virtues  and  the  vices  of  a  kind-hearted  pagan,  being  aifable 
to  his  friends,  constitutionally  humane,  but  a  perfect  demon 
when  his  passions  were  aroused.  Conscious  of  the  feeble 
grasp  with  which  the  empire  held  its  barbarian  conquests 
beyond  the  Danube,  and  beyond  the  Euphrates,  he  wished 
to  contract  the  limits  of  the  empire,  and  to  consolidate  his 
power.  The  stupendous  bridge  which  Trajan  had  con- 
structed across  the  Danube,  Adrian  destroyed,  lest  it 
should  facilitate  the  incursions  of  the  barbarians. 

With  a  splendid  retinue  Adrian  undertook  to  visit  all 
the  provinces  of  his  empire.  He  entered  Graul,  thence  pro- 
ceeded to  Grermany,  Holland,  and  Britain.  During  this  visit, 
he  ordered  the  construction  of  that  famous  wall,  the  ruins  of 
which  are  still  visible,  from  the  Sol  way  Firth  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Tyne,  to  protect  the  Roman  territory  from  the  incur- 
sions of  the  barbaric  Picts  and  Caledonians.  He  returned 
to  Kome  through  Spain,  and,  after  tarrying  a  short  time  in 
the  capital,  visited  Grreece,  Asia  Minor,  and  Palestine. 
Wherever  he  went  he  reformed  abuses  and  encouraged 
improvements.  At  Athens  he  was  so  favorably  impressed 
with  what  he  learned  respecting  Christians  that  he  endeav- 
ored to  discourage  persecution,  and  wished  to  recognize 
Christianity  and  to  give  Christ  a  niche  in  the  temple  with 
all  the  other  gods. 

From  Greece  and  Syria,  Adrian  passed  over  to  Africa. 
Among  other  great  and  salutary  enterprises  he  ordered  Car- 
thage to  be  rebuilt,  giving  the  new  city  the  name  of  Adria- 
nople.  But  a  few  fishermen's  huts  at  that  time  occupied 
the  site  of  a  city  which  had  contained  seven  hundred  thou- 
sand inhabitants.  Returning  to  Rome,  he  again  resumed 
his  journey,  and,  passing  through  Grreece,  Asia  Minor  and 
Syria,  visited  Arabia  and  Egypt.  No  monarch,  before  or 
since,  has  had  such  an  empire  under  his  sway.     At  Alexan- 


EMPERORS,  GOOD  AND  BAD  327 

dria  lie  repaired  Pompey's  tomb  that  had  fallen  into  ruins. 
In  Palestine  he  ordered  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem.  The 
Jews  engaged  in  the  work  with  their  customary  ardor, 
and,  elated  with  hopes  that  God  had  interposed  in  their 
behalf,  and  that  the  day  of  their  deliverance  had  come, 
they  rose  in  insurrection.  The  terrible  energies  of  the 
Roman  empire  were  turned  against  them.  After  one 
thousand  of  their  chief  towns  had  been  destroyed,  and 
six  hundred  thousand  of  their  inhabitants  had  perished 
on  the  field  of  battle,  the  Jews  were  again  chastised  into 
sullen  submission. 

Adrian  was  one  of  the  most  highly  accomplished  men 
in  the  Roman  empire,  alike  remarkable  for  personal  beaut}^, 
intellectual  culture,  and  jjolished  manners.  Man}^  anecdotes 
are  related  illustrative  of  his  humanity  and  moderation.  But 
his  ungovernable  passions  at  times  deprived  him  of  all  self- 
control,  and  in  the  delirium  of  his  anger  he  at  times  perpe- 
trated deeds  of  great  cruelty.  Social  purity  was  a  virtue 
almost  unknown  in  pagan  Rome.  The  court  and  the  camp 
of  Adrian  exhibited  a  place  of  unblushing  vice.  He  was, 
from  youth,  celebrated  for  his  fine  scholarship,  and  his 
memory  was  so  extraordinary  that  having  once  read  a  book 
he  could  immediately  repeat  the  whole.  It  is  also  reported 
that  he  could  call  every  soldier  in  his  army  by  name.  The 
temple  of  Olympian  Jupiter,  in  Athens,  commenced  five 
hundred  years  before,  was  finished  by  Adrian. 

After  thirteen  years  spent  in  these  useful  travels  Adrian 
returned  to  Rome  an  infirm  old  man.  The  cruelty  of  the 
slave  code  he  mitigated  very  essentially.  With  insatiable 
thirst  for  information,  and  a  very  high  appreciation  of  all 
intellectual  eminence,  he  courted  the  society  of  all  the  cele- 
brated men  in  literature,  science,  and  art.  But  disease  was 
making  rapid  inroads  upon  his  frame,  and  his  sufferings 
at  times  were  so  great  that  he  frequently  was  heard  to  ex- 
claim, "How  miserable  a  thing  it  is  to  seek  death  and  not 
to  find  it."  Upon  his  couch  of  pain  and  death  he  wrote 
the  following  touching  lines: 


328  ITALY 

"Animula,   vagula,   blandula, 
Hospes  comesque  corporis 
Quae  nunc  abibis  in  loca, 
Pallidula,   rigida,   nudula? 
Nee,  ut  soles,  dabis  jocos. " 

Prior  has  endeavored  to  translate  or  imitate  this  stanza 
in  the  following  lines,  which  but  feebly  express  the  spirit 
of  the  original: 

"Poor  little,  pretty,  fluttering  thing. 

Must  we  no  longer  live  together; 
And  dost  thou  plume  thy  trembling  wing, 

To  take  thy  flight,  thou  knowesl  not  whither? 
Thy  humorous  vein,  thy  pleasing  folly. 

Lie  all  neglected,  all  forgot; 
\.nd  pensive,  wavering,  melancholy, 

Thou  dread'st,  and  hop'st  thou  know'st  not  what?" 

It  is  said  that  he  died,  in  the  sixty-second  year  of  his 
age,  repeating  the  above  words,  so  illustrative  of  the  gloom 
which  must  have  ever  darkened  the  last  hours  of  a  reflective 
pagan.  His  prosperous  reign  had  continued  nearly  twenty- 
two  years.  Adrian,  who  had  no  son,  was  anxious  to  trans- 
mit the  empire  to  one  worthy  of  the  imperial  bequest. 
There  was  a  senator  by  the  name  of  Titus  Antoninus,  a 
man  of  about  fifty  years  of  age,  of  such  unblemished  in- 
tegrity and  purity  of  morals,  as  to  secure  the  full  confidence 
of  the  sagacious  emperor.  The  people,  in  honor  of  his  vir- 
tues, surnaraed  him  Pious.  For  this  man  Adrian  cherished 
the  highest  esteem.  But  there  was  a  beautiful  boy  in  the 
court,  but  seventeen  years  of  age,  one  Marcus  Aurelius, 
whose  singular  fascination  of  character  and  manners  had 
won  the  affection  of  the  emperor.  Adrian  loved  the  boy 
as  if  he  had  been  his  own  child,  and  yet  his  sense  of  pro- 
priety would  not  allow  him  to  place  the  destinies  of  perhaps 
one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  people  in  the  hands  of  one 
so  youthful,  and  whose  character  was,  as  yet,  so  immature 
and  untried.  He  therefore  compromised  the  matter  and 
appointed  Antoninus  his  successor,  with  the  condition  that 


EMPERORS,  GOOD  AND  BAD  329 

he  should  adopt  Marcus  as  his  son,  and  transmit  to  him  the 
crown. 

Antoninus  was  true  to  his  trust,  and  immediately  adopt- 
ing Marcus,  bound  him  to  his  family  by  marriage  with  his 
daughter  Faustina.  The  father  associated  the  adopted  son 
so  intimately  with  him  in  the  government  of  the  empire  that 
history  usually  speaks  of  their  united  reigns,  ilie  Eoman 
empire  had  never  before  been  so  well  governed,  and  never 
before  had  been  so  prosperous  and  happy  as  under  the  reign 
of  these  excellent  men;  proving  that  the  happiness  of  a  peo- 
ple depends  far  more  upon  the  character  of  the  rulers  than 
upon  the  form  of  government;  and  proving,  also,  that  the 
onl)-  effectual  way  of  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  human 
family  is  by  the  regeneration  of  human  hearts. 

Antoninus  nobly  protected  the  Christians,  issuing  a  de- 
cree that  "if  any  one  shall  for  the  future  molest  the  Chris- 
tians, and  accuse  them  merely  on  account  of  their  religion, 
let  the  person  who  is  arraigned  be  discharged,  though  he 
is  found  to  be  a  Christian,  and  the  accuser  be  punished 
according  to  the  rigor  of  the  law." 

He  often  quoted  the  beautiful  words  of  Scipio:  "I  had 
rather  preserve  the  life  of  a  citizen  than  destroy  a  thousand 
enemies. " 

The  remains  of  a  wall  are  still  traced,  which  he  reared  to 
protect  the  Britons  from  the  incursions  of  the  Picts  and 
Scots.  After  a  reign  of  about  twenty-one  years,  he  died 
at  the  age  of  seventy- four,  A.D.  161.  The  senate  reared 
a  column  to  his  memory,  which  still  stands,  and  it  has  been 
well  said  of  him:  "He  is  almost  the  only  monarch  that  has 
lived  without  spilling  the  blood  of  his  countrymen  or  his 
enemies." 

The  death  of  Antoninus  left  Marcus  Aurelius,  who,  from 
his  adoption,  had  also  taken  the  name  of  Antoninus,  in  sole 
occupancy  of  the  throne.  Imitating  Pions,  whose  memory 
he  revered,  he  adopted  a  young  noble  by  the  name  of  Verus, 
as  his  partner  on  the  throne.  But  the  adoption  proved  ex- 
ceedingly unfortunate;   for  Verus  developed  almost  every 


330  ITALY 

vice,  unredeemed  by  any  virtue.  It  so  happened  that  just 
at  this  time  the  Parthians  made  a  very  fierce,  desolating, 
and  sanguinar}^  irruption  into  Syria.  Verus  marched  with 
an  army  to  punish  them,  while  Marcus  Aurelius  remained 
in  Eome  to  attend  to  the  general  administration  of  the  em- 
pire. Verus,  however,  having  advanced  as  far  as  Antioch, 
committed  the  army  to  his  generals,  while  he  remained  there 
in  his  metropolitan  palace,  indulging  in  every  possible  ex- 
cess of  voluptuousness  and  debauchery,  where  he  soon  died. 

Aurelius,  relieved  from  the  embarrassment  which  the 
conduct  of  his  vicious  and  imbecile  colleague  had  ever 
caused,  now,  with  renewed  vigor,  assailed  the  multitu- 
dinous foes  which  had  risen  up  against  the  empire,  and 
crushed  them  all.  One  of  the  legions  of  his  army,  consist- 
ing of  between  four  and  six  thousand  men,  was  composed 
entirely  of  Christians.  The  fact  is  attested  by  both  Chris- 
tian and  heathen  writers,  that  on  the  eve  of  an  engagement 
on  an  arid  plain,  when  the  army  of  Aurelius  was  perishing 
with  thirst,  a  terrible  tempest  arose,  and,  amid  flashes  of 
lightning  and  peals  of  thunder,  the  refreshing  rain  in  floods 
fell  upon  the  Roman  camp,  which  the  soldiers  caught  in 
their  helmets,  thus  obtaining  an  abundant  supply,  while 
at  the  same  time  a  terrible  storm  of  hail  fell  upon  the  bar- 
barian camp,  throwing  them  into  such  confusion  that  they 
were  easily  routed  and  cut  to  pieces. 

Marcus  Aurelius  was  so  impressed  with  this  apparent 
miracle,  which  he  regarded  as  an  interposition  in  his  behalf 
by  the  Christians'  God,  that  he  issued  a  decree  prohibitmg 
further  persecution,  and  wrote  to  the  senate  in  their  favor. 
Independently  of  his  rank,  Aurelius  was  in  character  and 
acquirements  a  distinguished  man.  Many  of  his  philosoph- 
ical and  humane  sayings  are  still  quoted,  and  remains  of  his 
writings,  which  are  still  read  with  interest,  give  him  a  high 
position  among  the  classic  writers  of  antiquity.  While  de- 
voting himself  with  untiring  diligence  to  the  welfare  of  his 
subjects,  even  giving  popular  lectures  to  the  masses  of  the 
people  in  Rome,  upon  all  matters  pertaining  to  their  domes- 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      831 

tic  welfare,  tidings  came  that  the  Eassian  Tartars  were  in- 
vading the  empire.  The  emperor  grasped  his  sword,  and 
having  reached  Vienna,  in  this  his  last  campaign,  was  seized 
by  the  plague,  and  suddenly  died  about  the  year  180,  in  the 
fifty- ninth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  nineteenth  of  his  reign. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

COMMENCEMENT    OF   THE    DECLINE    AND    FALL 

FROM  A.D.   180  TO  A.D.  235 

Marcus  Aurelius — Practical  Philosophy — Coramodus — His  Death — Com- 
mencement of  the  Decline  and  Pall — The  Pretorian  Guard — Its  Char- 
acter and  Inlluence — The  Throne  Sold  at  Auction — Julian — The  Rival 
Emperors — Triumph  of  Severus — His  Perfidy — Reign  of  Oaracalla  and 
Geta — Murder  of  Geta — Assassination  of  Caracalla — Macrinus — His 
Short  Reign  and  Death — Elagabalus — Both  Pontiff  and  Emperor — His 
Extraordinary  Depravity — Anecdotes  of  Maximin 

ALL  writers  unite  in  the  praise  of  Marcus  Aurelius, 
the  second  of  the  Antonines,  as  he  is  sometimes 
called.  Still  he  displayed  one  trait  of  character 
which  has  ever  given  occasion  for  perplexing  comment. 
His  wife,  Faustina,  beautiful,  fascinating,  and  pleasure- 
loving,  had  a  very  deficient  sense  of  conjugal  fidelity. 
She  took  no  pains  to  conceal  her  irregular  life,  which 
ought  to  have  been  punished  by  divorce,  and  in  the  mean- 
while she  left  her  philosophic  and  phlegmatic  husband  to 
the  meditations  of  his  study  and  the  schemes  of  his  cabinet. 
Marcus  Aurelius  seemed  to  be  the  only  man  in  the  em- 
pire who  was  utterly  indifferent  to  the  strange  conduct  of 
his  spouse.  Avowing  himself  a  disciple  of  Zeno  the  stoic, 
and  in  his  renowned  "Meditations"  advocating  that  phi- 
losophy, which  renders  it  essential  to  virtue  that  one  should 
be  indifferent,  so  far  as  his  inward  happiness  is  concerned, 
to  all  external  things,  Aurelius  did  not  allow  the  blamable 
conduct  of  his  wife  to  disturb  his  serenity  in  the  slightest 


832  ITALY 

degree.  On  the  contrary,  the  worse  her  derelictions  the 
more  he  lavished  upon  her  caresses,  endearing  epithets, 
and  titles  of  honor.  Even  her  intimate  friends  he  often 
loaded  with  favors,  giving  them  conspicuous  posts  of  trust 
and  emolument. 

During  a  connection  of  thirty  years,  Aurelius  was  unin- 
termitting  in  the  tenderness  of  his  attentions  to  his  unworthy 
wife.  He  lost  no  opportuit}'-  of  manifesting  respect  for  her 
in  public.  He  caused  a  decree  to  be  issued,  proclaiming 
her  "Mother  of  the  Camps  and  Armies."  All  Rome  smiled 
to  read  in  the  "Meditations"  of  their  revered  emperor  the 
expression  of  his  thanks  to  the  gods  for  having  conferred 
upon  him  a  wife  so  faithful,  so  gentle,  and  of  such  wonder- 
ful simplicity  of  manners.  The  senate  at  the  earnest  request 
of  the  emperor,  declared  her  to  be  a  goddess,  temples  were 
erected  for  her  worship,  and  she  was  invested  with  the  at- 
tributes of  Juno,  Venus,  and  Ceres. 

This  same  weakness  of  character  was  indicated  by  the 
manner  in  which  his  son  Commodus  was  educated.  Unre- 
strained by  his  father,  and  incited  by  the  example  of  his 
mother,  he  grew  up  a  monster  of  misconduct.  Commodus 
was  nineteen  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death. 
The  virtues  of  Anrelius  secured  for  him  easy  accession  to 
the  throne,  and  he  was  promptly  recognized  by  the  army, 
the  senate,  and  all  the  provinces.  He  was  a  burly,  beastly 
man,  of  huge  frame  and  of  such  hercalean  strength,  that  he 
often  appeared,  in  theatrical  exhibitions,  in  the  character  of 
Hercules,  dressed  in  a  lion's  skin  and  armed  with  a  clab. 

The  atrocities  of  Commodus  can  never  be  described. 
Civilization  would  tear  out  and  trample  under  foot  the 
page  containing  the  abominable  recital.  Nothing  can  be 
conceived  of  in  the  way  of  loathsome,  brutal,  liend-like 
vice,  and  cruelty  of  which  he  was  not  guilty.  There  is 
no  more  striking  example,  in  the  whole  field  of  history, 
of  a  bad  son  descended  from  a  good  father.  Commodus 
was  in  every  respect  the  opposite  of  Marcus  Aurelius.  He 
amused  himself  with  cutting  ofi  people's  lips  and  noses. 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      333 

The  rich  were  slain  for  their  money;  the  influential  and 
powerful  from  jealousy,  and  the  friends  of  the  slain  were 
also  despatched  lest  they  should  murmur  and  excite  dis- 
content. At  length  one  of  his  favorites,  named  Marcia,  ap- 
prehensive that  she  was  doomed  to  death  by  the  tyrant, 
presented  him  with  a  goblet  of  poisoned  wine. 

Commodus  drank  freely,  and  almost  immediately  fell 
into  heavy  slumbers.  But  soon  deadly  sickness  and  vomit- 
ing ensued.  Marcia,  who  had  enlisted  others  in  her  enter- 
prise, fearful  that  he  might  escape  the  effects  of  the  poison, 
sent  a  young  gladiator  into  the  room  to  finish  the  deed  with 
the  dagger.  Commodus,  stupefied  and  weakened  by  the 
drug,  was  probably  easily  despatched.  The  conspirators, 
exulting  in  their  achievement,  and  conscious  that  the 
tyrant  could  find  no  competitor,  resolved  to  fill  the  vacant 
throne  with  one  whose  prestige  would  secure  the  support 
of  the  army,  the  senate,  and  the  people. 

Helvius  Pertinax,  the  prefect  or  governor  of  Rome,  had 
risen  from  lowly  birth  to  senatorial  dignity  and  consular 
rank.  He  had  filled  many  of  the  first  offices  of  the  state, 
and  all  with  much  honor  to  himself.  At  a  late  hour  of  the 
night,  the  conspirators  rushed  into  his  apartment  to  offer 
him  the  crown.  With  great  reluctance  Pertinax  accepted,  at 
their  hands,  the  imperial  purple.  He  was  immediately  con- 
ducted to  the  camp,  while  a  report  was  circulated  through  the 
city  that  Commodus  had  died'of  apoplexy.  The  people  and 
the  army,  with  joyful  acclaim,  accepted  the  new  emperor,  and 
conducted  him  to  the  senate-house.  The  senators  had  been 
suddenly  convened.  It  was  in  the  early  dawn  of  the  morn- 
ing of  the  first  of  January,  A.D.  193.  In  great  consterna- 
tion they  had  assembled,  fearing  that  the  summons  would 
prove  but  some  new  trick  of  the  tyrant.  When  assured  that 
Commodus  was  no  more,  their  joy  surpassed  all  bounds. 
Decrees  were  passed  consigning  the  memory  of  Commodus 
to  infamy,  and  Pertinax  was  invested  with  imperial  title 
and  power. 

From  the  reign  of  Commodus  is  generally  dated  the  be-  . 


33i  ITALY 

ginning  of  the  decline  and  fall  of  the  Roman  empire.  Here, 
Gibbon  commences  his  renowned  history.  Pertinax  imme- 
diately entered  upon  vigorous  measures  of  reform.  His 
domestic  establishment  was  arranged  on  a  very  economical 
scale;  exiles  were  recalled,  prison- doors  thrown  open,  and 
confiscated  estates  restored.  The  bodies  of  victims  illustri- 
ous in  rank  which  had  been  thrown  into  ignominious 
graves  were  consigned  to  honorable  sepulture,  and  all  i^os- 
sible  consolations  were  bestowed  upon  ruined  families. 

The  extortions  of  Commodus  had  been  boundless,  the 
whole  empire  having  been  taxed  to  its  utmost  point  of  en- 
durance to  minister  to  his  limitless  luxury.  Though  the 
treasury  was  utterly  exhausted,  so  that  Pertinax  commenced 
his  reign  with  an  empty  purse,  and  at  a  time  when  the  sup- 
port of  the  army,  which  was  absolutely  essential,  could  only 
be  secured  by  lavishing  gold  upon  the  legions  with  a  pro- 
fuse hand,  he  nobly  remitted  all  the  oppressive  taxes  im- 
posed by  Commodus,  declaring  in  a  decree  of  the  senate, 
"that  he  was  better  satisfied  to  administer  a  poor  republic 
with  innocence,  than  to  acquire  riches  by  the  way  of  tyranny 
and  dishonor," 

The  instruments  of  luxurious  indulgence  which  the  tyrant 
had  accumulated,  gold  and  silver  plate,  chariots  of  curious 
construction  and  enormous  cost,  robes  of  imperial  dye  and 
heavily  embroidered  with  gems  and  gold,  and  last,  and  yet 
most  worthy  of  note,  as  indicative  of  the  barbarism  of  the 
times,  a  large  number  of  beautiful  slaves,  both  boys  and 
girls,  whom  Commodus,  in  his  extravagance,  had  ordered 
to  be  brought  together,  to  be  trained  for  menial  service, 
were  sold,  and  the  proceeds  placed  in  the  exhausted  treas- 
ury. It  is  said  that  there  were  three  hundred  of  each  sex 
whom  the  tyrant  had  thus  collected,  and  many  of  these 
were  children  of  tender  years,  who  had  been  born  in  a  state 
of  freedom,  and  had  been  torn  from  the  arms  of  their  weep- 
ing parents.  The  free-born  were  set  at  liberty;  the  others, 
though  of  the  same  race,  were  left  in  bondage. 

These  reforms,  so  salutary  to  the  state,  were  all  hateful 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      335 

to  the  corrupt  soldiery.  They  loved  war,  and  rapine,  and 
license — the  plunder  of  provinces,  the  golden  bribes  of  their 
officers,  the  possession  of  captive  matrons  and  maidens. 
The  brutal  men  had  found  in  Commodus  the  leader  they 
desired.  The  just  administration  of  Pertinax  excited  their 
indignation  and  contempt.  Murmurs  deep  and  loud  rose 
from  the  Pretorian  guard.  Three  hundred  of  them  in  a 
body,  and  in  open  day,  marched  to  the  palace,  entered  un- 
resisted, despatched  Pertinax  with  swords  and  javelins,  and 
parading  his  gory  head  upon  a  lance,  marched  triumphantly 
through  the  streets  back  to  their  barracks.  The  citizens  of 
Eome  looked  on  in  dismay  and  submission.  It  was  not  safe 
for  any  one  to  utter  a  word  against  the  army.  One  hundred 
thousand  soldiers,  well  armed  and  drilled,  are  deemed  amply 
sufficient  to  hold  in  subjection  ten  millions  of  unarmed  peo- 
ple. The  establishment  of  a  standing  army,  and  the  disarm- 
ing of  the  militia,  places  any  nation  at  the  mercy  of  a  suc- 
cessful general. 

The  Pretorian  guard  amounted  to  but  sixteen  thousand 
men,  organized  in  sixteen  cohorts.  These  renowned  Pre- 
torian bands,  in  the  highest  state  of  discipline,  were  assem- 
bled in  a  permanent  camp,  just  outside  the  walls  of  Home, 
on  the  broad  summit  of  the  Quirinal  and  Viminal  hills. 
The  remains  of  their  line  of  ramparts,  it  is  supposed, 
may  still  be  traced.  These  helmed  troops  overawed 
the  four  millions  of  Rome;  and,  through  the  subject 
senate,  and  the  still  more  servile  populace  of  the  metrop- 
olis, held  the  mastery  of  an  empire  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  millions. 

The  soldiers,  in  their  intrenched  camp,  rallying  around 
the  head  of  Pertinax,  the  hideous  trophy  of  their  power, 
perpetrated  the  memorable  scandal  of  selling  the  throne,  at 
auction,  to  the  highest  bidder.  They  felt  safe  in  taking  the 
bids,  for  if  any  one  failed  to  pay  the  proffered  price, 
the  soldiers  had,  as  it  was  well  known,  a  very  short  and 
decisive  way  of  settling  the  account.  Rome  had  indeed 
now  fallen;  for  the  emperor  had  become  but  the  prow  of 


336  ITALY 

the  national  ship,  while  the  soldiers  manned  the  oars,  and 
held  the  rudder. 

There  were  two  bidders  for  the  imperial  purple.  It  is  a 
singular  comment  upon  the  morals  of  that  age,  that  the  first 
bidder  was  Sulpicianus,  governor  of  Eome,  and  son-in-law 
of  Pertinax.  Alarmed  by  the  mutiny  he  had  hastened  in 
his  official  capacity  to  the  camp;  he  immediately  forgot  the 
murder  of  his  wife's  father,  in  eager  graspings  for  the  crown 
which  had  fallen  from  that  mangled  brow.  Sulpicianus 
offered  a  sum,  amounting  to  about  eight  hundred  dollars 
of  our  money,  to  each  man  of  the  guard.  A  senator,  Didius 
Julianus,  the  richest  m.an  in  Rome,  incited  by  the  ambition 
of  his  wife  and  daughter,  offered  a  thousand  dollars  to  each 
man.  "Moreover,"  said  he,  "you  will  not  have  to  wait  for 
me  to  collect  it  from  taxes,  for  I  can  pay  you  immediately, 
as  I  have  the  money  at  home. ' ' 

"Groing,  going,  gone!"  The  Roman  empire  was  struck 
off  to  Julian.  The  soldiers  reared  an  altar  in  the  camp, 
placed  Julian  upon  it,  and  took  the  oath  of  obedience. 
Then  the  whole  band,  in  close  order  of  battle,  with  their 
new  emperor  enclosed  in  the  centre  of  their  ranks,  descended 
from  their  encampment  and  entered  the  streets  of  Rome. 
The  motley  crowd  from  all  nations,  which  then  thronged 
the  capital,  were  doubtless  but  little  conscious  of  the  degra- 
dation. To  them  it  was  but  another  gala  day.  It  is  to  be 
presumed  that  ladies  smiled  from  the  balconies,  waved  their 
scarfs,  and  sprinkled  the  pavements  with  flowers,  as  the 
gorgeous  procession  passed  along,  with  glittering  helmets, 
shields,  and  spears,  with  silken  banners  floating  in  the 
breeze,  and  with  music  from  a  hundred  bands. 

The  soldiers  had  summoned  an  assembly  of  the  senate. 
The  newly  appointed  emperor  presented  himself  to  receive 
the  confirmation  of  that  docile  body,  and  had  the  good  sense 
simply  to  say: 

"Fathers,  you  want  an  emperor.  I  am  the  proper  person 
for  you  to  choose. " 

There  were  sixteen  thousand  arguments,  in  the  shape  of 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      337 

sixteen  thousand  swords,  to  sustain  this  simple  proposition. 
Julian  was  confirmed  with  universal  acclaim.  The  soldiers 
then,  in  triumphal  march,  conducted  him  to  the  palace. 
The  decapitated  body  of  Pertiuax  had  not  yet  been  re- 
moved, and  the  supper  was  still  upon  the  table,  at  which 
the  emperor  was  just  about  to  sit  down,  when  his  assassins 
burst  in  upon  him.  These  sights  must  have  been  suggestive 
of  interesting  thoughts  to  the  new  monarch.  Till  midnight 
the  halls  of  the  palace  resounded  with  revelry.  There  was 
illumination,  feasting,  music,  and  dancing.  But  when  the 
guests  had  retired,  and  darkness  and  solitude  came,  Julian 
found  the  imperial  pillow  filled  with  thorns,  and  he  could 
not  sleep. 

But  there  were  other  armies  in  distant  parts  of  the  em- 
pire, proud,  flushed  with  victory,  and  far  more  numerous 
than  the  Pretorian  bands.  Just  across  the  Adriatic  sea, 
in  Illyricum,  was  Septimius  Severus,  a  renowned  general, 
at  the  head  of  three  Roman  legions,  amounting  to  nearly 
twenty  thousand  men,  and  also  with  a  large  force  of  auxili- 
aries. In  Britain,  Clodius  Albinus  commanded  a  similar 
force.  He  was  a  man  of  the  highest  patrician  rank,  and 
regarded  with  contempt  the  plebeian  origin  of  Julian.  In 
Syria,  Pescennius  Niger  held  an  army  still  more  powerful 
than  that  of  Severus  or  Albinus. 

Each  of  these  armies  immediately  imitated  the  Pretorian 
band,  and  each,  in  its  own  encampment,  enthroned  its  leader, 
declaring  him  to  be  invested  with  the  imperial  purple.  There 
were  now  four  emperors,  and  from  Illyricum,  Britain,  and 
Syria,  sixty  thousand  Roman  troops,  with  large  accompany- 
ing bands  of  auxiliaries,  were  marching  upon  Rome.  To 
meet  them  Julian  had  but  the  Pretorian  bands.  Severus, 
in  Illyricum,  was  the  nearest  to  Rome,  and  was  approach- 
ing with  rapid  strides.  Julian,  terrified,  sent  ambassadors 
to  treat  with  him,  offering  to  share  the  empire.  Severus, 
conscious  of  the  superiority  of  his  army,  rejected  the  pro- 
posal. Eager  to  reach  Rome  and  to  consolidate  his  power 
before  either   of    his    rivals    should    appear    beneath    the 

Italy — 15 


338  ITALY 

walls,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  columns,  march- 
ing on  foot,  scarcely  allowing  time  for  sleep  or  food,  shar- 
ing the  hardships  of  the  humblest  soldier,  and  animating  all 
by  the  glittering  prize  within  their  grasp.  He  crossed  the 
Alps.  City  after  city,  neither  able  nor  disposed  to  oppose, 
joyfully  received  him.  Ravenna,  the  great  seaport  of  the 
northern  Adriatic,  surrendered,  and  with  it  Severus  ob- 
tained the  whole  Adriatic  fleet.  With  unintermitted 
strides  he  pressed  on,  and  was  now  within  two  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  of  Rome. 

Julian,  almost  delirious  with  terror,  acted  like  a  mad 
man.  He  was  continually  sending  ambassadors  to  the 
camp  of  Severus  to  negotiate,  and  assassins  to  stab.  He 
invoked  the  gods,  the  senate,  the  people,  the  guards.  He 
sent  the  vestal  virgins  and  the  priests  in  their  sacerdotal 
garb  to  plead  his  cause  with  Severus.  He  had  recourse  to 
enchantments  to  paralyze  his  foe.  But  all  was  in  vain. 
Severus  was  now  within  seventy  miles  of  Rome,  and  as  yet 
had  met  with  no  opposition  calling  for  the  unsheathing  of 
the  sword.  His  agents  were  already  in  the  capital,  and, 
mingling  with  the  Pretorian  bands,  were  attempting  to 
purchase  their  espousal  of  his  cause.  The  soldiers  cared 
but  little  who  was  emperor,  if  it  were  but  one  from  whom 
they  could  receive  liberal  rewards.  It  was  evident  now 
that  Severus  would  be  victorious. 

The  soldiers  of  the  Pretorian  guard  accordingly  reassem- 
bled the  senate,  and  ordered  them  to  depose  Julian.  Then 
they  conducted  Julian  very  politely  into  one  of  the  private 
apartments  of  his  palace,  carefully,  and  without  any  need- 
less rudeness  or  violence,  cut  off  his  head,  and  sent  the 
bloody  trophy  on  a  pike  as  a  peace-offering  to  Severus. 
Such  was  the  end  of  Julian's  reign  of  sixty-six  days. 
Severus  entered  Rome  in  triumph,  despoiled  the  Preto- 
rian guard,  which  had  become  enervated  through  luxury, 
of  their  arms  and  wealth,  disbanded  the  body  and  banished 
the  members,  on  pain  of  death,  to  the  distance  of  one  hun- 
dred miles  from  the  metropolis.     But  Severus,  though  thus 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      339 

triumphant,  was  in  danger  of  encountering  the  same  fate 
which  had  overwhelmed  Julian. 

There  were  two  hostile  armies  now  approaching  Rome, 
the  one  under  Albinus,  from  Britain,  equal  to  that  of  Seve- 
rus,  and  the  other  still  more  formidable,  under  Niger,  from 
Syria.  The  union  of  these  armies  would  render  the  ruin  of 
Severus  certain.  With  characteristic  cunning  and  perfidy, 
Severus  disarmed  Albinus  by  entering  into  an  alliance  with 
him,  giving  him  the  title  of  Caesar,  and  virtually  sharing 
with  him  the  empire.  Having  accomplished  this  feat,  he 
turned,  with  all  his  energy,  upon  Niger,  and  in  three  great 
battles  destroyed  his  army.  Niger  fled  helpless  to  Anti- 
och.  For  a  defeated  general  there  was  no  possible  escape. 
The  executioners  of  Severus  pursued  the  fugitive,  and  cut- 
ting off  his  head  sent  it  to  the  conqueror. 

Severus  now  extended  his  sceptre  undisputed  over  the 
nations  of  the  East.  But  Albinus  still  lived,  in  command 
of  armies,  and  claiming  a  sort  of  colleagueship  with  the  im- 
perial victor.  It  was  needful,  for  the  concentration  of  dig- 
nity and  power  in  the  hands  of  Severus,  that  Albinus  should 
be  disposed  of.  Severus  wrote  to  him  affectionately  as  fol- 
lows: 

"Brother  of  my  soul  and  empire;  the  gods  have  given  us 
the  victory  over  our  enemies.  Niger  is  no  more,  and  his 
army  is  destroyed.  I  entreat  you  ^o  preserve  the  troops 
and  the  public  faithful  to  our  common  interests.  Present 
my  affectionate  salutation  to  your  wife  Julia,  and  to  your 
little  family."  ' 

The  messenger  who  conveyed  this  epistle  was  directed 
to  watch  his  chance  and  plunge  a  dagger  into  the  heart  of 
Albinus.  By  some  chance  the  conspiracy  was  discovered, 
and  Albinus,  enraged,  and  conscious  that  death  was  his  in- 
evitable doom,  resolved  to  sell  his  life  dearly.  Severus  was 
now  altogether  too  powerful  to  be  vanquished  by  the  leader 
of  a  few  legions  in  Britain.  Albinus,  however,  put  himself 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  crossed  the  channel,  and  met  the 

'  The  whole  of  this  curious  letter  is  still  extant. 


340  ITALY 

victorious  army  of  Severus  in  Gaul,  near  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Lyons,  The  battle  was  fiercely  fought 
through  a  long  day.  The  army  of  Albinus  was  cut  to 
pieces,  and  he  himself  completed  the  victory  of  Severus  by 
thrusting  a  sword  through  his  own  heart.  The  head  of  the 
unfortunate  general  was  sent  a  trophy  to  Rome.  The  brutal 
victor  trampled  the  body  beneath  his  horse's  hoofs,  and  af- 
ter leaving  the  mangled  corpse,  for  a  time,  to  be  devoured 
by  dogs,  ordered  the  remains  to  be  thrown  into  the  Rhone. 
The  wife  and  children  of  Albinus  were  also  inhumanly  mas- 
sacred. Enriching  his  army  abundantly  with  the  spoils  of 
the  vanquished,  Severus  returned  to  Rome,  where  a  splen- 
did triumphal  arch  was  erected  to  commemorate  his  success, 
which  arch  still  remains  in  a  good  state  of  preservation. 

An  insurrection  in  Britain  called  the  emperor  to  that  is- 
land. Appointing  his  two  sons,  Caracalla  and  Geta,  as  joint 
successors  in  the  empire,  with  a  powerful  army  he  landed 
in  Britain.  Sending  a  division  of  his  army  under  Geta  to 
overawe  the  lower  provinces,  he  advanced,  accompanied  by 
Caracalla,  to  attack  the  Caledonians.  His  army  encoun- 
tered incredible  fatigue  in  forcing  their  way  through  for- 
ests and  marshes  and  over  unbridged  rivers.  In  a  few 
months  fifty  thousand  men  perished  from  sickness  and  the 
sword.  But  the  Caledonians  were  at  length  compelled  to 
beg  for  peace.  They  were  forced  to  surrender  a  portion  of 
their  country,  and,  as  a  protection  from  their  future  incur- 
sions, Severus  built  the  famous  wall,  which  still  goes  by 
his  name,  from  Sol  way  Firth  to  the  German  ocean.  Soon 
after  this  Severus  died  in  the  city  of  York,  in  Britain,  at 
the  age  of  sixty-six,  after  a  reign  of  eighteen  years. 

During  his  reign  a  new  Pretorian  guard  was  organized, 
four  times  as  numerous  as  the  one  disbanded.  He  lavished 
great  wealth  upon  his  troops,  so  that  they  became  enervated 
by  tlie  most  sensual  indulgence.  All  power  was  wrested 
from  the  senate,  and  a  long  step  was  thus  taken  in  the  road 
to  national  ruin.  Gloom  overshadowed  his  last  days,  "Om- 
nia fui,"  he  exclaimed,  "et  nihil  expedii."     I  have  been  all 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      341 

things  and  have  achieved  nothing.  Satiated  with  riches  and 
fame,  weary  of  the  cares  of  empire,  and  disturbed  by  the 
bickerings  of  his  sons,  into  whose  depraved  and  hostile 
hands  he  was  to  surrender  unlimited  power,  and  with  noth- 
ing to  contemplate  beyond  the  grave  but  darkness  impene- 
trable, he  sank  in  sadness  to  the  tomb.  And  yet  the  hoary- 
headed  tyrant  bequeathed  to  his  boys  the  political  aphor- 
ism, by  obedience  to  which  he  had  gained  all  his  power. 
It  was  this,  "Enrich  your  soldiers  at  any  price,  and  regard 
all  the  rest  of  your  subjects  as  mere  ciphers." 

The  two  sons  of  Severus  had  from  childhood  been  im- 
placably hostile  to  each  other.  Gradually  they  had  divided 
the  court  into  two  antagonistic  factions.  The  incessant 
quarrels  of  these  two  heirs  of  the  throne  had  greatly  im- 
bittered  the  last  days  of  their  father.  Caracalla  was  the 
elder  of  the  princes,  and  his  soul  seemed  ever  agitated  with 
the  wildest  ambition  and  the  most  depraved  passions.  Greta 
was  more  voluptuous  and  effeminate,  and  he  was  more  popu- 
lar with  the  people.  Caracalla  had  made  several  unsuccess- 
ful attempts  to  poison  his  father,  and  at  one  time  had  nearly 
succeeded  in  exciting  a  mutiny  among  the  troops.  Imme- 
diately after  the  death  of  Severus,  the  two  young  men,  who 
thus  succeeded  to  the  crown,  commenced  a  rapid  journey 
through  Graul  and  Italy  to  Eome. 

They  travelled  the  same  road,  with  separate  retinues, 
jealously  watching  each  other  to  guard  against  assassina- 
tion, and  never  venturing  to  eat  at  the  same  table  or  sleep 
in  the  same  house.  Thus,  the  fame  of  their  discord  was 
widely  spread.  On  their  arrival  at  Rome  they  occupied 
different  palaces,  with  guards  stationed  around  the  doors, 
and  with  no  communication  existing  between  them,  except 
that  which  was  marked  with  the  utmost  jealousy  and  ran- 
cor. It  seemed  impossible  that  the  empire  could  be  gov- 
erned in  common  by  men  whose  hostility  to  each  other  was 
so  deadly,  and  it  was  proposed  that  they  should  divide  the 
empire  between  them.  Some  progress  had  been  made  in 
the  negotiation,  upon  the  basis  that  Caracalla,  as  the  elder, 


342  ITALY 

should  reside  in  Rome,  and  retain  dominion  over  Europe 
and  western  Africa,  while  Geta,  selecting  Antioch  or  Alex- 
andria as  his  capital,  should  exercise  sovereignty  over  Asia 
and  Egypt.  Numerous  armies  were  to  be  encamped  on  each 
shore  of  the  Thracian  Bosphorus  to  protect  the  frontiers  of 
the  rival  monarchies. 

This  plan  for  a  dismemberment  of  the  empire,  merely  to 
gratify  the  j)assions  of  two  worthless  young  men,  excited 
indignation  in  almost  every  Eoman  breast.  Caracalla  re- 
flected that  one  dagger  thrust,  one  cup  of  poison,  would 
relieve  him  from  all  these  embarrassments,  and  with  new 
energy  he  prepared  to  put  his  brother  out  of  the  way. 
Feigning  desire  for  reconciliation,  he  proposed  a  friendly 
meeting  in  the  apartment  of  their  mother.  In  the  midst  of 
the  conversation,  two  assassins,  who  had  been  concealed, 
rushed  in,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  Caracalla,  cut  down 
Geta,  and  he  died  in  his  mother's  arms,  drenching  her  gar- 
ments with  his  blood.  She  herself  was  severely  wounded 
in  the  endeavor  to  shield  her  son  from  the  daggers  which 
were  aimed  at  him. 

Caracalla  easily  secured  the  support  of  the  army  with 
vast  bribes.  The  senate  was  now  ever  ready  to  do  hom- 
age to  successful  power.  The  only  redeeming  trait  in  the 
character  of  Caracalla  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  he  could 
not  escape  the  stings  of  remorse.  The  image  of  his  brother, 
bleeding,  struggling,  dying,  in  the  arms  of  his  terrified, 
shrieking  mother,  pursued  the  murderer  to  his  grave. 
But  this  remorse  only  goaded  him  to  new  crimes.  Julia, 
his  mother,  was  threatened  with  instant  death  if  she  did 
not  cease  her  lamentations,  and  receive  Caracalla  with 
smiles  of  approbation  and  joy.  Every  one  who  was  sup- 
posed to  be  in  the  interest  of  Geta,  without  regard  to  age 
or  sex,  was  put  to  death.  More  than  twenty  thousand  per- 
ished in  this  wholesale  proscription.  The  friends  of  the  ex- 
ecuted were  compelled  to  hide  their  tears,  for  the  slightest 
indication  of  sympathy  was  sure  to  call  down  the  vengeance 
of  the  tyrant. 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      343 

About  a  year  after  the  death  of  Geta,  Caracalla  left  Eome 
to  visit  the  distant  provinces  of  his  empire.  His  path  was 
everywhere  marked  with  the  traces  of  extortion,  rapine  and 
violence.  A  large  number  of  the  senate  were  compelled  to 
accompany  him,  and  to  provide  in  every  city  the  most  costly 
entertainments.  New  and  ingenious  forms  of  taxation  were 
invented,  and  the  wealthy  families  were  ruined  by  fines  and 
confiscations.  In  consequence  of  a  lampoon,  which  some  wag 
in  Alexandria  had  composed,  Caracalla  issued  an  order  for 
the  general  massacre  of  the  inhabitants.  A  demon  could 
hardly  have  been  more  wanton  and  perfidious  in  cruelty. 
But  enormous  gifts  to  the  army,  with  the  permission  of 
any  amount  of  license,  secured  the  support  of  their  swords. 
With  such  support  he  had  few  enemies  to  fear.  The  re- 
sources of  the  state  were  exhausted  to  enrich  the  soldiers, 
"whose  modesty  in  peace,  and  service  in  war,"  Gibbon 
has  well  observed,  "is  best  secured  by  an  honorable 
poverty." 

One  of  the  emperor's  generals,  Macrinus,  who  com- 
manded the  imperial  forces  in  Mesopotamia,  accidentally 
discovered  that  he  had  excited  the  suspicions  of  Caracalla, 
and  was  consequently  doomed  to  death.  In  his  despair  he 
engaged  one  of  his  centurions,  a  man  of  herculean  strength, 
to  assassinate  the  emperor.  Watching  his  opportunity,  as 
the  emperor  was  riding  out  one  day,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Edessa,  the  centurion  stabbed  him  in  the  back,  killing 
him  instantly.  The  assassin,  however,  paid  the  forfeit  of 
his  own  life,  for  he  was  immediately  cut  down  by  the  guard. 
Thus  terminated  the  diabolical  sway  of  Caracalla,  with  which 
God  had  allowed  the  world  to  be  cursed  for  six  years. 

The  army  now  looked  around  for  a  successor,  and  after 
an  interval  of  three  days  fixed  upon  Macrinus,  wi^io  made 
them  great  promises.  The  appointment  was  sent  to  the 
senate,  and  was  submissively  confirmed.  But  Macrinus 
was  neither  illustrious  through  lineage,  wealth,  nor  ex- 
ploits; and  gradually  murmurs  began  to  arise  against  the 
bestowal   of    the    imperial   purple   upon'  one    so   obscure. 


S44  ITALY 

These  murmurs  were  loudly  increased  by  his  cautious  at- 
tempts to  introduce  a  few  reforms  into  the  army.  He  did 
not  venture  to  meddle  with  the  privileges  and  extravagant 
pay  which  the  soldiers  who  were  already  engaged  received, 
but  endeavored  to  organize  new  recruits  upon  a  more  eco- 
nomical basis.  The  army  was  encamped  in  winter  quarters 
in  Syria.  Macrinus,  with  a  division  of  the  army  as  his  os- 
tentatious retinue,  was  luxuriating  in  the  imperial  palace  at 
Antioch. 

Under  these  circumstances,  a  Syrian,  named  Elagabalus, 
under  the  pretence  that  he  was  the  son  of  one  of  the  concu- 
bines of  Caracalla,  whose  memory  the  corrupt  army  adored, 
formed  a  conspiracy,  and,  supported  by  the  encamped 
troops,  declared  himself  emperor  and  marched  upon  Anti- 
och. The  soldiers,  eager  for  the  renewal  of  their  former 
license,  with  enthusiasm,  cohort  after  cohort,  abandoned 
Macrinus  and  joined  Elagabalus.  One  battle  finished  the 
strife.  Macrinus  was  slain,  and  all  the  troops  flocked  to  the 
banners  of  the  conqueror.  But  twenty  days  elapsed  from 
the  commencement  of  the  strife  to  the  victory  of  Elagaba- 
lus. The  powerless  senate  dared  not  remonstrate  against 
the  sword  of  the  army,  and  confirmed  with  exemplary  do- 
cility their  choice  of  a  new  emperor.  The  reign  of  Macrinus 
lasted  but  one  year  and  two  months. 

Elagabalus  passed  the  winter  in  riotous  living  with  his 
generals  in  Nicomedia,  and  early  in  the  spring  commenced 
a  triumphal  march  toward  Kome.  As  he  had  formerly  been, 
in  the  idolatrous  worship  of  the  East,  high  priest  of  the  sun, 
he  entered  Rome  in  the  double  character  of  pontiff  and  em- 
peror. The  streets  through  which  he  passed  were  sprinkled 
with  gold  dust.  Elagabalus,  arrayed  in  sacerdotal  robes  of 
silk  and  gold,  with  a  gorgeous  tiara  upon  his  brow,  and  with 
bracelets  and  collars  studded  with  inestimable  gems,  led  six 
milk  white  horses,  most  sumptuously  caparisoned,  drawing 
a  chariot  containing  the  black,  conical  stone  which  was  the 
symbol  of  the  god  at  whose  shrine  he  ministered.  In  his 
character  of  priest,  he  held  the  reins  and  walked  slowly 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      345 

backward,  that  his  eye  might  not  for  one  moment  wander 
from  the  divinity  he  adored. 

A  magnificent  temple  was  reared  for  this  new  deity  on 
the  Palatine  mount,  and  he  was  daily  worshipped  with  obla- 
tions and  sacrifices,  which  surpassed  all  that  Rome  had  yet 
beheld  of  idolatrous  splendor.  Syrian  girls  of  astonishing 
beauty  danced  and  postured  around  the  altar,  while  the 
highest  dignitaries  of  the  state  and  army  performed  the 
humblest  functions  before  the  shrine.  Elagabalus,  rioting 
in  imperial  wealth  and  power,  surrendered  himself  to  the 
grossest  and  most  disgraceful  dissipation.  Bringing  the 
vices  and  the  luxury  of  the  Orient  to  his  court,  and  adding 
to  those  all  the  refinements  of  enervating  and  demoralizing 
pleasure  which  the  Occident  could  suggest,  he  presented  to 
the  world  a  spectacle  of  shameless  misconduct,  which  had 
never  before  been  paralleled. 

The  palaces  of  the  Cgesars  had  been  already  as  corrupt 
as  the  ingenuity  of  their  possessors  could  make  them.  But 
Elagabalus,  transporting  to  Rome  the  vices  of  Asia,  had 
more  capacity  for  the  perpetration  of  deeds  of  horrible  enor- 
mity than  any  of  his  predecessors  possessed.  The  story  of 
his  atrocities  cannot  be  told.  Modern  civilization  cannot 
listen  to  the  recital.  It  seemed  to  be  his  special  ambition 
to  defy  as  many  of  the  moral  laws  as  possible,  and  in  that 
corrupt  society  he  readily  found  abettors.  Bad  as  the  world 
now  is,  it  has  made  vast  strides  in  the  path  of  improvement 
since  that  day.  Christianity  has  indeed,  notwithstanding  all 
its  corruptions,  already  wrought  a  wonderful  change.  No 
court  in  Europe  now  would  tolerate  for  a  day  a  Nero  or  an 
Elagabalus. 

At  length  even  pagan  Rome  could  endure  such  infamy 
no  longer.  The  fiendish  priest  and  emperor  was  smitten 
down  in  a  sudden  fray  in  the  camp,  and,  with  many  of  his 
minions,  was  hewn  to  pieces.  His  mutilated  corpse  was 
dragged  with  every  expression  of  contempt  through  the 
streets  of  Rome  and  cast  into  the  Tiber.  The  senate  passed 
a  decree  consigning  his  name  to  eternal  infamy.     With  an 


346  ITALY 

universal  outburst  of  approval  posterity  has  ratified  the 
edict. 

The  Pretorian  guard,  in  its  luxurious  suburban  encamp- 
ment, passed  the  sceptre  into  the  hands  of  Alexander,  a 
cousin  of  Elagabalus,  a  modest  youth  of  but  seventeen 
years  of  age.  The  sovereign  army  supposed  that  it  could 
mold  him  at  its  will.  The  senate,  as  ever,  was  pliant  as 
wax.  The  mother  of  the  unassuming  boy  was  a  woman  of 
uncommon  character,  and  with  singular  sagacity  she  for  a 
time  guided  all  his  measures.  It  is  said  that  she  was  a  dis- 
ciple of  the  Saviour,  and  that,  instructed  by  that  pure  faith, 
it  was  her  great  ambition  to  cleanse  Rome  from  the  pollu- 
tions of  the  preceding  reign.  She  appointed  for  her  son 
teachers  of  the  most  estimable  character,  and  he  was  in- 
structed in  the  faith  and  morals  of  Christianity.  She  estab- 
lished an  advisory  council,  consisting  of  sixteen  of  the  ablest 
senators.  All  the  minions  of  Elagabalus  were  driven  from 
office. 

Under  the  guidance  of  wise  teachers,  Alexander  Severus, 
as  he  is  usually  called,  began  to  develop  a  singularly  mild 
and  pure  character.  He  seems  to  have  been  endowed  with 
an  original  constitution  of  soul,  which  was  dove-like  and 
passionless.  He  was  amiable,  unsensual,  and  moderate  in 
all  his  desires.  There  was  nothing  in  his  nature  which 
responded  to  ordinary  temptations.  He  was  not  virtuous 
through  stern  resistance  to  the  allurements  of  vice;  he  was 
virtuous  because  he  had  apparently  no  temptation  to  be 
otherwise.  God  had  made  him  so.  In  the  human  family 
there  are  lambs  and  there  are  tiger's  whelps.  The  fact  is 
undeniable.  But  whose  philosophy  or  theology  can  explain 
the  fact?  Elagabalus  and  Alexander  were  cousins.  But 
temptation  glided  from  the  soul  of  Alexander,  as  Jeremy 
Taylor  would  say,  like  dewdrops  from  a  duck's  neck.  And 
yet,  can  any  philosophy  or  theology  triumph  over  the  com- 
mon-sense declaration  that  Elagabalus  was  an  infamous 
wretch,  meriting  the  execration  of  mankind  ? 

The  historians  of  those  days  give  the  following  account  of 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL      347 

the  education  of  this  prince,  then  an  emperor.  Strange  sceneg 
to  have  been  witnessed  in  a  palace  of  the  Caesars!  Alexan- 
der rose  at  an  early  hour,  and  in  prayer  implored  divine 
guidance  for  the  day.  He  then  met  his  cabinet  council, 
and  with  great  patience  devoted  several  hours  to  the  discus- 
sion of  affairs  of  state  and  to  the  redress  of  private  wrongs. 
A  portion  of  time  was  then  set  apart  for  study,  much  at- 
tention being  devoted  to  the  works  of  Virgil,  Plato,  Horace 
and  Cicero.  He  then  entered  his  gymnasium  for  bodily  ex- 
ercise, and  thus  there  was  developed  a  muscular  system  of 
unusual  vigor.  After  a  bath  and  a  slight  dinner,  he  received 
petitions,  and  directed  replies  to  letters  and  memorials,  till 
the  coena,  the  principal  Eoman  meal,  occurring  during  the 
afternoon.  His  table  was  always  spread  with  great  frugal- 
ity, and  usually  invited  guests,  distinguished  for  learning 
and  virtue,  sat  down  with  him.  His  dress  was  plain  and  all 
were  impressed  by  his  polished  manners.  For  forty  years 
the  palaces  of  the  Caesars  had  been  but  a  simmering  pool 
of  corruption.  The  first  approaches  of  Christianity  thus 
changed  the  scene. 

But  the  moment  the  emperor  touched,  even  with  the 
gentlest  hand,  the  privileges  of  the  soldiers,  a  cry  was  heard 
which  resounded  through  the  empire.  In  a  paroxysm  of 
rage  the  Pretorian  guards  marched  into  the  city,  breathing 
threatenings  and  slaughter.  For  three  days  a  fierce  civil 
war  raged  in  the  streets  of  Eome.  Many  houses  were  burned, 
multitudes  were  slain,  and  the  city  was  menaced  with  a  gen- 
eral conflagration.  Several  of  the  leading  friends  of  the 
emperor  were  massacred,  and  Alexander  was  compelled  to 
succumb  to  the  military  mob;  and  the  soldiers  returned, 
unpunished  and  triumphant,  to  their  quarters. 

The  legions  in  the  provinces  followed  the  successful  ex- 
ample of  the  Pretorian  guard,  and  refused  to  submit  to  the 
slightest  curtailment  of  their  privileges.  This  contest  with 
the  licentious  soldiery  imbittered  the  whole  of  the  reign  of 
Alexander. 

Thirty-two  years  before  the  period  of  which  we  now  are 


348  ITALY 

writing,  the  emperor  Severus,  returning  from  one  of  his  east- 
ern expeditions,  halted  in  Thrace  to  celebrate  with  military 
games  the  birth  of  his  son  Greta.  A  gigantic  young  bar- 
barian came  rollicking  into  the  camp,  challenging  any  one 
to  wrestle  with  him.  Sixteen  of  the  stoutest  followers  of 
the  army  he,  in  succession,  laid  upon  their  backs.  The  next 
day,  as  Severus  with  his  suite,  on  horseback,  was  galloping 
over  the  plain,  this  agile  young  barbarian,  whose  name  was 
Maximin,  with  the  speed  of  an  antelope,  placed  himself  at 
the  side  of  the  emperor,  keeping  pace  with  his  horse  in  a 
long  and  rapid  career;  and  then,  apparently  not  fatigued 
in  the  slightest  degree  with  his  race,  in  a  wrestling  match 
threw,  one  after  another,  seven  of  the  most  powerful  soldiers 
of  the  army. 

The  emperor,  astonished  at  these  feats,  rewarded  Maxi- 
min with  a  golden  collar,  and  assigned  him  an  important 
post  in  his  own  retinue.  This  Maximin  was  a  genuine  bar- 
barian, having  a  Groth  for  his  father,  and  a  woman  from  the 
still  more  savage  tribe  of  the  Alani,  for  his  mother.  Ee- 
nowned  for  strength  and  bravery,  he  rose  rapidly  in  the 
army,  until  he  attained  the  first  military  command.  He 
now  headed  a  conspiracy  against  Alexander.  "Why," 
said  he,  "should  Roman  armies  be  subject  to  an  effemi- 
nate Syrian,  the  slave  of  his  mother,  and  of  the  senate. 
Soldiers  should  be  governed  by  a  soldier,  one  reared  in 
camps,  and  one  who  knows  how  to  distribute  among  his 
comrades  the  treasures  of  the  empire." 

An  immense  army  was  at  this  time  gathered  upon  the 
Rhine,  to  repel  an  irruption  of  the  barbarians  from  Ger- 
many. As  by  a  simultaneous  movement,  the  soldiers  rose, 
cut  down  Alexander,  his  mother,  and  all  his  supporters, 
and  with  shouts  and  clashing  weapons,  and  trum];)et  peals, 
in  wildest  uproar,  proclaimed  Maximin  Imperaior.  Alexan- 
der reigned  thirteen  years,  and  was  murdered  on  the  nine- 
teenth of  March,  A.I).  235. 


RAPID    STRIDES    OF   DECLINE  349 


CHAPTER    XX 

RAPID  STRIDES   OF   DECLINE 

FROM  A.D.  235  TO  A.D.  283 

Maximin — His  Reign  and  Death — Revolt  in  Africa — The  Gordians — The 
two  Emperors — Balbinus  and  Maximus — Anarchy  in  Rome — Murder 
of  the  Emperors — Phihp  Marinus  and  Decius — Designation  of  Cassar 
— Hereditary  Descent — The  Gothic  Invasion — Valerian  and  Gallienus — 
Terrible  fate  of  Valerian — Accession  of  Claudius — Immense  Army  of 
the  Goths — Victories  of  Claudius — Character  and  Fate  of  Zenobia 
— Aurelian — Interregnum — Tacitus — His  Death — Probus — Carus — His 
March  to  Persia,  and  Death 

IN  THE  exaggerated  annals  of  those  days  we  are  told  that 
Maximin  was  eight  and  a  half  feet  high,  and  well  pro- 
portioned; that  his  wife's  bracelet  served  him  for  a 
thumb  ring;  that  his  strength  was  equal  to  that  of  two 
oxen;  that  with  a  blow  of  his  fist  he  could  strike  out  the 
teeth  of  a  horse,  and  break  his  thigh  with  a  kick.  His  daily 
rations  consisted  of  six  gallons  of  wine  and  forty  pounds' 
weight  of  flesh.  The  consciousness  of  his  low  origin  exas- 
perated him,  and  he  endeavored  to  destroy  all  who  had  any 
personal  knowledge  of  the  obscurity  from  which  he  had 
sprung.  In  the  intensity  of  his  jealousy  he  had  put  four 
thousand  persons  to  death  whom  he  suspected  of  conspiring 
against  him.  Some  were  sewed  up  in  hides  of  slaughtered 
animals  and  left  to  perish  either  of  suffocation  or  hunger. 
Some  were  thrown  into  the  ampitheatre  to  be  torn  to  pieces 
by  wild  beasts;  and  some  were  beaten  to  death  by  clubs. 
For  some  reason,  perhaps  ashamed  of  his  low  breeding  and 
his  ungainly  address,  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to  visit 
Rome;  but  spent  his  time  in  travelling  from  camp  to  camp, 
on  the  Rhine  and  on  the  Danube.  Ko  man  of  graceful  man- 
ners or  accomplished  mind  was  permitted  to  appear  before 
him.  His  graspings  for  wealth  were  insatiable.  All  tem- 
ples were  robbed,  and  the  most  exquisite  statues  of  gold 


350  ITALY 

and  silver  were  remorselessly  melted  down.  A  short  reign 
of  three  years  finished  the  career  of  this  monster.  The  story 
of  his  death  is  thus  recorded: 

Some  gross  outrages,  perpetrated  at  the  commencement 
of  the  reign  of  the  tyrant,  goaded  both  the  army  and  the 
people  of  Africa  to  insurrection.  The  emissaries  of  Maxi- 
min  in  the  African  army  were  fiercely  despatched,  and  the 
standard  of  rebellion  was  unfurled.  The  soldiers  compelled 
Gordian,  proconsul  of  Africa,  to  accept  the  imperial  purple. 
He  was  a  Roman  gentleman  of  highest  rank  and  of  vast 
wealth.  His  mansion  in  Rome  was  the  palace  which  Pom- 
pey  the  Great,  in  his  regal  state,  inhabited,  and  his  villa, 
but  a  short  distance  from  Rome,  rivalled  the  imperial  cha- 
teau in  the  grandeur  of  architecture  and  in  costly  furniture 
and  embellishments.  The  Gordian  family  stood  at  the  head 
of  the  Roman  aristocracy.  The  old  man  was  now  eighty 
years  of  age,  and  the  affairs  of  his  province  were  mainly 
administered  by  his  son,  who  had  accompanied  him  to 
Africa,  a  lieutenant  then  in  the  prime  of  life. 

The  senate  in  Rome,  disgusted  with  Maximin,  who  was 
at  this  time  with  the  army  in  Pannonia,  on  the  Upper  Dan- 
ube, joyfully  received  the  tidings  of  the  revolt  in  Africa, 
and  instantly  sanctioned,  by  their  suffrage,  the  choice  of 
the  Gordians.  The  father  and  son  established  their  court 
at  Carthage.  Rome  was  in  a  tumult  of  joy.  The  populace 
ran  through  the  streets  brandishing  their  daggers  and  shout- 
ing the  praises  of  the  Gordians.  But  the  savage  Maximin 
was  a  man  not  to  be  despised.  An  army  was  sent  against 
Carthage.  Young  Gordian  fell  upon  the  plain  where  his 
routed  troops  were  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  aged  father,  in 
despair,  put  an  end  to  his  life.  Bitter  was  the  vengeance 
which  Maximin  wreaked  upon  Africa.  And  now  the  tyrant 
turned  his  steps  toward  Rome.  The  senate  met  in  a  state 
of  inexpressible  dismay.  Not  only  confiscation  and  ruin 
awaited  them  and  their  families,  but  death  in  the  most  re- 
volting and  cruel  forms.  One  of  the  senators,  more  heroic 
than  the  rest,  in  a  bold  and  rousing  speech,  said: 


RAPID   STRIDES    OF  DECLINE  351 

"We  have  lost  two  excellent  princes,  but  unless  we  de- 
sert ourselves,  the  hopes  of  the  republic  have  not  perished 
with  the  Gordians.  Many  are  the  senators  whose  virtues 
have  deserved,  and  whose  abilities  would  sustain  the  im- 
perial dignity.  Let  us  elect  two  emperors,  one  of  whom 
may  conduct  the  war  against  the  public  enemy,  while  his 
colleague  remains  at  Rome  to  direct  the  civil  administra- 
tion. I  cheerfully  expose  myself  to  the  danger  of  the 
nomination,  and  propose  Maximus  and  Baibinus.  Eatify 
my  choice,  or  appoint  others  more  worthy." 

The  nomination  was  promptly  ratified.  Balbinus  was 
a  distinguished  orator  and  magistrate,  of  noble  birth,  and 
affluent  fortune.  Maximus  was  a  rough  soldier,  of  lowly 
birth,  who  by  courage  and  genius  had  fought  his  way  to 
no  inconsiderable  renown.  Maximin  was  now  foaming  and 
raging  like  a  wild  beast.  With  an  immense  army,  which  had 
been  struggling  against  the  barbarians  on  the  banks  of  the 
Danube,  he  crossed  the  Julian  Alps.  But  he  found  in 
his  path  only  smouldering  ruins,  desolation,  and  solitude. 
The  inhabitants,  terrified  by  his  known  savage  nature, 
had  fled  in  all  directions,  driving  away  their  cattle,  break- 
ing down  bridges,  and  removing  or  destroying  their  pro- 
visions. The  first  Italian  city  he  approached  was  Aquileia, 
at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  gulf. 

This  city  was  then  called  the  second  Eome,  and  was  fort- 
ified with  the  highest  resources  of  art,  as  a  barrier  against 
barbarian  invasion.  Maximin  was  a  fearless,  skilful,  and 
determined  soldier.  Leaving  a  portion  of  his  army  to  con- 
duct the  siege  with  all  possible  destructiveness  and  cruelty, 
he  pressed  on  with  another  division  of  his  troops  to  Eavenna. 
In  this  dreadful  hour,  when  Eome  was  threatened  with  ven- 
geance, the  recital  of  which  would  cause  every  ear  which 
should  hear  it  to  tingle,  some  exasperated  soldiers  of  his 
own  camp,  taking  advantage  of  the  execration  which  the 
monster's  inhumanity  had  created,  in  open  day  broke  into 
his  tent,  thrust  him  through  and  through  with  their  jave- 
lins, cut  off  his  head,  and  with  every  species  of  derision  and 


352  ITALV 

insult,  paraded  it  on  a  pike  through  the  camp !  A  shout  of 
exultation  rose  from  the  whole  army,  and  with  general  ac- 
claim they  accepted  Maximus  and  Balbinus  as  their  lawful 
emperors.  Maximin  had  been  invested  with  the  purple  but 
three  years. 

The  whole  Koman  empire  seemed  agitated  with  joy,  as 
the  news  spread  of  the  downfall  of  the  tyrant.  But  in 
Eome,  anarchy  succeeded.  A  conflict  arose  between  the 
senate  and  the  populace  of  Rome  on  the  one  side,  support- 
ing the  new  emperors,  and  the  Pretorian  guard  on  the 
other.  The  soldiers  were  victorious,  and  breaking  into 
the  palace,  they  seized  Maximus  and  Balbinus,  stripped 
them  of  their  robes,  dragged  them  ignominiously  through 
the  streets,  and  then,  piercing  them  with  a  thousand  spears, 
threw  their  mangled  remains  into  a  gutter,  to  be  devoured 
by  dogs.  The  soldiers  then  seized  a  grandson  of  the  elder 
Gordian,  who  had  perished  in  Africa,  and  bore  the  lad, 
who  was  but  thirteen  years  of  age,  in  triumph  to  the  camp, 
and  proclaimed  him  emperor.  In  six  months,  five  emperors 
had  perished.  The  senate,  with  the  sword  at  their  throats, 
prudently  acceded  to  the  demand  of  the  soldiers,  and,  by 
accepting  Gordian  as  their  sovereign,  saved  the  empire 
from  the  miseries  of  civil  war. 

The  reign  of  young  Gordian  was  short,  and  uneventful. 
He  had  but  just  entered  his  nineteenth  year  when,  while 
at  the  head  of  his  army  in  Mesopotamia,  waging  war  against 
the  Persians,  he  was  poisoned  by  one  of  his  leading  generals, 
an  Arabian  soldier,  by  the  name  of  Philip,  who  having  pre- 
viously formed  a  conspiracy  of  the  troops,  was  immediately 
proclaimed  emperor.  But  the  army  on  the  Danube,  which 
was  gathered  there  in  great  strength,  to  repel  the  constantly 
menacing  invasion  of  the  barbarians,  was  not  disposed  to  ac- 
cept an  emperor  from  the  Persian  army.  Repudiating  the 
election  of  Philip,  they  elected  one  of  their  own  generals, 
named  Marinus,  a  man  of  but  little  note.  Still  Philip  was 
alarmed,  for  the  Danubian  army  was  very  formidable. 

He  immediately  sent  Decius,  one  of  the  most  illustrious 


RAPID    STRIDES    OF   DECLINE  853 

of  the  Eoman  senate,  to  the  Danubian  arnij,  to  endeavor, 
by  his  personal  influence,  to  quell  the  insurrection.  But 
the  insurgent  soldiers,  rejoicing  to  obtain  so  illustrious  a 
captive,  seized  him,  and  with  threats  of  instant  death,  com- 
pelled him  to  accept  the  post  of  Imperator.  In  the  mean- 
time they  repudiated  Marinus  who  was  powerless.  Thus 
constrained,  Decius  yielded  to  their  wishes,  and  led  his 
army  into  Italy.  Philip  hastened  to  meet  him.  The  two 
hostile  armies,  under  their  several  leaders,  met  at  Verona. 
The  troops  of  Philip  were  routed,  and  one  of  Philip's  own 
soldiers,  with  a  blow  of  his  heavy  sword,  cleft  the  monarch's 
head  asunder.  The  senate,  the  people,  and  the  Pretorian 
guard  at  Rome,  all  welcomed  the  new  sovereign,  who  could 
enforce  his  claim  with  so  many  veteran  legions. 

To  the  eye  of  reason,  nothing  can  seem  more  absurd  than 
the  doctrine  of  the  hereditary  descent  of  power.  That  a 
babe,  a  feeble  girl,  a  semi-idiot  or  a  monster  of  depravity, 
should  be  invested  with  the  sovereignty  over  millions, 
merely  from  the  accident  of  birth,  is  apparently  as  prepos- 
terous as  any  folly  which  intelligence  can  scrutinize;  a  folly 
which  the  history  of  hereditary  sovereignties  most  fearfully 
illustrates.  And  yet  a  nation  may  be  so  unintelligent,  or 
so  depraved,  that  they  can  do  nothing  better  than  submit 
to  this  chance.  The  accident  of  birth  may  be  more  likely 
to  be  favorable  than  their  own  stupid  or  vicious  choice. 
But  where  there  is  anything  like  intelligence  and  integrity 
pervading  a  nation,  the  only  course  of  dignity  and  of  safety, 
is  for  the  people  to  choose  their  rulers.  But  Rome  had  be- 
come so  dissolute  and  barbaric,  that  had  every  name  in  the 
empire  been  cast  into  the  wheel  of  the  lottery,  and  had 
the  first  one  thrown  out  been  accepted  as  emperor,  the  re- 
sult could  not  have  been  more  disastrous  than  that  which 
ensued  from  the  nominal  suffrage  of  the  senate  and  the 
army.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  weakest  and  least 
successful  of  the  Presidents  of  .the  United  States  has  been 
superior,  as  a  ruler,  to  the  best  of  the  Caesars;  not  greater 
in  administrative  energy,  but  better  as  a  sovereign. 


364  ITALY 

History  also  teaches  tlie  folly  of  electing  a  ruler  for  life. 
Millions  may  thus  be  doomed  to  sujffer  for  half  a  century 
under  a  Nero,  a  Caracalla,  or  a  Maximin,  and  there  is  no 
refuge  but  in  the  immorality  of  the  dagger.  Thus  assas- 
sination becomes,  as  in  ancient  Kome,  an  institution,  and 
almost  ceases  to  be  a  crime.  The  election  of  a  ruler,  for 
a  short  term  of  service,  who  is  then  to  return  again  to  the 
bosom  of  the  people,  to  share  in  the  taxes  which  have  been 
imposed,  and  to  be  subject  to  the  laws  which  have  been  en- 
acted, is  surely  the  highest  deduction  of  political  intelli- 
gence. Admitting  that  there  are  people,  so  debased,  un- 
intelligent or  unfortunate  that  they  are  incapable  of  being 
benefited  by  this  privilege,  happy  is  that  people  who  can 
enjoy  and  appreciate  the  dignity  and  utility  of  popular 
suffrage. 

Decius  at  the  head  of  his  legions,  marched  from  the 
bloody  field  of  Verona  to  Kome,  received  the  homage  of 
the  senate,  the  huzzas  of  the  people,  and  took  up  his  abode 
in  the  palaces  of  the  Csesars.  The  withdrawal  of  tbe  troops 
from  the  Danube  encouraged  the  Goths  to  cross  that  stream 
in  desolating  bands.  Marching  downward  from  the  shores 
of  the  Baltic  sea,  they  had  ravaged  the  province  of  Dacia, 
a  country  which  extended  for  many  leagues  along  the  north- 
ern shores  of  the  Danube,  comprising  nearly  all  the  present 
region  of  Transylvania,  Moldavia,  and  Wallachia. 

Just  across  the  Danube,  lining  the  southern  banks,  was 
the  Roman  province  of  Moesia,  now  Bulgaria.  In  wolfish 
bands  these  fierce  warriors  swam  the  stream,  and  trampling 
down  the  feeble  opposition  they  encountered,  cut  down  the 
inhabitants  and  swept  the  land,  plundering  and  burning. 
Decius,  spurring  on  his  troops,  was  soon  upon  them.  The 
barbarians,  disdaining  to  retreat,  pressed  onward  south- 
westerly into  Thrace,  and,  as  Decius  incautiously  pursued, 
they  turned  upon  him  at  Philippopolis,  routed  tbe  legions, 
plundered  their  camp,  scaled  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  put 
to  the  sword  its  whole  population,  indiscriminately,  amount- 
ing to  one  hundred  thousand  souls.     This  was  the  first  sue- 


RAPID    STRIDES    OF   DECLINE  355 

cessful  irruption  of  the  barbarians  into  the  Koman  empire, 
and  no  tongue  can  tell  the  dismay  with  which  the  tidings 
were  received  in  Rome.     It  was  in  A.D.  250. 

Decius  rallied  his  dispersed  forces,  gathered  recruits,  and 
again  met  his  foes  on  the  plains  of  Mcesia.  Again  the  Ro- 
mans, enervated  by  vice  and  luxury,  were  beaten  down 
by  the  burly  arms  of  the  barbarians.  The  conflict  was  ter- 
rible. Decius  himself  was  slain,  and  his  body,  trampled 
in  the  mire  of  a  morass,  could  never  be  found.  A  son  of 
Decius  also  perished  with  his  father  on  that  disastrous  day. 
The  broken  battalions  of  the  Romans  fled,  bleeding  and 
panic-stricken,  in  all  directions.  The  senate,  confounded 
by  the  calamity,  immediately  chose  again  two  emperors, 
probably  intending  in  that  form  to  restore  gradually  the 
old  Roman  republic  with  two  annual  consuls. 

Hostilianus,  a  son  of  Decius,  was  elected  as  civil  emperor, 
to  remain  in  Rome,  while  Grallus,  a  veteran  soldier  and  a  re- 
nowned general,  was  elected  military  emperor,  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  armies.  But  Rome  had  already  fallen  so  low 
that  Gallus  was  compelled  to  the  ignominy  of  purchasing 
peace  of  the  barbarians,  by  allowing  them  to  retire,  with  all 
their  plunder.  They  took  with  them  thousands  of  Roman 
captives,  illustrious  men  and  beautiful  women,  to  serve  as 
slaves  in  the  fields  and  the  houses  of  the  Groths.  By  the 
law  of  human  retribution  this  was  right.  Rome  had  made 
slaves  of  all  nations,  and  it  was  just  that  Rome  should  drink 
of  the  cup  of  slavery  herself. 

Hostilianus  suddenly  sickened  and  died.  Gallus,  who 
thus  became  sole  sovereign,  was  charged  with  his  murder. 
At  the  same  time  ^milianus,  governor  of  the  province  of 
Mcesia,  gained  some  little  advantages  over  a  wandering  band 
of  the  barbarians ;  thereupon  the  Danubian  legions  declared 
him  emperor,  and  placing  him  at  their  head,  commenced 
a  march  into  Italy.  The  senate,  deeming  ^milianus  the  - 
stronger  of  the  rivals,  murdered  Gallus  and  his  son,  and 
conferred  the  imperial  purple  upon  ^milianus.  The  Roman 
empire  at  this  time  consisted  of  a  belt  of  territory  about 


856  ITALY 

one  thousand  miles  in  width,  encircling  the  Mediterranean 
sea  as  its  central  lake.  Poetry  can  hardly  conceive  of  a  loca- 
tion more  beautiful  or  better  adapted  for  the  accumulation 
of  wealth  and  power. 

And  now,  along  the  whole  line  of  the  Danube,  barbarian 
tribes,  of  unknown  names  and  customs,  began  to  menace  the 
empire;  crossing  the  river  with  the  sweep  of  the  tornado, 
but  to  destroy  with  resistless  energy,  and  as  suddenly  to 
disappear.  Grallus,  just  before  his  death,  had  summoned 
Valerian,  a  Roman  senator  and  general  of  renown,  to  his 
aid  with  the  army  from  Gaul.  As  Valerian  was  crossing 
the  Alps  he  received  the  tidings  of  the  death  of  Gallus, 
and  determined  to  avenge  him.  As  the  two  hostile  armies, 
the  one  led  by  Valerian,  the  other  by  ^milianus,  ap- 
proached Spoleto,  the  soldiers  of  ^milianus,  unwilling  to 
contend  with  troops  confessedly  more  powerful,  murdered 
their  imjje^'aior^  and  with  enthusiasm  declared  for  Valerian, 
^milianus  had  reigned  less  than  four  months. 

Valerian  was  already  an  old  man,  and  he  associated  with 
him  in  the  cares  of  government  his  son  Gallienus.  To  mul- 
tiply the  troubles  of  Rome,  the  Persians  were  now,  in  vast 
armies,  assailing  the  empire  in  the  East.  To  meet  these 
menaces  Gallienus  took  charge  of  the  troops  of  the  German 
frontier,  and  Valerian  marched  to  repel  the  Persian  cohorts 
in  the  East.  But  the  power  of  ancient  Rome  was  no  more. 
The  barbarian  Franks,  in  tribes  of  various  names,  trampling 
down  the  enervated  legions  of  the  Caesars,  in  successive 
waves  of  invasion,  swept  over  Gaul  and  Spain,  and  even 
crossed  the  straits  of  Hercules  and  penetrated  Africa. 

Another  barbarian  nation,  called  the  Alemani,  came 
howling  through  the  defiles  of  the  Rhsetian  Alps,  and, 
almost  unresisted,  swept  over  the  plains  of  Lombardy. 
Leaving  behind  them  traces  of  the  most  awful  destruction, 
they  retired,  with  shouts  of  exultation  and  burdened  with 
booty  to  their  northern  wilds.  The  Goths  of  the  Ukraine, 
about  the  same  time,  in  three  expeditions  of  hitherto  un- 
paralleled  destructiveness,    took   possession   of   the   coasts 


RAPID   STRIDES    OF   DECLINE  857 

of  the  Euxine,  and  overran  Asia  Minor.  In  the  flat- bottomed 
boats  which  had  transported  their  bands  across  the  Euxine 
to  Asia,  thej  descended  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Hellespont, 
and  loaded  their  fleet  to  the  water's  edge  with  the  spoils  of 
the  Archipelago.  Thence  thej  marched  upon  Epirus,  and 
even  began  to  threaten  Italy. 

As  Valerian  marched  through  Greece  and  Asia  Minor 
with  his  veteran  legions,  the  Goths  sullenly  retreated,  laden 
with  the  plunder  of  the  provinces.  Pressing  forward  on  his 
route  he  crossed  the  Euphrates,  and  met  his  Persian  foes,  in 
strong  military  array,  on  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia.  Here 
Sapor,  the  Persian  monarch,  triumphed  in  a  decisive  battle, 
and  Valerian,  hemmed  in  en  all  sides  by  overpowering  num- 
bers, was  compelled  to  make  an  unconditional  surrender. 
The  Eoman  emperor  now  drained  to  the  dregs  the  cup  of 
humiliation  and  misery.  Derisively  robed  in  the  imperial 
purple.  Valerian  was  compelled  to  stoop  as  a  footstool  be- 
fore his  conqueror,  who  put  his  foot  upon  his  neck  to  mount 
his  horse.  Every  conceivable  indignity  was  heaped  upon 
him  for  seven  years.  It  is  said  that  at  length  his  eyes  were 
put  out;  he  was  flayed  alive.  His  skin  tanned,  dyed  red, 
and  stuffed,  was  preserved  for  ages  in  commemoration  of 
Persia's  triumph  over  imperial  Rome. 

Gallienus  was  left,  by  the  captivity  and  death  of  Vale- 
rian, sole  emperor.  Fond  of  rank  and  power,  he  could  not 
refrain  from  the  indecent  expression  of  gratification  in  view 
of  those  misfortunes  which  had  relieved  him  from  the  col- 
leagueship  of  his  father.  Regardless  of  the  dishonor  which 
had  befallen  the  empire,  he  attempted  to  purchase  peace  with 
the  barbarians,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  cultivation  of 
poetry,  rhetoric,  and  the  elegant  arts.  Many  provinces 
were  invaded  and  ravaged  with  impunity,  while  Gallienus 
only  smiled  at  the  intelligence,  remarking  that  Rome  was 
too  great  to  be  disturbed  by  a  loss  so  contemptible.  The 
discontent  became  so  general  that  it  is  said  that  thirty  in- 
surgents rose  during  his  reign,  endeavoring  to  crowd  him 
from  the  throne,  and  grasp  the  sceptre.     Civil  war,  inces- 


S58  ITALY 

santlj  roused  by  these  local  feuds,  everywhere  desolated 
the  empire. 

Odenathus  at  Palmyra,  near  the  Euphrates,  carved  him 
out  a  kingdom  from  the  crumbling  state,  and  m.aintained 
himself  in  his  rebellious  sovereignty  for  twelve  years.  At 
his  death  he  transmitted  his  sceptre  to  his  widow  Zenobia. 
Inefficiency  and  cruelty  were  combined  in  the  character  of 
Gallienus. 

It  appears,  by  exact  registers,  that  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years  the  population  of  the  Roman  empire  had  decreased, 
probably  one- half,  from  wars,  pestilence,  and  famine.  The 
barbarians  were  incessantly  ravaging  the  frontiers,  and  mak- 
ing incursions  almost  within  sight  of  the  domes  of  Rome. 
At  the  same  time  in  almost  every  province  bands  of  the 
army  were  pronouncing  some  successful  general  imperator, 
and  were  raising  the  standard  of  rebellion.  One  of  the  in- 
surgents, named  Aureolus,  from  the  Upper  Danube,  crossed, 
the  Rhaetian  Alps,  and  marched  boldly  upon  Rome.  Gal- 
lienus thus  roused,  attacked  him,  defeated  him,  and  drove 
him  back  upon  Milan.  Here  Gallienus,  in  a  nocturnal  at- 
tack, received  a  mortal  dart  from  an  unknown  hand,  prob- 
ably from  an  assassin  in  his  own  ranks. 

With  his  dying  breath  he  named  as  his  successor  a  dis- 
tinguished general,  Claudius,  of  plebeian  birth,  then  in  com- 
mand of  a  division  of  the  Roman  army  near  Pavia.  He  was 
a  veteran  soldier,  and  the  senate  and  the  army  cordially  ac- 
cepted him.  Claudius  was  then  fifty-four  years  of  age. 
With  energy  he  assailed  Aureolus,  captured  him  and  put 
him  to  death.  Heroically  he  engaged  in  the  attempt  to  in- 
fuse new  life  into  the  decaying  empire.  The  barbarians  of 
the  north,  under  the  general  name  of  Goths,  were  now,  in 
armaments  more  formidable  than  ever  before,  crossiog  the 
frontiers,  from  the  German  ocean  to  the  Euxine  sea,  a  dis- 
tance of  more  than  fifteen  hundred  miles. 

One  army,  which  it  was  affirmed  consisted  of  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thousand,  descended  the  Dniester  in  six 
thousand  barges.     Encountering  but  feeble  opposition  they 


RAPID    STRIDES    OF   DECLINE  359 

spread  in  all  directions,  plundering  and  destroying  the  coasts 
of  Europe  and  of  Asia.  Claudius  marched  against  them. 
The  letter  he  addressed  to  the  senate  on  this  occasion  is 
still  extant. 

By  a  series  of  signal  victories  Claudius  drove  the  bar- 
barians back  again  into  their  forests.  As  he  was  pursuing 
them  with  sleepless  energy,  he  fell  a  victim  to  exhaustion 
and  exposure,  and  died  of  a  fever,  after  a  reign  of  two 
years.  He  gathered  his  officers  around  his  dying  bed,  and 
recommended  to  them  one  Aurelian,  one  of  his  ablest  gen- 
erals, as  his  successor  on  the  throne.  Aurelian  was  the  son 
of  a  peasant.  His  reign  lasted  four  years  and  nine  months; 
and  was  wonderfully  successful.  He  chastised  the  Goths 
with  a  rod  of  iron,  and  drove  them  in  dismay  from  the  em- 
pire. He  recovered  Spain,  Graul,  and  Britain  from  Tetricus, 
who  had  usurped  the  sovereignty  there.  He  then  prepared 
an  expedition  to  crush  rebellion  in  the  east. 

History  describes  Zenobia,  the  queen  of  Palmyra,  as 
marvellously  beautiful,  being  endowed  with  almost  every 
moral,  intellectual,  and  physical  grace.  She  was  not  only 
a  proficient  in  Latin  and  Grreek,  but  also  understood  the 
Egyptian  and  Syriac  languages.  With  her  own  pen  she 
had  written  an  epitome  of  oriental  history.  For  five  years, 
bidding  defiance  to  Rome,  she  had  reigned  over  Palmyra 
and  Syria.  Her  dominions  extended  from  the  Euphrates 
to  the  borders  of  Bithynia.  Without  directly  avowing  hos- 
tility to  Rome,  she  seemed  at  times  to  assume  the  character 
of  a  Roman  empress,  in  command  of  the  eastern  division  of 
the  empire.  Longinus,  the  renowned  critic,  whose  works 
are  studied  with  admiration  to  the  present  day,  was  her 
secretary. 

Aurelian  having  vanquished  the  Goths,  with  a  victorious 
army  marched  along  the  shores  of  the  Buxine  into  the  ter- 
ritory claimed  by  Zenobia.  Two  great  battles  were  fought, 
in  both  of  which  Zenobia  was  defeated  and  her  troops  cut 
to  pieces.  As  usual,  her  subjects  accepted  the  conqueror. 
Zenobia,   however,   with  intrepidity  seldom  surpassed,  re- 


360  ITALY 

tired  to  her  citadel  in  Palmyra,  resolved  to  surrender  her 
crown  only  with  her  life. 

"The  Eoman  people,"  Aurelian  wrote,  "speak  with  con- 
tempt of  the  war  which  I  am  waging  against  a  woman.  They 
are  ignorant  both  of  the  character  and  the  power  of  Zenobia. 
It  is  impossible  to  enumerate  her  warlike  preparations  of 
stones,  arrows,  and  every  species  of  missile  weapon.  Every 
part  of  the  walls  is  provided  with  two  or  three  ballisioe  ;  and 
artificial  fire  is  thrown  from  her  military  engines.  The  fear 
of  punishment  has  armed  her  with  a  desperate  courage.  Yet 
still  I  trust  in  the  protecting  deities  of  Eome,  who  have 
hitherto  been  favorable  to  all  my  undertakings. " 

At  length  Zenobia,  after  a  long  and  heroic  conflict,  de- 
spairing of  her  ability  longer  to  maintain  the  siege,  and 
conscious  of  the  doom  which  awaited  her  should  she  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  endeavored  to  escape  and 
seek  the  protection  of  the  Persian  court.  She  mounted  one 
of  her  fleetest  dromedaries  and  had  reached  the  distance  of 
sixty  miles  from  Palmyra,  when  she  was  overtaken  and 
brought  back  a  captive  to  Aurelian.  When  the  heroic 
queen  was  conducted  into  the  presence  of  her  victor  he 
sternly  inquired: 

"How  dared  you  to  rise  in  arms  against  the  emperors  of 
Rome?" 

With  an  adroit  admixture  of  flattery  and  firmness  she 
replied,  "Because  I  disdained  to  consider  a  Gallienus  as  a 
Roman  emperor.  Aurelian  alone  I  recognize  as  my  em- 
peror and  sovereign." 

The  victor  was  not  merciful.  Longinus  was  sent  to  the 
block.  Terrible  vengeance  was  wreaked  upon  the  recon- 
quered territory,  in  which  women,  children,  and  old  men 
fell  in  indiscriminate  slaughter  beneath  the  swords  of  the 
Roman  soldiers.  Zenobia  was  carried  a  prisoner  to  Rome 
to  grace  the  triumph.  Such  a  triumph  Rome  had  not  wit- 
nessed for  ages.  It  was  the  dying  flicker  of  the  lamp. 
Twenty  elephants,  four  tigers,  and  two  hundred  of  the 
most  imposing  animals  of  the  east  led  the  pompous  pro- 


RAPID    STRIDES    OF   DECLINE  361 

cession.  Sixteen  hundred  gladiators  engaged  in  mortal 
combat  in  the  amphitheatre.  The  vast  plunder  of  the 
armies  from  the  sack  of  oriental  cities  was  ostentatiously 
paraded.  An  immense  train  of  prisoners  followed — slaves 
captured  from  Gaul,  Spain,  Germany,  and  all  the  nations  of 
the  east.  Conspicuous  among  these,  arresting  every  eye, 
was  Tetricus,  the  insurgent  chief  of  the  west,  and  Zenobia, 
the  defiant  queen  of  the  east. 

Zenobia,  radiant  in  pensive  beauty,  and  robed  in  the 
most  gorgeous  attire  of  the  orient,  walked  fettered  with 
chains  of  gold,  and  almost  sinking  beneath  the  weight  of 
jewelry  and  precious  stones.  The  gold  chain  which  en- 
circled her  neck  was  so  heavy  that  a  slave  supported  a  por- 
tion of  it.  The  gorgeous  chariot  of  the  queen,  emj^ty,  and 
drawn  by  Arabian  chargers  magnificently  caparisoned,  fol- 
lowed the  captive.  The  triumphal  car  of  Aurelian  then 
appeared,  harnessed  to  four  stags.  The  senators,  in  their 
robes  of  office,  the  bannered  army,  and  a  vast  concourse  of 
the  populace  closed  the  procession. 

The  emperor,  however,  treated  the  most  distinguished  of 
his  captives  very  generously.  Many  of  the  maidens,  after 
receiving  a  finished  education,  were  joined  in  honorable 
wedlock  to  the  generals  of  the  armies.  Zenobia  was  placed 
in  the  enjoyment  of  an  elegant  villa  at  Tivoli,  about  twenty 
miles  from  Eome,  with  ample  supplies  for  her  wants.  Even 
Tetricus  was  restored  to  his  forfeited  rank  and  fortune.  He 
reared  a  magnificent  palace  on  the  Cselian  hill,  and  invited 
the  emperor  to  sup  with  him.  They  remained  on  the  most 
friendly  terms  for  the  rest  of  life. 

But  there  was  no  peace  for  tumultuous  Rome.  One  se- 
dition within  the  walls  was  only  quelled  by  the  sacrifice  of 
seven  thousand  of  the  imperial  troops.  Aurelian  was  ter- 
ribly severe  in  discipline.  The  cruellest  tortures,  and  death 
in  its  most  awful  forms,  did  not  touch  his  sympathies.  Ever 
accustomed  to  war,  he  regarded  life  as  of  but  little  moment, 
and  transferred  the  stern  rule  of  the  camp  into  all  civil  af- 
fairs.    His  severities  excited  constant  conspiracies,  and  the 

Italy— 16 


362  ITALY 

conspiracies  led  to  new  severities.  The  most  illustrious  men 
in  Rome  were  sent  to  the  block.  The  executioner  was  con- 
stantly busy,  and  the  prisons  were  ever  crowded. 

A  few  months  after  his  great  triumph,  he  again  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  armies  in  a  march  upon  Persia. 
He  had  arrived  as  far  as  the  Thracian  Bosphorus,  when 
some  of  his  principal  officers,  learning  that  they  were 
doomed  to  death,  fell  upon  him  in  his  tent,  and  cut  him 
down.    He  fought  fiercely  for  his  life,  but  was  overpowered. 

It  is  strange  that  any  one  should  have  been  willing  to 
accept  the  Eoman  sceptre,  since  it  so  invariably  led  to  as- 
sassination. For  two  centuries,  out  of  the  great  number  of 
emperors  but  three  or  four  had  died  a  natural  death.  The 
virtuous  and  the  vicious,  the  mild  and  the  severe,  were 
alike  doomed  to  a  bloody  end.  The  army  adored  Aure- 
lian,  and  were  determined  that  none  of  the  conspirators 
should  gain  the  throne.  They  therefore  sent  a  deputation 
to  the  senate  requesting  that  Aurelian  should  be  placed  in 
the  number  of  the  gods,  and  that  a  successor  should  be  chosen 
at  Rome  worthy  of  the  imperial  purple.  The  senate  de- 
tested Aurelian,  who  had  ruled  them  with  military  rigor. 
They  rejoiced  to  hear  of  his  death,  and  were  astonished  at 
the  deference,  so  unusual,  with  which  they  were  treated  by 
the  army.  But  there  was  now  no  member  of  the  senate  who 
was  willing  to' accept  the  crown.  Three  times  the  senate  re- 
turned this  answer,  and  three  times  the  army  reiterated  its 
request.  For  nearly  eight  months  Rome  was  without  a  sov- 
ereign, and  perhaps  never  before  were  the  aSairs  of  the  em- 
pire better  administered,  since  the  efficient  generals  and 
magistrates  Aurelian  had  appointed  still  continued  in 
power.  The  Roman  legions  yet  remained  encamped  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Bosphorus. 

But  this  state  of  things  could  not  long  continue.  Intel- 
ligence reached  Rome  that  a  new  flood  of  barbarians  had 
swept  across  the  Rhine,  and  were  ravaging  Gaul.  ■  The 
Persian  monarch  was  also  threatening  all  the  east.  There 
was  a  venerable  senator,  Tacitus,  a  descendant  of  the  re- 


JRAPID   STRIDES   OF   DECLINE  363 

nowned  historian,  seventy-five  years  of  age.  He  possessed 
vast  wealth,  had  twice  been  consul,  and  his  character  was 
singularly  pure  for  those  days  of  pollution.  The  voice  of 
the  people  called  loudly  for  Tacitus.  Alarmed,  he  had 
sought  the  retirement  of  his  villa.  Being  summoned  to 
the  senate,  he  was,  with  universal  acclaim,  greeted  as  Taci- 
tus Augustus.     He  struggled  to  escape  the  dangerous  honor. 

"Are  these  limbs,"  said  he,  "fitted  to  sustain  the  weight 
of  armor,  or  to  practice  the  exercises  of  the  camp  ?  My 
exhausted  strength  scarcely  enables  me  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  a  senator.  Can  you  hope  that  the  legions  will  re- 
spect a  weak  old  man,  whose  days  have  been  spent  in  the 
shade  of  peace  and  retirement?  Can  you  desire  that  I 
should  ever  find  reason  to  regret  the  favorable  opinion  of 
the  senate?" 

Tacitus  was  compelled  to  be  emperor.  The  army  de- 
manded his  immediate  presence.  He  hastened  to  the  Bos- 
phorus,  put  his  troops  in  motion,  and  had  arrived  within 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  the  Euphrates  when 
he  was  murdered  by  his  soldiers,  after  a  reign  of  seven 
months. 

The  legions,  now  in  Cappadocia,  a  province  washed  by 
the  Euphrates,  were  not  disposed  to  wait  the  tardy  move- 
ments of  the  senate,  and  immediately  elected  Probus,  one 
of  their  generals,  emperor.  Probus  was  a  soldier,  and  his 
reign  was  an  incessant  battle.  The  foes  of  Eome  were  nuni« 
berless.  He  led  every  assault;  was  ever  the  first  to  scale  a 
rampart,  or  to  break  into  the  camp  of  the  foe.  After  thus 
fighting  for  six  years  to  drive  back  the  enemy  crowding 
upon  the  empire  from  the  east,  the  west,  and  the  north, 
Probus  died  the  natural  death  of  the  Roman  sovereigns. 
A  party  of  mutineers  rushed  upon  him  as  he  was  superin- 
tending the  draining  of  a  marsh,  work  which  displeased 
them,  and  pierced  him  with  a  hundred  daggers. 

The  army  looked  quietly  on  as  the  assassins  wiped  their 
bloody  weapons,  and  then  elected  Carus,  a  captain  of  the 
guard,  emperor,  and  simply  sent  word  to  the  senate,  in  utter 


364  ITALV 

disregard  of  the  prerogatives  of  that  body,  that  the  array 
had  provided  Eome  with  a  sovereign.  Carus  was  an  old, 
bald-headed  man,  and,  marshalling  his  troops  for  a  campaign 
in  the  East,  he  declared  that  he  would  make  Persia  bare  as 
his  own  skull.  The  hardy  soldier,  in  mid-winter,  marched 
his  troops  through  Thrace  and  Asia  Minor,  and  reached  the 
confines  of  Persia.  The  Persian  monarch,  alarmed,  sent  an 
ambassador  to  negotiate,  if  possible,  a  peace.  The  envoys, 
accustomed  to  the  magnificence  of  oriental  courts,  were  as- 
tonished to  find  the  Koman  emperor  seated  upon  the  grass 
eating  his  supper  of  cold  bacon  and  peas.  A  coarse  woollen 
garment,  of  purple  dye,  was  the  only  external  indication  of 
his  dignity.  The  demands  of  Carus  were  such  that  the  Per- 
sians retired  without  coming  to  terms,  and  the  Roman  le- 
gions ravaged  Mesopotamia  mercilessly,  extending  their 
arms  beyond  the  Tigris. 

As  usual,  a  conspiracy  was  formed  for  the  death  of 
Carus.  On  the  night  of  Christmas,  A.D.  283,  a  fearful 
tempest  arose.  The  mutineers,  as  the  lightning  was  flash- 
ing along  the  sky,  and  peals  of  thunder  shook  the  camp, 
rushed  upon  Carus,  reposing  in  his  tent,  murdered  him,  set 
fire  to  the  curtains,  and  burned  his  body  in  the  flames  of  his 
own  pavilion.  The  story  was  sent  to  Rome  that  the  tent 
was  struck  by  lightning,  an  indication  that  the  gods  wished 
the  army  to  abandon  the  Persian  enterprise  and  return  to 
Rome. 


DIVISIONS   OF   THE   EMPIRE  365 


CHAPTER  XXI 

DIVISIONS   OF   THE   EMPIRE 

FKOM  A.D.  283  TO  A.D.  330 

Carinus  and  Numeriau — Anecdote  of  Diocletian — His  Accession — Sagacious 
Arrangements — The  Four  Emperors — Wars  of  the  Barbarians — The  Two 
New  Capitals,  Milan  and  Nicomedia — Decadence  of  Rome — Abdication 
of  Diocletian — His  Retirement  and  Death — Constantius  and  Constantine 
— The  Overthrow  of  Maxentius,  Maximin,  and  Licinius — Constantine 
Sole  Emperor — Triumph  of  Christianity  over  Persecution — Constan- 
tine Adopts  Christianity — Byzantium  Changed  to  Constantinople — The 
Growth  and  Splendor  of  the  City 

THE  army  appointed  the  two  sons  of  Carus  to  the  im- 
perial dignity.  One  of  these,  Carinus,  was  in  Gaul. 
The  other,  Numerian,  had  accompanied  his  father 
to  Persia.  The  soldiers,  weary  of  the  distant  war,  insisted 
on  being  led  back  to  Italy.  Numerian,  sick  and  suffering 
severely  from  inflammation  of  the  eyes,  was  compelled  to 
yield  to  the  demands  of  the  troops.  The  army,  by  slow 
marches,  retraced  its  steps,  eight  months  being  occupied  in 
reaching  the  Bosphorus.  Numerian  was  conveyed  in  a  lit- 
ter, shut  up  from  the  light,  and  he  issued  his  daily  orders 
through  his  minister,  Aper.  He  at  length  died,  and  Aper 
concealing  his  death,  continued,  from  the  imperial  pavilion 
to  proclaim  mandates  to  the  army  in  the  name  of  the  invisi 
ble  sovereign.  They  had  already  reached  the  Bosphorus 
when  the  suspicions  of  the  army  were  excited,  and  the  sol 
diers,  breaking  into  the  regal  tent,  discovered  the  embalmed 
body  of  the  emperor.  Aper,  accused  of  his  murder,  was 
seized  and  brought  before  a  military  tribunal.  At  the  same 
time,  with  unanimous  voice,  the  army  chose  Diocletian  em- 
peror, who  was  in  command  of  the  guard.  Diocletian  was 
born  a  slave — the  child  of  slaves  owned  by  a  Roman  sena- 
tor.    Having  attained  his  freedom,  he  had  worked  his  way 


366  ITALY 

to  the  highest  posts  in  the  army.  Aper  was  brought  before 
him  for  trial.  This  first  act  of  his  reign  developed  the 
promptness,  the  energy,  and  the  despotism  of  Diocletian. 
As  the  accused  was  led  in  chains  to  the  tribunal,  Diocletian, 
looking  upon  him  sternly  and  asking  for  no  proof,  said: 

"This  man  is  the  murderer  of  Numerian." 

Drawing  his  sword  he  plunged  it  into  the  prisoner's 
heart,  and  all  the  army  applauded  the  deed.  Carinas,  the 
brother  and  colleague  of  Numerian,  was  at  Rome,  rioting  in 
the  utmost  voluptuousness  of  dissolute  pleasures.  Alarmed 
by  the  announcement  of  the  election  of  Diocletian,  he  sum- 
moned an  army  and  marched  to  meet  him.  The  two  rival 
emperors,  at  the  head  of  their  legions,  confronted  each  other 
near  Margus,  a  city  of  Moesia,  on  the  lower  Danube.  ^  In  the 
heat  of  the  battle  a  general  of  his  own  army,  whose  wife 
Carinas  had  insulted,  watching  his  opportunity,  with  one 
blow  of  his  massive  sword,  struck  the  despicable  emperor 
down  in  bloody  death. 

Diocletian  was  now  sole  sovereign.  Assassination  was 
the  doom  which  seemed  to  await  every  emj)eror.  The  first 
measure  of  Diocletian  was  sagaciously  adopted  as  a  protec- 
tion against  this  periL  He  appointed  as  his  colleague  on 
the  throne,  Maximian,  a  general  of  most  heroic  bravery,  but 
a  man  of  lowly  birth  and  exceedingly  uncultivated  in  mind 
and  unpolished  in  manners.  Both  of  these  emperors  as- 
sumed the  title  of  Augustus,  the  highest  title  recognized 
in  Rome.  They  had  been  intimate  friends  in  private  life, 
companions  in  many  bloody  battles,  and  they  now  devoted 
their  energies  to  the  support  of  each  other  on  the  throne, 
each  conscious  that  the  fall  of  one  would  only  accelerate  the 
ruin  of  the  other.  In  this  partnership  Diocletian  was  the 
head,  Maximian  the  sword;  they  even  assumed  correspond- 
ing titles,  the  one  that  of  Jupiter,  the  other  Hercules. 

As  an  additional  precaution,  each  of  these  emperors  chose 
a  successor,  to  be  associated  with  him  in  the  government, 
with  the  more  humble  title  of  Ca3sar.  Galerius  was  the  as- 
sociate and  appointed  successor  of  Diocletian,  and  Constan- 


DIVISIONS    OF    THE   EMPIRE  367 

tius  of  Maximian,  To  strengthen  the  bonds  of  this  union, 
each  of  these  heirs  to  the  throne  was  required  to  repudiate 
his  former  wife,  and  marry  a  daughter  of  the  Augustus 
whose  successor  he  was  to  be.  There  were  thus  four  princes 
on  the  throne,  bound  together  by  the  closest  ties,  and  they 
divided  the  administration  of  the  Roman  empire  between 
them.  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain  were  assigned  to  Constan- 
tius;  the  Danubian  provinces  and  Illyria  were  intrusted  to 
Galerms.  Maximian  took  charge  of  Italy  and  Africa,  while 
Diocletian  assumed  the  sovereignty  of  Greece,  Egypt,  and 
Asia.  Each  one  was  undisputed  sovereign  in  his  own  realm; 
while  unitedly  they  administered  the  general  interests  of  the 
whole  empire.  Several  years  were  occupied  in  maturing 
this  plan. 

But  the  world  seemed  to  have  conspired  against  the  Ro- 
man empire.  The  Britons  rose  in  successful  rebellion,  and 
through  many  a  fierce  battle  maintained,  for  a  time,  their  in- 
dependence. Barbaric  tribes  seemed  to  blacken  the  shores 
of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube  in  their  incessant  incursions  of 
devastation  and  plunder.  Africa  was  in  arms  from  the  Nile 
to  Mount  Atlas — the  Moorish  nations  issuing,  with  irrepres- 
sible ferocity,  from  their  pathless  deserts.  And  Persia  was 
roused  to  new  and  herculean  efforts  to  humble  the  heredi- 
tary enemy  by  whom  she  had  so  often  been  chastised. 

Maximian,  who  was  regarded  as  the  emperor  of  the  west, 
selected  Milan  for  his  capital,  it  being  more  conveniently 
situated  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps,  for  him  to  watch  the  mo- 
tions of  the  barbarians  on  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine.  Milan 
thus  rose  rapidly  to  the  splendor  of  an  imperial  city. 

Diocletian  chose  for  his  residence  Nicomedia,  in  Bithynia, 
on  the  Asiatic  coast  of  the  sea  of  Marmora,  and  he  endeav- 
ored even  to  eclipse  the  grandeur  of  Rome,  in  the  oriental 
magnificence  with  which  he  embellished  his  Asiatic  capital. 
The  two  subordinate  emperors,  who  were  Ccesar  only,  not 
Augustus,  were  practically  governors  of  provinces  and  gen- 
erals of  the  armies. 

A  large  portion  of  the  imperial  life,  both  of  Diocletian 


368  ITALY 

and  Maximian,  was  spent  in  camps.  Rome  was  hardly 
known  to  them.  In  the  brief  respites  from  war  they  re- 
tired to  their  palaces  in  Nicomedia  and  Milan.  Indeed,  it 
is  said  that  Diocletian  never  visited  Rome  until,  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  his  reign,  he  repaired  to  the  ancient  cap- 
ital to  celebrate,  with  gorgeous  triumph,  a  great  victory 
over  the  Persians.  Diocletian  ambitiously  surrounded  him- 
self with  all  the  stately  magnificence  of  the  Persian  court. 
He  robed  himself  in  the  most  sumptuous  garments  ^f  silk 
and  gold,  and  wore  a  diadem  set  with  pearls,  an  ornament 
which  Rome  had  hitherto  detested  as  luxurious  and  effemi- 
nate. Even  his  shoes  were  studded  with  precious  gems. 
Eunuchs  guarded  the  interior  of  the  palace.  All  who  were 
admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  emperor  were  obliged  to 
prostrate  themselves  before  him,  and  to  address  him  with 
the  titles  of  the  Divinity.  These  innovations  were  intro- 
duced, not  for  the  gratification  of  vanity,  but  as  a  protec- 
tion from  the  rude  license  of  the  people,  which  exposed  the 
sovereign  to  assassination. 

Guided  by  the  same  principle,  Diocletian  multiplied  the 
agents  of  the  government,  by  greatly  dividing  every  branch 
of  the  civil  and  military  administration.  Diocletian  was,  so 
to  speak,  the  supreme  emperor.  He  had  selected  Maximian 
to  be  associated  with  him  as  Augustus,  and  had  also  chosen 
Constantius  and  Galerius  as  subordinate  emperors,  with  the 
title  of  CaBsar,  to  succeed  to  the  imperial  purple.  The  mind 
of  Diocletian  was  the  primal  element  in  the  administration. 
He  intended  this  arrangement  to  be  perpetual— two  elder 
princes  wearing  the  diadem  as  Augustus,  two  younger,  as 
Cfesar,  aiding  in  the  administration  and  prepared  to  succeed. 
Such  an  array  of  power  would  discourage  any  aspiring  gen- 
eral, who  otherwise,  by  assassination,  might  hope  to  attain 
the  crown.  To  support  this  splendor  and  to  meet  the  ex- 
penses of  the  incessant  wars  with  the  barbarians,  from  whom 
no  plunder  could  be  obtained,  by  way  of  reprisal,  he  bur- 
dened the  state  with  taxation  which  doomed  the  laboring 
classes  to  the  most  abject  poverty. 


DIVISIONS    OF    THE   EMPIRE  369 

In  the  twenty-first  year  of  his  reign,  Diocletian,  then 
fifty-nine  years  of  age,  abdicated  the  empire.  He  was  led 
to  this  by  long  and  severe  illness,  which  so  enfeebled  him 
that  he  was  quite  unable  to  sustain  the  toils  and  cares  of 
government.  Weary  of  conducting  the  administration  from 
a  bed  of  sickness  and  pain,  he  resolved  to  seek  retirement 
and  repose.  About  three  miles  from  the  city  of  Nicomedia 
there  is  a  spacious  plain,  which  the  emperor  selected  for  the 
ceremony  of  his  abdication.  A  lofty  throne  was  erected, 
upon  which  Diocletian,  pale  and  emaciate,  in  a  dignified 
speech,  announced  to  the  immense  multitude  he  had  assem- 
bled there,  his  resignation  of  the  diadem.  Then  laying  aside 
the  imperial  vestments,  he  entered  a  closed  chariot,  and  re- 
paired to  a  rural  retreat  he  had  selected  at  Salona,  m  his 
native  province  of  Dalmatia,  on  the  Grecian  shore  of  the 
Adriatic  Sea.  On  the  same  day,  which  was  May  1,  A.D. 
305,  Maximian,  by  previous  concert,  also  abdicated  at  Milan. 
He  was  constrained  to  this  act  by  the  ascendency  which  the 
imperial  mind  of  Diocletian  had  obtained  over  him.  Max- 
imian, in  vigorous  health  and  martial  in  his  tastes,  found 
retirement  very  irksome,  and  urged  his  weary  and  more 
philosophic  colleague  to  resume  the  reins  of  government. 
Diocletian  replied: 

"Could  you  but  see  the  fine  cabbages  in  my  garden, 
which  I  have  planted  and  raised  with  my  own  hands,  you 
would  not  ask  me  to  relinquish  such  happiness  for  the  pur- 
suit of  power, ' ' 

But,  notwithstanding  Diocletian's  memorable  speech 
about  the  cabbages,  all  the  appliances  of  opulence  and 
splendor  surrounded  him  in  his  retreat.  He  had  selected 
the  spot  with  an  eye  of  an  artist;  and  when  in  possession 
of  the  revenues  of  the  E.oman  empire,  he  devoted  many, 
years  in  rearing  an  imperial  castle,  suitable  for  one  who 
had  been  accustomed  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  to 
more  than  oriental  magnificence.  From  the  portico  of  the 
palace,  a  view  was  spread  out  of  wonderful  beauty,  combin- 
ing the  most  extensive  panorama  of  mountains  and  valleys, 


370  ITALY 

while  a  bay  creeping  in  from  the  Adriatic  Sea,  studded  with 
picturesque  islands,  presented  the  aspect  of  a  secluded  and 
tranquil  lake.  But  even  here,  in  this  most  lovely  of  earthly 
retreats,  man's  doom  of  sorrow  pursued  the  emperor;  and 
domestic  griefs  of  the  most  afflictive  character,  blighted  the 
bloom  of  his  arbors  and  parterres,  and  darkened  his  saloons. 

Ten  acres  were  covered  by  this  palace,  which  was  con- 
structed of  freestone,  and  flanked  with  sixteen  towers.  The 
principal  entrance  was  denominated  the  golden  gate,  and 
gorgeous  temples  were  reared  in  honor  of  the  pagan  gods, 
^sculapius  and  Jupiter,  whom  Diocletian  ostentatiously 
adored.  The  most  exquisite  ornaments  of  painting  and 
sculpture  embellished  the  architectural  structure,  the  sa- 
loons, and  the  grounds.  The  death  of  Diocletian  is 
shrouded  in  mystery.  It  is  simply  known  that  the  most 
oppressive  gloom  and  remorse  shadowed  his  declining  years; 
but  whether  his  death  was  caused  by  poison,  which  he  pre- 
pared for  himself,  or  which  was  administered  by  another, 
or  whether  he  fell  a  victim  to  disease,  can  now  nevei"  be 
known. 

The  two  Caesars,  Constantius  and  Galerius,  now  became 
Augusti,  and  were  invested  with  the  imperial  insignia. 
The  division  of  the  empire  into  the  east  and  the  west  be- 
came still  more  marked;  the  morning  sun  rising  upon  the 
oriental  provinces  of  Galerius,  and  its  evening  rays  falling 
upon  the  occidental  realms  of  Constantius.  Two  new 
Caesars  were  now  needed  to  occupy  the  place  of  those  who 
had  ascended  to  the  imperial  government.  Galerius  chose 
his  nephew,  a  rustic  youth,  to  whom  he  intrusted  the  gov- 
ernment of  Egypt  and  Syria.  Constantine,  the  son  of  Con- 
stantius, was  appointed  as  the  associate  and  successor  of  his 
father. 

A  revolt  in  Britain  called  for  the  presence  of  Constan- 
tius. His  son  accompanied  him.  Plere  Constantius  was 
taken  sick,  and  died  fifteen  months  after  he  had  received 
the  title  of  Augustus.  Constantine  immediately  succeeded 
him.     Galerius  did  not  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  this  arrange- 


DIVISIONS   OF   THE   EMPIRE  371 

ment,  but  Constantine,  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  Britain, 
was  too  powerful  to  be  opposed.  Constantine  was  then 
thirtj-two  years  of  age.  Italy  had  thus  far  been  elevated 
in  rank  and  privileges  above  the  remote  provinces  of  the 
empire;  and  the  Roman  citizens  for  five  hundred  years  had 
been  exempted  from  taxation,  the  burdens  of  state  being 
borne  by  the  subjugated  nations.  But  the  exigences  of 
the  impoverished  empire  were  now  such  that  Galerius, 
from  his  palace  in  Nicomedia,  issued  orders  for  number- 
ing even  the  proud  citizens  of  Rome  itself,  and  taxing 
them  with  all  the  rest. 

Maximian,  who  had  been  exceedingly  restless  in  the  re- 
treat to  which  his  reluctant  abdication  had  consigned  him, 
hoped  to  take  advantage  of  the  disafEection  in  Rome  to  grasp 
the  sceptre  again,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Galerius  to 
place  Severus,  one  of  his  partisans,  in  power  there.  Max- 
imian and  Severus  soon  met  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  the 
latter  being  vanquished,  was  doomed  to  die,  being  allowed 
merely  to  choose  the  manner  of  his  death.  He  opened  his 
veins,  and  quietly  passed  away.  Maximian  had  previously 
given  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Constantine,  hoping  thus 
to  secure  his  co-operation.  Leaving  his  son  Maxentius  as 
acting  emperor  in  Rome,  he  set  out  for  Britain  to  meet 
Constantine. 

Galerius,  enraged,  gathered  an  army,  and  marched  upon 
Italy  to  avenge  the  death  of  Severus  and  to  chastise  the  re- 
bellious Romans. 

"I  will  extirpate,"  he  exclaimed  in  his  wrath,  "both  the 
senate  and  the  people  by  the  sword. ' ' 

Constantine  was  in  Britain,  but  Maximian  was  a  foe  not 
easily  to  be  vanquished.  Galerius  fought  his  way  slowly  to 
within  sixty  miles  of  Rome;  but,  hedged  in  on  all  sides,  he 
could  advance  no  further.  His  perils  hourly  increasing, 
with  extreme  mortification  he  was  compelled  to  order  a  re- 
treat. Burning  with  rage,  Galerius  commenced  his  back- 
ward march,  inflicting  every  conceivable  outrage  upon  the 
Italian   people.       His   soldiers   plundered,    ravished,    mur- 


372  ITALY 

dered.  Flocks  and  herds  were  driven  away,  cities  and 
villages  burned,  and  the  country  reduced  to  a  smoulder- 
ing desert.  Galerius  invested  Licinius  and  Maximin  with 
imperial  powers,  the  one  in  Illyricum,  and  the  other  in 
Egypt,  and  thus  there  were  now  six  emperors,  each  claim- 
ing the  equal  title  of  Augustus. 

Maximian  was  now  on  his  way  to  Britain  to  the  court  of 
Constantine  to  arrange  a  coalition.  Constantine  was  sud- 
denly summoned  to  the  Rhine  by  an  incursion  of  the 
Franks.  Maximian,  at  Aries,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Ehone  in  Gaul,  where  much  treasure  had  been  accumu- 
lated, took  advantage  of  the  absence  of  Constantine  to  en- 
deavor to  excite  a  mutiny  in  his  own  favor.  With  wonder- 
ful celerity  Constantine  turned  upon  him,  pursued  him  to 
Marseilles,  took  him  captive,  and  allowed  him  the  same 
privilege  which  he  had  allowed  to  Severus — to  choose  his 
mode  of  death.  The  old  emperor,  who  was  father  of  the 
wife  of  Constantine,  opened  his  veins,  and  sank  into  the 
tomb. 

Galerius  retired  from  his  unsuccessful  campaign  in  Italy 
to  his  palaces  in  Nicomedia,  where  he  indulged  unrestrained, 
for  four  years,  in  that  licentiousness  and  debauchery  com- 
mon to  nearly  all  the  Eoman  emperors.  He  became  bloated 
and  corpulent.  Ulcers  broke  out  over  his  whole  body,  and 
at  length  he  died,  a  loathsome  mass  of  corruption.  He  had 
ferociously  persecuted  the  Christians  during  his  whole  reign, 
and  by  them  his  awful  death  was  regarded  as  a  Divine  visi- 
tation. As  soon  as  his  death  was  announced,  Maximin  and 
Licinius  divided  his  empire  between  them,  the  former  tak- 
ing the  Asiatic,  and  the  latter  the  European  portion. 

There  were  now  four  emperors  regarding  each  other  with 
a  strong  spirit  of  rivalry.  Constantine  in  Britain  and  Gaul; 
Maxentius  in  Italy;  Licinius  in  Macedonia  and  Greece;  and 
Maximin  in  Asia.  Constantine  was  renowned  for  his  gen- 
tlemanly character  and  his  humane  spirit;  and  yet,  after  a 
great  victory  over  the  Franks  and  the  Alemani,  he  enter- 
tained the  people  of  Treves  by  throwing  the  captive  princes 


DIVISIONS    OF    THE   EMPIRE  373 

into  the  amphitheatre  to  be  torn  to  pieces  by  wild  beasts; 
and  so  barbarous  were  the  times  that  this  act  was  not  then 
deemed  inconsistent  with  generosity  and  mercy. 

Maxentius,  in  Eome,  was  one  of  the  most  odious  of  ty. 
rants.  The  Christians  suffered  fearfully  under  his  reign, 
and  history  has  preserved  the  name  of  one  noble  Christian 
matron,  Sophronia,  wife  of  the  prefect  of  the  city,  who,  to 
escape  the  violence  of  Maxentius,  plunged  a  dagger  into 
her  own  heart.  The  tyrant  filled  Rome  with  troops,  and 
purchased  their  favor  by  indulging  them  in  the  most  un- 
bounded license.  With  Rome  for  his  capital,  he  assumed 
to  be  sole  emperor,  regarding  the  other  emperors  as  his  sub- 
ordinates. Open  collision  soon  arose  between  Maxentius 
and  Constantine.  Maxentius  had  under  his  command  a 
very  formidable  force,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty thousand  foot  and  eighteen  thousand  horse.  Constan- 
tine, at  the  head  of  but  forty  thousand  troops,  marched  to 
attack  him.  Constantine,  however,  was  well  assured  of  the 
secret  sympathy  in  his  behalf  both  of  the  senate  and  the 
people  of  Rome. 

Marching  from  Gaul,  Constantine  crossed  the  great  Al- 
pine barrier  by  what  is  now  called  the  pass  of  Mount  Cenis, 
and  had  descended  into  the  plains  of  Piedmont  before  Max- 
entius had  received  tidings  of  his  departure  from  Gaul.  He 
took  Susa  by  storm.  Sweeping  resistlessly  along,  Turin  and 
Milan,  after  fierce  battles,  fell  into  his  hands.  He  was  now 
within  four  hundred  miles  of  Rome,  and  a  magnificent  road, 
through  a  rich  country,  invited  his  march. 

His  number  of  prisoners  became  so  great  that  chains 
were  needed  to  shackle  them;  and  a  vast  number  of 
smiths  were  employed  in  hammering  the  swords  of  the 
vanquished  into  fetters.  With  wonderful  celerity  he 
pressed  forward,  surmounting  all  opposition,  until  he  ar- 
rived at  a  place  called  Saxa  Rubra,  within  nine  miles  of 
Rome,  where  he  found  Maxentius  intrenched  in  great 
force.  His  army,  in  long  array,  reached  even  to  the 
banks   of   the   Tiber.      The   defeat   of   Maxentius  was  en- 


874  ITALY 

tire,  and  the  carnage  of  his  troops  awful.  Maxentius 
himself,  in  attempting  to  escape  across  the  Milvian  bridge, 
was  crowded  into  the  river,  and,  from  the  weight  of  his 
armor,  instantly  sank  to  the  bottom.  His  body,  the  next 
day,  was  dragged  from  the  mud,  and,  being  decapitated, 
the  ghastly  head  was  exposed  to  the  rejoicing  people. 

Constantine,  thus  decisively  victorious,  entered  the  city 
in  triumph.  The  pliant  senate  gathered  around  him  in 
homage,  and  assigned  him  the  first  rank  among  the  three 
remaining  Augusti,  then  sharing  the  dominion  of  the  world. 
Games  were  instituted,  and  a  triumphal  arch  was  reared  to 
his  honor,  which  still  remains.  Eome  was  fallen  so  low 
that  the  arch  of  Trajan  was  shamefully  despoiled  of  its  or- 
naments that  they  might  be  transferred  to  the  arch  of  Con- 
stantine. Constantine  suppressed  the  Pretorian  guard  for- 
ever, and  utterly  destroyed  their  camp.  He  remained  two 
months  in  Eome,  consolidating  his  power.  He  also  negoti- 
ated an  alliance  with  Licinius,  the  Illyrian  emperor,  confer- 
ring upon  him  his  sister  Constantia  in  marriage. 

Maximin,  in  Asia,  alarmed  by  this  coalition  of  the  two 
European  emperors,  in  dead  of  winter  marched  from  the 
heart  of  Syria,  crossed  the  Thracian  Bosphorus,  captured 
Byzantium,  now  Constantinople,^  after  a  siege  of  eleven 
days,  and  met  Licinius,  at  the  head  of  seventy  thousand 
troops,  near  Heraclea,  about  fifty  miles  west  of  Byzantium. 
In  a  terrible  battle  the  army  of  Maximin  was  almost  anni- 
hilated, and  the  Syrian  monarch,  pale  with  rage  and  de- 
spair, fled  with  such  celerity  that  in  twenty-four  hours  he 
entered  Nicomedia,  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  from  the 
field  of  battle.  There  he  soon  died,  whether  from  despair, 
or  poison  which  his  own  hand  had  mingled,  is  not  known. 
There  were  now  two  emperors  left,  Constantine  and  Lici- 
nius. The  provinces  of  the  east  accepted  Licinius,  and 
thus  the  Eoman  empire  became  again  divided  into  the  east- 
ern and  the  western.  Maximin  left  two  children;  a  son 
eight  years  of  age  and  a  daughter  seven.  Licinius,  with 
Eoman  mercilessness,  put  them  both  to  death.      All  the 


DIVISIONS   OF   THE   EMPIRE  375 

Other  relatives  who  could  in  any  possible  way  endanger 
the  sway  of  Licinius  were  also,  with  the  most  relentless 
cruelty,  consigned  to  the  executioner. 

Hardly  a  year  now  elapsed  ere  Constantine  and  Licinius 
turned  their  arms  against  eacli  other.  Licinius  was  tyran- 
nical and  perfidious;  Constantine  insatiately  aspiring.  Sir- 
mium,  on  the  river  Save,  not  far  from  its  confluence  with 
the  Danube,  was  the  capital  of  the  vast  province  of  lilyri- 
cum.  On  the  banks  of  the  Save,  fifty  miles  above  Sir- 
mium,  at  Cibalis,  the  two  emperors  met  in  hostile  array. 
It  was  the  eighth  of  October,  A.D.  815.  The  battle  raged 
from  dawn  till  dark;  and  then  Licinius,  leaving  twenty 
thousand  of  his  men  dead  upon  the  field,  in  the  night  re- 
treated, abandoning  his  camp  and  all  his  magazines.  Con- 
stantine pursued.  Licinius,  accumulating  recruits  as  he 
fled,  again  made  a  stand  on  the  plain  of  Mardia,  in  Thrace. 
Again  they  fought  from  the  earliest  ray  of  the  morning  un- 
til night  darkened  the  field.  Again  Licinius  was  worsted, 
and  he  continued  his  flight  toward  the  mountains  of  Mace- 
donia. He  now  sued  for  peace.  Constantine  consented  to 
leave  him  in  command  of  Thrace,  Asia  Minor,  Syria,  and 
Egypt,  but  wrested  from  him  Illyricum,  Dalmatia,  Dacia, 
Macedonia,  and  GrreeCe,  which  were  all  attached  to  the  west- 
ern empire.  Thrace  was  the  only  foothold  which  Licinius 
held  in  Europe. 

Affairs  thus  remained  in  cornparative  tranquillity  for 
about  eight  years,  during  whicli  time  Constantine  devoted 
himself  very  assiduously  to  the  government  of  his  vast 
empire. 

Constantine,  with  his  empire  firmly  established,  and  his 
armies  thoroughly  disciplined,  was  no  longer  disposed  to  en- 
dure a  partner  in  the  empire,  and  he  found  no  difficulty  in 
"picking  a  quarrel"  with  Licinius,  now  infirm  with  age, 
dissolute,  tyrannical,  and  execrated.  But  the  old  man  de- 
veloped unexpected  and  amazing  energy.  He  speedily  as- 
sembled, on  the  fields  of  Thrace,  an  army  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  foot  and  fifteen  thousand  horse.      The 


376  ITALY 

Straits  of  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Hellespont  were  filled  with 
his  fleet,  consisting  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  galleys  of 
three  banks  of  oars. 

Constantine  concentrated  his  army  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  horse  and  foot,  in  the  highest  discipline,  at 
Thessalonica,  in  Macedonia.  In  the  celebrated  harbor  of 
Pirieus  he  had  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  transports.  Licinius 
intrenched  himself  at  Adrianople,  in  the  heart  of  Thrace, 
about  two  hundred  miles  northeast  from  Thessalonica, 
and  awaited  the  attack  of  his  foe.  They  soon  met.  The 
disciplined  legions  of  Constantine  trampled  the  eastern  le- 
gions of  Licinius  in  the  dust,  and  in  a  few  hours  thirty-four 
thousand  of  the  soldiers  of  Licinius  were  silent  in  death. 
The  remainder  fled  wildly.  The  fortified  camp  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  victor,  and  Licinius,  putting  spurs  to  his 
horse,  hardly  looked  behind  him  till  he  found  himself  with- 
in the  walls  of  Byzantium. 

-  The  siege  of  the  city  was  immediately  commenced.  It 
had  been  fortified  with  the  utmost  skill  which  the  military 
art  of  that  day  could  suggest  and  the  wealth  of  an  empire 
could  execute.  After  a  long  and  cruel  siege  the  city  capi- 
tulated. One  final  battle  was  fought  on  the  Asiatic  shore, 
near  the  heights  of  Scutari,  and  Licinius  fled  to  Nicomedia 
without  an  army  and  powerless.  His  wife,  Constantia,  sis- 
ter of  Constantine,  pleaded  so  earnestly  with  her  brother  for 
her  husband  that  the  conqueror,  after  subjecting  Licinius  to 
the  most  humiliating  acts  of  homage,  allowed  him  to  retire 
to  a  retreat  of  powerlessness,  but  of  luxury,  in  Thessalo- 
nica. Here  he  was  soon  accused  of  meditating  treason,  and 
was  put  to  death.  Thus  was  the  Homan  emj^ire  again  united 
under  one  emperor,  and  Constantine  remained  sole  monarch 
of  what  was  then  called  the  world. 

Constantine  now  adopted  the  memorable  resolve  to  es- 
tablish Christianity  on  a  stable  foundation  as  the  honored 
religion  of  the  empire.  The  doctrines  and  precepts  of  our 
Saviour  had  thoroughly  undermined  the  old  pagan  super- 
stitions, and,  notwithstanding  the  most  bloody  persecutions, 


DIVISIONS    OF   THE   EMPIRE  2>11 

Christianity  had  at  length  attained  such  supremacy  that,  by 
an  imperial  decree,  the  banners  of  the  cross  were  unfurled 
over  the  ruined  temples  of  Greece  and  Kome. 

During  the  first  two  centuries  Christianity  spread  over 
the  whole  region  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Ionian  sea, 
and  flourishing  churches  were  established  in  all  the  prin- 
cipal cities.  Under  nearly  all  the  emperors  the  Christians 
were  persecuted,  sometimes  legally,  sometimes  illegally,  now 
with  blind,  frantic,  indiscriminate  fury,  and  now  under  the 
semblance  of  moderation  and  calm  judicial  process.  All  con- 
ceivable forms  of  terror  were  brought  to  operate  against  them. 
They  were  driven  into  exile,  torn  to  pieces  by  wild  beasts, 
beheaded  on  the  block,  and  burned  at  the  staJie.  Several  of 
the  emperors  exerted  all  the  power  with  which  the  sceptre 
invested  them,  for  the  utter  extermination  of  the  Christians. 
Historians  have  generally  enumerated  ten  persecutions  of 
peculiar  malignity. 

The  city  of  Rome  had  been  gradually  losing  its  ascend- 
ency, and  Diocletian  had  reared  Nicomedia  into  a  capital 
almost  rivalling  Eome  in  opulence  and  splendor.  Constan- 
tine,  the  child  of  camps,  and  whose  life  had  been  spent 
almost  wholly  in  the  remote  provinces  of  the  empire,  had 
no  especial  attachment  for  the  imj)erial  city,  and  he  was 
ambitious  of  rearing  a  new  capital,  occupying  a  more  cen- 
tral spot  in  his  vast  empire,  and  which  should  also  bear 
and  immortalize  his  name.  With  sagacity  which  has  never 
been  questioned,  he  selected  for  this  purpose  ByzanCium, 
and  gave  it  the  name  of  Constantinople  or  the  city  of 
Constantine. 

The  imperial  city,  enjoying  the  most  salubrious  clime, 
surrounded  b}^  realms  of  inexhaustible  fertility,  occupying 
an  eminence  which  commanded  an  extensive  view  of  the 
shores  of  Europe  and  o£  Asia;  with  the  Bosphoras  on 
the  north,  and  the  Dardanelles  on  the  south,  fortified  gates 
which  no  foe  could  penetrate,  with  a  harbor  spacious,  and 
perfectly  secure,  and  with  the  approaches  on  the  side  of  the 
continent  easy  of  defence,  presented  to  the  sagacious  Con- 


378  ITALY 

stantine  a  site  for  the  metropolis  of  universal  dominion,  all 
unrivalled.  The  wealth,  energy,  and  artistic  genius  of  the 
whole  Roman  empire  were  immediatel}'  called  into  requisi- 
tion, to  enlarge  and  beautify  the  new  metropolis.  The 
boundaries  of  the  city  were  marked  out,  fourteen  miles  la 
circumference.  It  is  said  that  a  sum  amounting  to  twelve 
millions  of  dollars,  was  expended  in  walls  and  public  im- 
provements. The  forests  which  then  frowned  almost  un- 
broken along  the  shores  of  the  Euxine,  and  a  line  quarry 
of  white  marble  in  a  neighboring  island,  afforded  an  inex- 
haustible supply  of  materials. 

The  imperial  palace,  rivalling  that  of  Rome,  in  its  courts, 
gardens,  jjorticoes,  and  baths,  covered  many  acres.  The 
ancient  cities  of  the  empire,  including  even  Rome  itself, 
were  despoiled  of  their  most  noble  families,  to  add  lustre 
to  the  new  metropolis.  Magnificent  mansions  were  reared 
for  them,  and  wide  domains  assigned  for  the  support  of 
their  dignity;  and  though  Constantinople  never  fully 
equalled  Rome  in  population,  dignity,  and  splendor,  it 
soon  became  without  dispute  the  second  city  in  the  world. 


THE   EMPIRE   DISMEMBERED  379 


CHAPTEE  XXII 

THE    EMPIRE    DISMEMBERED 

FROM  A.D.   330  TO  A.D.  375 

Constantine  the  Great — Diversity  of  Views  Respecting  Him — The  Tragedy- 
of  Crispus  and  Fausta — Death  of  Constantine — Triple  Division  of  the 
Empire — Triumph  of  Constantine  over  his  Brothers — Struggle  with 
Magnentius — Fatal  Battle  of  Mursa — Fate  of  Gallus — Accession  and 
Apostasy  of  Julian — His  Scholarly  Character — Developments  of  Energy 
— His  War  in  Gaul — Selection  of  Paris  for  his  Capital — His  Melancholy 
Death — Retreat  of  the  Army — Choice  of  Valentinian — Valens  his  Asso- 
ciate— Accumulating  Wars — Death  of  Valentinian 

NO  MAN  lias  ever  been  more  warmly  applauded,  or 
more  venomously  condemned  than  Constantine,  sur- 
named  the  Great.  And  though  fifteen  centuries  have 
passed  away  since  he  disappeared  from  life's  busy  arena,  his 
character  is  still  the  subject  of  the  most  bitter  denunciation, 
and  of  the  most  lofty  panegyric. 

By  nature  Constantine  was  enriched  with  the  choicest 
endowments.  In  person  he  was  majestic  and  graceful,  with 
features  of  the  finest  mold.  Either  from  natural  felicity  of 
temperament,  or  from  his  own  powers  of  self-restraint, 
during  all  his  reign  he  preserved,  to  a  wonderful  degree, 
the  virtues  of  chastity  and  temperance.  In  mental  capacity 
he  was  both  acute  and  comprehensive,  having  gathered  from 
books  and  travel  a  vast  fund  of  information.  ,  He  possessed 
great  capabilities  of  endurance,  physical  and  intellectual. 
In  the  field  he  displayed  alike  the  bravery  of  the  soldier, 
and  the  talents  of  the  general.  Fully  conscious  of  his  su- 
perior abilities,  with  boundless  resources  at  his  command, 
and  warmly  sustained  by  the  popular  voice,  he  commenced 
and  pursued  a  career  to  which  we  with  difficulty  find  a  par- 
allel. 

The  execution  of  the  emperor's  son  Crispus,  and  of  his 
second  wife  Fausta,  was  one  of  those  appalling  and  awful 


380  ITALY 

events  which  will  probably  ever  be  involved  in  some  de- 
gree of  obscurity. 

There  is,  as  we  have  Just  said,  a  considerable  amount  of 
controversy  as  to  Constantine's  character.  He  has  been 
lauded  and  held  up  to  execration.  But  why,  we  ask,  might 
not  both  views  of  his  life  be  partially  correct?  No  mortal 
man  ever  existed  who  was  all  goodness  or  all  badness.  On 
the  contrary,  it  is  sometimes  difficult  to  say  whether,  on  the 
whole,  the  good  or  the  bad  preponderates  in  a  certain  indi- 
vidual, so  closely  may  a  man's  qualities  be  balanced.  So 
that,  in  the  case  of  the  Emperor  Constantine,  as  in  the 
case  of  other  more  obscure  people,  it  is  quite  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  the  spirits  of  divinity  and  evil  both  pre- 
sided over  his  career.  For  ourselves  we  are  inclined  to 
believe  that  Constantine's  life  was  one  which  could,  gen- 
erally speaking,  be  emulated  to  advantage.  Yet  we  must 
admit  that  he  is  open  to  the  charge  of  violence  and  cruelty, 
and  this  seems  to  be  borne  out  by  the  manner  in  which  he 
caused  Fausta  and  Crispus  to  perish.  The  circumstances 
are  complicated,  and  their  full  explanation  would  consume 
too  much  time.  It  seems  that  although  his  wife's  punish- 
ment was  merited,  his  son's  was  not.  Highly  tragical  the 
events  certainly  were.  It  is  said  that  from  the  gloom  of 
their  effect  Constantine  never  recovered.  For  forty  days 
he  fasted  and  mourned  bitterly,  denying  himself  all  the 
ordinary  comforts  of  life.  He  erected  a  golden  statue  to 
Crispus,  with  this  inscription: 

"To  my  son  whom  I  unjustly  condemned." 

The  death  of  Crispus,  perhaps,  bound  the  imperial  father 
more  closely  to  his  surviving  sons.  He  resolved  to  divide 
the  empire  between  them,  at  his  death;  and  he  gave  them 
all  the  title  of  Csesar.  He  placed  them  under  the  most  cele- 
brated professors  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  of  all  Greek 
and  Koman  learning.  Constantine  had  been  trained  in  the 
school  of  hardships.  His  sons,  from  the  cradle,  were  accus- 
tomed to  luxury,  were  surrounded  with  flatterers,  and  antici- 


THE   EMPIRE   DISMEMBERED  881 

pated  the  throne  as  their  hereditary  right.  To  train  them 
to  the  cares  of  government,  the  eldest  son,  Constantine,  was 
sent  to  Graul,  the  second  Constantius  to  Asia,  and  the  third, 
Constans,  was  intrusted  with  the  administration  of  Italy 
and  Africa.  Constantine,  the  father,  reserved  for  himself 
the  title  of  Augustus,  conferring  upon  his  sons  only  that 
of  Cassar.  Two  nephews,  Dalmatius  and  Hannibalianus, 
were  also  raised  to  the  title  of  princes,  and  invested  with 
distinct  commands. 

After  a  reign  of  singular  prosperity,  continuing  for  nearly 
thirty-one  years,  Constantine,  in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his 
age,  died,  in  one  of  his  rural  palaces  in  the  suburbs  of  Nico- 
media.  On  his  dying  bed  he  sought  the  consolations  of  that 
Christian  faith  which  he  had  ever  politically  favored,  and 
was  then  baptized  as  a  disciple  of  Jesus,  thus  professing 
a  personal  interest  in  the  redemption  our  Saviour  has  pur- 
chased. His  funeral  was  attended  with  all  the  pageantry 
which  Roman  power  could  suggest  and  execute. 

The  three  sons  of  Constantine  divided  the  realm  to  suit 
themselves.  Constantine,  the  eldest,  with  the  recognition 
of  some  slight  pre-eminence  in  rank,  established  himself  at 
Constantinople,  in  command  of  the  central  provinces.  Con- 
stantius took  charge  of  the  eastern,  and  Constans  of  the 
western  realms.  The  new  emperors  were  all  dissolute 
young  men,  of  the  several  ages  of  twenty-one,  twenty, 
and  seventeen  years. 

The  death  of  Constantine  the  Great  was  the  signal  for 
war.  Persia,  under  the  leadership  of  Sapor,  endeavored  to 
throw  off  the  Roman  yoke,  and  Constantius  found  it  neces- 
sary immediately  to  relinquish  the  voluptuousness  of  his 
palace  for  the  hardships  of  the  camp  on  the  plains  of  Meso- 
potamia. The  usual  scenes  of  blood  and  misery  ensued,  as 
the  hostile  armies,  now  in  surging  waves  of  victory,  and  now 
in  the  refluent  billows  of  defeat,  swept  the  doomed  land. 

While  Constantius,  the  second  brother,  was  thus  battling 
on  the  fields  of  Mesopotamia,  Constantine,  the  elder,  was 
preparing  to  rob  his  younger  brother,  Constans,  of  his  im- 


882  ITALY 

perial  patrimony.  Breaking  through  the  Carnic  or  Julian 
Alps,  he  invaded  Venetia,  in  Italy.  Constans,  who  was 
then  in  Dacia,  north  of  the  Danube,  three  hundred  miles 
distant,  detached  a  division  of  his  army,  which  he  followed 
in  person,  lured  Constantine  into  an  ambuscade,  surrounded 
and  killed  him,  and  attached  all  his  domains,  with  Constan- 
tinople, to  his  own  realms.  He  thus  became  the  undisputed 
sovereign  of  two- thirds  of  the  Roman  empire.  Constans 
was  still  but  a  boy,  with  but  little  ability  and  abundant  self- 
conceit.     His  incompetency  excited  contempt. 

An  ambitious  soldier,  named  Magnentius,  of  barbarian 
extraction,  conspired  against  him.  On  the  occasion  of  a 
feast,  in  the  city  of  Autun,  subsequently  renowned  as  the 
seat  of  the  bishopric  of  Talleyrand,  which  feast  was  pro- 
tracted until  the  hour  of  midnight,  the  conspiracy  was  con- 
summated. On  a  sudden,  in  the  midst  of  the  carousal,  the 
doors  were  thrown  open,  and  Magnentius  presented  himself, 
arrayed  in  the  imperial  purple.  There  was  a  moment's 
pause,  as  of  consternation,  and  then  the  whole  assembly, 
with  enthusiasm,  wild  and  inflamed  by  wine  and  wassail, 
greeted  the  usurper  with  the  titles  of  Augustus  and  em- 
peror. The  soldiers  were  rallied,  and  they  took  the  oath 
of  fidelity;  the  gates  of  the  city  were  closed,  and  the  banner 
of  the  new  emperor  floated  over  the  citadel. 

Constans  was  at  the  time  absent  on  a  hunting  excursion 
in  a  neighboring  forest.  He  heard  at  the  same  moment  of 
the  conspiracy,  and  of  the  defection  of  his  guard,  which 
left  him  utterly  powerless.  Putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he 
endeavored  to  reach  the  sea- shore,  but  was  overtaken  at 
Helena,  now  Elne,  at  the  foot  of  the  Pyrenees,  and  was 
instantly  put  to  death.  All  the  provinces  of  the  west  ac- 
knowledged Magnentius.  The  tidings  soon  reached  Con- 
stantius,  on  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia.  Leaving  his  lieu- 
tenants to  conduct  the  warfare  there,  with  a  strong  division 
of  his  army  he  turned  his  steps  toward  Italy.  But  in  the 
meantime,  the  powerful  army,  ever  encamped  on  the  banks 
of  the  Danube,  in  co-operation  with  Magnentius,  appointed 


THE   EMPIRE    DISMEMBERED  883 

their  renowned  general,  Vetranio,  associate  emperor.  Again 
the  whole  Eoman  empire  was  agitated  with  preparations  for 
the  most  desperate  civil  war. 

As  soon  as  Constantius  reached  Illyricum  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Italy,  he  sagaciously  made  propositions  to  Vetranio, 
that  he  would  acknowledge  him  as  associate  emperor  if  he 
would  abandon  the  cause  of  Magnentius  and  ally  himself 
with  Constantius.  Basely  the  venal  general  accepted  the 
bribe,  and  wheeled  his  whole  army  of  twenty  thousand 
horse,  and  several  legions  of  infantry  into  the  lines  of  Con- 
stantius. The  soldiers  blended  in  enthusiastic  fraterniza- 
tion, intertwining  their  banners,  and  causing  the  plains 
of  Sardinia  to  resound  with  the  cries  of  "Long  live 
Constantius." 

Constantius,  however,  having  thus  gained  the  army  of 
Vetranio,  and  conscious  of  his  ability  to  reward  it,  so  that 
there  should  be  no  fear  of  defection,  at  once  relieved  Ve- 
tranio of  all  the  cares  of  empire,  and  sent  him  immediately 
into  luxurious  exile.  A  magnificent  palace  was  assigned 
him  at  Prusa,  in  Bithynia.  He  was  sumptuously  provided 
with  every  luxury,  and  was  there  left  to  "fatten  like  a  pig" 
until  he  died. 

Magnentius,  a  bold  and  determined  soldier,  was  a  very 
different  foe  to  encounter.  Though  Constantius  had  now 
by  far  the  most  powerful  aniiy,  Magnentius  was  in  every 
respect  his  superior,  intellectually,  physically,  and  morally. 
The  two  emperors  marched  eagerly  to  meet  each  other, 
neither  of  them  reluctant  to  submit  the  question  to  the 
arbitrament  of  battle. 

On  the  twenty- eighth  of  September  the  hostile  armies 
were  concentrated  before  the  city  of  Mursa,  now  called 
Esseg,  in  Sclavonia,  on  the  Drave,  about  ten  miles  from 
its  embouchure  into  the  Danube.  Constantius,  fully  aware 
of  the  military  superiority  of  his  antagonist,  after  earnestly 
addressing  his  troops,  wisely,  but  not  very  heroically,  re- 
tired to  a  church  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  field,  and  left 
the  conduct  of  the  decisive  day  to  his  veteran  generals. 


381  ITALY 

A  more  fierce  and  sanguinary  battle  was  perhaps  never 
fought.  All  the  day  long  the  hideous  carnage  continued — 
Eomans  and  barbarians,  with  gladiatorial  sinews,  blending 
in  the  strife.  The  air  was  darkened  with  stones,  arrows, 
and  javelins.  Clouds  of  horsemen,  glittering  in  their  scaly 
armor,  like  statues  of  steel,  swept  the  field,  breaking  the 
ranks,  cutting  down  the  fugitives,  and  trampling  alike  the 
wounded  and  the  dead  beneath  their  iron  feet.  Night  alone 
terminated  the  strife.  The  army  of  Magnentius,  overpow- 
ered by  numbers,  was  almost  annihilated.  Fifty-four  thou- 
sand were  left  dead  upon  the  plain.  But  they  had  sold  their 
lives  dearly,  for  a  still  greater  number  of  the  legions  of  Con- 
stantius  slept  gory  and  lifeless  at  their  sides.  Nearly  one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men,  the  veteran  soldiers  of 
the  Homan  empire,  perished  in  this  one  battle  Thus  did 
Kome,  in  civil  strife,  devour  her  own  children,  and  open 
the  way  for  the  march  of  barbarian  bands. 

Magnentius,  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  casting  away 
his  imperial  ornaments,  mounted  a  fleet  horse,  and,  accom- 
panied by  a  few  friends,  attempted  to  escape  directly  west 
toward  the  Julian  Alps.  He  reached  the  city  of  Aquileia, 
at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  not  far  from  the  present 
city  of  Trieste.  Here,  in  the  midst  of  mountain  defiles  and 
pathless  morasses,  he  made  a  brief  pause,  and  collected 
around  him  all  the  troops  who  yet  remained  faithful.  But 
city  after  city  in  Italy  abandoned  his  cause,  and  raised  the 
banner  of  the  victorious  Constantius.  He  then  fled  to  Gaul. 
But  Constantius  directed  all  the  energies  of  the  empire  in 
the  pursuit.  At  length  Magnentius,  hemmed  in  on  every 
side,  fell  upon  his  own  sword,  and  thus  obtained  a  more 
easy  and  honorable  death  than  he  could  hope  for  from  his 
foe.  Thus  was  the  whole  Roman  empire  brought  again 
under  the  sway  of  a  single  sovereign,  and  Constantius,  the 
son  of  Constantine,  reigned  without  a  rival  from  the  west- 
ern shores  of  Britain  to  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  and  from 
the  unexplored  realms  of  Central  Germany  to  the  dark  inte- 
rior of  Africa. 


THE    EMPIRE   DISMEMBERED  385 

There  were  still  living  two  nephews  of  Constantine  the 
Great,  Gallus  and  Julian.  Constantins  regarded  them  with 
great  jealoasj,  and  for  several  years  had  kept  them,  under 
careful  surveillance,  exiled  in  a  remote  city  in  Bithynia. 
As  they  advanced  toward  manhood,  he  watched  them  with 
increasing  apprehension  and  imprisoned  them  in  a  strong 
castle  near  Csesarea.  The  castle  had  formerly  been  a  pal- 
ace, and  was  provided  with  all  the  appliances  of  luxury,  in 
the  way  of  spacious  saloons  and  enclosed  gardens.  Here 
the  young  princes  were  placed  under  the  care  of  able  teach- 
ers, and  were  thoroughly  instructed  in  all  the  learning  of 
the  day. 

Still  their  hours  passed  heavily  along  in  loneliness  and 
gloom.  They  were  deprived  of  their  fortune,  their  liberty, 
their  birthright  as  princes.  They  could  not  pass  the  walls 
of  the  castle,  and  could  enjoy  only  such  society  as  the 
tyrant  would  allow  them.  When  Gallus,  the  elder  of  the 
two,  had  attained  his  twenty-fifth  year,  relates  Eusebius,  the 
emperor  invested  him  with  the  title  of  Ceesar,  thus  constitut- 
ing him  heir  to  the  throne,  and  at  the  same  time  united  him 
in  marriage  to  the  princess  Constantina.  Constantius,  hav- 
ing cons  animated  this  arrangement,  went  to  the  west  to  su- 
perintend the  administration  there,  leaving  Gallus  to  take 
up  his  residence  at  Antioch,  as  viceroy  of  the  eastern  em- 
pire. Gallus  immediately  released  his  younger  brother 
Julian,    and  invested  him  with  rank  and   dignity. 

Gallus  and  his  wife  Constantina  developed  characters 
which  assimilate  them  to  demons.  Instruments  of  death 
and  torture  filled  the  dungeons  of  their  palace,  and  scenes 
of  woe  ensued  which  can  only  be  revealed  when  the  arch- 
angel's trump  shall  summon  the  world  to  judgment.  Con- 
stantina died  of  a  fever.  The  emperor  resolved  to  despatch 
Gallus  to  seek  her  in  the  world  of  spirits.  With  treacherous 
professions  of  affection  he  lured  Gallus  on  a  journey  to  visit 
him  in  his  imperial  residence  at  Milan.  Just  as  Gallus  was 
approaching  the  frontiers  of  Italy  he  was  seized,  carried  to 
Pola,  in  Istria,  and  there,  with  his  hands  tied  behind  him, 

Italy — It 


386  ITALY 

was  beheaded,  a  fate  he  richly  merited.  A  band  of  soldiers 
was  sent  to  arrest  Julian.  He  was  taken  a  captive  to  Milan, 
where  he  was  imprisoned  seven  months,  in  the  daily  expecta- 
tion of  meeting  the  doom  of  his  brother. 

In  this  severe  school  of  adversity  Julian  acquired  firm- 
ness of  character  and  much  sagacity.  Through  the  interces- 
sion of  Eusebia,  the  wife  of  Constantius,  the  life  of  Julian 
was  spared,  and  he  was  sent  to  honorable  exile  in  the  city 
of  Athens.  Here  he  spent  six  monthis  in  the  groves  of  the 
Academy,  engaged  in  the  study  of  Greek  literature,  pecul- 
iarly congenial  to  his  tastes,  and  associating  with  the  most 
.accomplished  scholars  of  the  day.  By  the  execution  of 
Gallus,  the  emperor  Constantius  was  left  with  no  partner 
to  share  the  toil  of  empire.  The  Goths  were  again  delug- 
ing Gaul.  Other  bands  were  crossing  the  Danube  where 
there  was  no  longer  any  force  sufficient  to  repel  them.  The 
Persian  monarch  also,  elated  with  recent  victories,  was  rav- 
aging the  eastern  provinces  of  the  empire. 

Constantius  was  bewildered  with  these  menaces  which 
he  knew  not  how  to  face,  and  listening  to  the  advice  of  the 
empress  Eusebia,  he  consented  to  give  his  sister  Helena  in 
marriage  to.  Julian,  and  then  to  appoint  him,  with  the  title 
of  Caesar,  to  administer  the  government  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Julian  Alps.  The  young  prince  received  the  investiture 
of  the  purple  in  Milan,  on  the  day  he  attained  the  twenty- 
fifth  year  of  his  age.  Still  he  was  watched  with  such  jeal- 
ousy by  Constantius,  that  for  some  time  he  was  detained, 
rigidly  captive,  in  the  palace  of  Milan. 

Constantius  embraced  this  opportunity  to  visit  the  ancient 
capital  of  Home,  which  had  now  become  comparatively  pro- 
vincial from  its  desertion  by  the  court.  Approaching  the 
city  along  the  ^milian  and  Flaminian  ways,  he  assumed 
the  triumph  of  a  conqueror.  A  splendid  train  of  troops, 
in  glittering  armor,  accompanied  him,  waving  silken  ban- 
ners embroidered  with  gold,  and  enlivening  the  march  with 
bursts  of  music.  As  the  procession  entered  the  streets  of 
the  imperial  city,  Rome  was  overjoyed  in  beholding  this 


THE   EMPIRE   DISMEMBERED  887 

revival  of  its  ancient  splendor.  Constantius  expressed 
mucli  surprise  in  view  of  the  immense  population  of  the 
city,  and,  surrounded  by  such  acclaim  as  had  never  greeted 
him  before,  took  up  his  residence  in  the  palace  of  Augustus, 
which  had  entertained  no  imperial  guest  for  thirty- two 
years. 

fie  remained  but  one  month,  admiring  the  monuments 
of  power  and  art  spread  over  the  seven  hills.  Wishing  to 
leave  in  Kome  some  memorial  of  his  visit,  which  should 
transmit  his  name,  with  that  of  others  of  the  most  illustrious 
emperors,  to  posterity,  he  selected  a  magnificent  obelisk 
which  stood  before  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  at  Heliopolis,  on 
the  Nile,  and  ordered  its  transportation  to  the  Roman  circus. 
An  enormous  vessel  was  constructed  for  the  purpose.  The 
majestic  shaft,  one  hundred  and  fifteen  feet  in  length,  was 
floated  from  the  Nile  to  the  Tiber,  and  thus  became  one  of 
the  prominent  embellishments  of  the  imperial  city. 

Constantius  was  suddenly  recalled  from  Rome  to  meet 
the  barbarians  who  were  crowding  across  the  Danube  and 
ravaging  the  frontier.  They  had  seized  many  captives,  and 
carried  them  as  slaves  into  their  inaccessible  wilds.  But  the 
emperor,  summoning  troops  from  the  east,  pursued  them 
with  vigor,  and  compelled  them  so  sue  for  peace  and  to 
liberate  their  slaves.  And  now,  with  a  host  of  a  hundred 
thousand  of  the  choicest  troops  of  the  east,  Sapor,  king  of 
Persia,  crossed  the  Tigris,  marched  resolutely  through  Mes- 
opotamia, finding  no  foe  to  obstruct  his  march  until  he 
arrived  at  Amida.  Constantius  marched  to  meet  this  foe, 
and  Julian  was  sent  to  encounter  the  fierce  legions  of  the 
north. 

It  would  have  been  difficult  to  have  found  a  man  appar- 
ently less  qualified  to  lead  in  such  a  warfare  and  against 
such  a  foe,  than  was  the  bookish,  bashful,  idol-worshipping 
Julian.  The  strong  men  of  Rome,  who  were  nominal 
pagans,  in  heart  despised  the  superstitions  of  their  coun- 
try, regarding  them  only  as  means  of  overawing  the  vulgar; 
but  Julian    was   actually   a   worshipper   at   those  besotted 


388  ITALY 

shrines.  It  was,  however,  necessary  for  him  to  repair  to 
Graul,  and  to  take  his  stand  in  the  tented  field.  In  view 
of  it  he  was  heard  to  exclaim,  with  a  deep  sigh,  "Oh,  Plato, 
Plato,  what  a  task  for  a  philosopher!" 

But  Julian  developed  traits  of  character  which  astonished 
his  contemporaries,  and  which  have  not  ceased  to  astonish 
mankind.  He  inured  himself  to  hardship,  not  indulging  in 
a  fire  in  his  chamber  in  the  cold  climate  of  northern  Gaul. 
He  slept  upon  the  floor,  frequently  rising  in  the  night  to 
take  the  rounds  of  his  camp.  He  allowed  no  delicacies 
to  be  brought  to  his  table,  but  shared  in  the  coarse  fare 
and  in  all  the  hardships  and  toils  of  the  common  soldiers. 
After  one  unfortunate  campaign,  in  which  the  barbarians 
firmly  stood  their  ground  and  repelled  their  assailants, 
Julian,  at  the  head  of  but  thirteen  thousand  men,  assailed, 
at  Strasburg,  on  the  Ehine,  thirty-five  thousand  of  the 
bravest  warriors  of  Grermany.  After  a  long  battle,  in  which 
both  parties  fought  with  the  utmost  fury,  the  Germans  were 
put  to  flight,  leaving  six  thousand  dead  upon  the  field.  In 
the  heat  of  the  battle  six  hundred  of  the  Koman  cuirassiers, 
in  a  panic,  fled.  After  the  battle,  Julian  punished  them  by 
dressing  them  in  women's  clothes,  and  exposing  them  to  the 
derision  of  the  army.  He  then  marched  down  the  Rhine, 
and  through  a  series  of  sieges  and  battles  drove  back  the 
Franks,  who  had  taken  possession  of  all  that  region. 

In  imitation  of  Julius  Caesar,  Julian,  with  scholarly  ele- 
gance, wrote  the  annals  of  the  Gallic  war.  He  crossed  the 
Ehine,  marched  boldly  into  the  almost  unknown  regions  of 
the  north,  cutting  down  the  barbarians  before  him,  and  re- 
turned with  twenty  thousand  Roman  slaves  whom,  by  the 
sword,  he  had  liberated  from  their  barbarian  masters.  The 
country,  thus  ravaged  by  war,  was  suffering  all  the  horrors 
of  famine.  Julian  sent  six  hundred  barges  to  the  coasts  of 
Britain,  from  whence  they  returned  laden  witli  grain,  which 
was  distributed  along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine. 

Engaged  in  these  labors,  Julian  selected  Paris  as  the  seat 
of  his  winter  residence.     Julius  Cassar  had  found  this  now 


THE    EMPIRE   DISMEMBERED  389 

renowned  city  but  a  collection  of  fishermen's  huts,  on  a 
small  island  in  the  Seine.  It  was  called  Lutetia,  or  the  city 
of  mire.  The  place  had  since  gradually  increased.  The 
small  island  was  covered  with  houses;  two  wooden  bridges 
connected  it  with  the  shore.  A  wall  surrounded  the  city, 
and  many  dwellings  were  scattered  about  the  suburbs. 
Julian  became  very  partial  to  the  place,  and  built  for 
himself  a  palace  there. 

Constantius,  in  the  meantime,  was  in  the  far  east,  fight- 
ing the  Persians.  The  victories  of  Julian,  and  his  renown, 
excited  the  jealousy  of  the  emperor,  and,  to  weaken  the  arm 
of  the  Caesar,  the  Augustus  sent  for  a  large  division  of  Juli- 
an's army  to  be  forwarded  to  Persia.  The  soldiers  refused 
to  go;  rallied  around  Julian,  declared  him  Augustus,  and 
both  emperors,  one  from  the  heart  of  Gaul,  the  other  from 
beyond  the  Euphrates,  left  their  natural  enemies  and  turned 
furiously  to  assail  each  other.  Months  would  elapse  and 
many  thousands  of  miles  were  to  be  traversed  before  the 
heads  of  their  columns  could  meet.  Constantius  had  but 
reached  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  when  he  was  seized  with  a  fever 
and  died.  The  imperial  dignity,  the  purple  vesture,  the 
sceptre  and  diadem,  did  not  disarm  death  of  its  terror. 
The  monarch  was  but  a  poor  sinner,  dying,  and  going  to 
the  bar  of  God.  Enlightened  by  revelation,  he  knew  his 
duty,  but  did  it  not.  He  trembled,  he  prayed,  he  was  bap- 
tized, and  received  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper,  and 
passed  away  to  that  tribunal  where  monarch  and  subject, 
master  and  slave,  stand  upon  the  same  equality,  and  where 
every  man  shall  receive  according  to  his  deeds. 

Julian  heard  the  welcome  tidings  of  the  death  of  Con- 
stantius just  as  he  was  entering  the  defiles  of  the  Alps  which 
bound  the  eastern  frontiers  of  northern  Italy.  With  re- 
newed alacrity  he  pressed  on  to  Constantinople,  where  he 
was  crowned  undisputed  sovereign  of  the  Eoman  empire, 
in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  age.  He  immediately  com- 
menced vigorous  measures  to  restore  the  heathen  worship  in 
all  its  splendor,  and  to  throw  every  available  obstacle  in  the 


390  ITALY 

way  of  the  propagation  of  Christianity.  The  temples  were 
repaired,  embellished,  and  the  worship  of  idols  made  fash- 
ionable by  gorgeous  parades,  and  by  the  presence  of  the 
court,  Julian  himself  often  officiating  as  a  priest.  The 
cburches  were  robbed  of  their  property,  and  Christians 
were  ejected  from  all  lucrative  and  honorable  offices,  and 
their  places  supplied  by  pagans.  The  schools  of  the  Chris- 
tians were  broken  up,  and  they  were  denied  the  privileges 
of  education.  To  prove  Christ  a  false  prophet  in  regard  to 
the  temple  of  Jerusalem  he  ordered  the  demolished  edifice 
to  be  rebuilt.  Encountering  unexpected  obstacles,  be  was 
exasperated  to  press  forward  in  his  endeavor  with  all  the 
energy  and  power  which  a  Eoman  emperor  could  wield. 
To  his  amazement  he  failed,  and  failed  utterly. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  cause  of  this  failure,  the 
memorable  fact  remains  forever  undeniable.  TAe  Eoman 
emperor  Julian  could  not  rebuild  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  It 
is  stated,  and  the  statement  is  confirmed  by  very  important 
testimony,  that  the  workmen  were  terrified  and  driven  away 
by  phenomena  which  they  certainly  regarded  as  supernatu- 
ral. Julian,  a  well  read  scholar,  knew  that  open  persecu- 
tion, imprisonment,  torture,  and  death  had  utterly  failed  in 
arresting  the  progress  of  Christianity,  and  he  endeavored  to 
paralyze  the  energies  of  the  church  by  the  influences  of  ig- 
norance, contempt,  and  neglect. 

Under  such  teaching  and  example  from  the  imperial  pal- 
ace, bitterness  of  feeling  was  rapidly  springing  up  between 
the  pagans  and  the  Christians.  Then,  as  now,  there  were 
millions  who  had  no  faith,  but  who  were  drifted  along  with 
the  popular  current.  The  empire  was  menaced  with  the 
most  terrible  civil  war.  Julian  was  called  to  Persia  to  re- 
sist the  invasions  which  were  there  making  desolating  head- 
way. Gloom  overshadowed  the  empire.  Julian  was  dis- 
comfited in  battle;  pestilence  and  famine  wasted  his  ranks, 
and  with  a  heavy  heart  the  emperor  was  compelled  to  order 
a  retreat.  As  he  was  leading  his  exhausted  troops  over  the 
burniug  plains  of  Mesopotamia,  which  were  utterly  scathed 


THE   EMPIRE   DISMEMBERED  391 

and  desolated,  by  war,  the  soldiers  dropping  dead  in  the 
ranks  from  sheer  exhaustion,  while  the  cavalry  of  the  Per- 
sians mercilessly  harassed  them,  Julian,  in  rage  and  de- 
spair, turned  upon  his  foes.  A  javelin  pierced  him  with  a 
mortal  wound.  Tradition  says  that  as  he  tore  the  weapon 
from  the  quivering  flesh  and  sank  dying  upon  the  sand,  he 
raised  his  eyes  to  heaven  and  said,  "O  Galilean,  thou  hast 
conquered."  Conveyed  to  his  tent,  he  died,  descanting 
upon  the  virtues  of  his  life,  and  solacing  himself  with  the 
thought  that  without  any  personal  or  conscious  immortality 
his  soul  was  to  be  absorbed  in  the  ethereal  substance  of  the 
universe. 

The  retreating  troops,  pressed  by  the  foe,  had  no  time  to 
mourn  the  dead.  Surrounded  with  famine,  pestilence,  gory 
corpses,  dismay,  and  the  din  of  war,  a  few  voices  jDroclaimed 
Jovian,  one  of  the  leading  officers  of  the  imperial  guard,  to 
succeed  the  emperor.  With  faint  acclaim  the  army  ratified 
the  choice,  and  Jovian,  as  he  urged  forward  the  retreating 
legions,  found  time  hastily  to  slip  on  the  imperial  purple. 
Eome  had  indeed  fallen.  Utterly  unable  to  resist  the  Per- 
sians, Jovian  was  reduced  to  the  ignominy  of  purchasing  a 
truce  with  Sapor  for  thirty  years  by  surrendering  to  him 
many  of  the  eastern  provinces.  And  here  commenced  the 
dismemberment  of  the  Roman  empire.  All  the  garrisons 
were  withdrawn  from  these  provinces,  and  the  humiliated 
army,  with  downcast  eyes,  left  the  banks  of  the  Tigris 
forever. 

Jovian  repealed  all  the  laws  which  had  been  enacted 
against  the  Christians,  and  immediately  the  idol  temples 
were  abandoned,  and  paganism,  like  a  hideous  dream  of 
night,  passed  away  to  be  revived  no  more  forever.  The 
army  was  seven  months  slowly  retracing  its  march  fifteen 
hundred  miles  to  Antioch.  Jovian  was  anxious  to  reach 
Constantinople.  When  he  had  arrived  within  about  three 
hundred  miles  of  the  imperial  city  he  passed  a  night  in  the 
obscure  town  of  Dadastana,  and  was  in  the  morning  found 
dead  in  bed,  accidentally  stifled,  as  it  is  supposed,  by  the 


392  ITALY 

fumes  of  a  charcoal  fire  in  his  apartment.  His  broken- 
hearted wife  met  his  remains  on  the  road,  and  with  the  an- 
guish and  tears  of  widowhood,  bitter  then  as  now,  accom- 
panied them  to  the  tomb  in  Constantinople. 

For  ten  days  the  Roman  world  was  without  a  master. 
But  at  length  the  straggling  divisions  of  the  army  were  as- 
sembled at  Nice,  in  Bithynia.  After  unusually  mature  de- 
liberation the  diadem  was  placed  upon  the  brow  of  Valen- 
tinian,  an  officer  of  much  merit,  who  had  retired  from  active 
service  and  was  living  in  the  enjoyment  of  an  ample  fortune. 
In  all  respects  he  seems  to  have  been  worthy  of  the  throne. 
Majestic  in  stature,  temperate  in  his  habits,  inflexibly  up- 
right, and  with  a  comprehensive  and  commanding  mind,  he 
was  peculiarly  qualified  to  win  and  retain  public  esteem. 
Julian  had  dismissed  him  from  service  in  consequence  of 
his  adhesion  to  the  Christian  faith.  The  new  emperor, 
crowned  by  the  army  in  Nice,  Bithynia,  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  Constantinople,  and  there  appointed  his  brother 
Valens  associate  emperor  with  the  equal  title  of  Augustus. 

Valentinian  took  charge  of  the  western  empire,  assigning 
Valens  the  eastern,  from  the  Danube  to  the  confines  of  Per- 
sia; the  one  selecting  Milan  as  his  capital,  the  other  Con- 
stantinople; Rome,  in  the  meantime,  being  left  to  slow  but 
sure  decay.  The  war  of  the  barbarians  now  assailed  the 
whole  Roman  empire,  both  the  east  and  the  west,  with  a 
ferocity  never  before  surpassed.  The  Picts  and  Scots 
rushed  down  upon  Britain  from  the  mountains  of  Cale- 
donia. All  along  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube,  Gothic  tribes 
of  various  names  devastated  the  country  with  fire  and  sword. 
For  twelve  years  Valentinian  was  engaged  in  almost  an  in- 
cessant battle.  In  a  fit  of  passion  he  burst  a  blood  vessel, 
and  fell  speechless  into  the  arms  of  his  attendants,  and  died 
in  convulsions  of  agony  the  seventeenth  of  November,  A.  D. 
375,  in  the  fifty- fourth  year  of  his  life. 


THE   DYNASTY    OF    THE    GOTHS  393 


CHAPTER    XXIII 

THE   DYNASTY   OF   THE   GOTHS 

FROM  AD.  375  TO  A.D.  1085 

The  March  of  the  Huns — Flight  of  the  Goths  to  Italy — Energy  of  Valens — 
Inglorious  Reign  of  Gratian — The  Reign  of  Theodosius — Gothic  In- 
vasions— Alaric — Rome  Besieged — The  Conquest  of  Rome — Capture  of 
Sicily — Sagacity  of  Adolphus — Brief  Dominion  of  the  Eastern  Empire 
over  the  West — The  Ravages  of  Attila — Anarchy  in  Italy — Nepos, 
Orestes,  and  Odoacer — Invasion  of  Theodoric — Justinian  at  Constan- 
tinople— The  Career  of  Belisarius — Charlemagne  and  his  Empire — The 
Reign  of  the  Dukes — Subjection  to  the  German  Emperor 

WHILE  Valentinian,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ehine,  was 
struggling  against  the  hordes  of  the  north,  crowd- 
ing down  in  numbers  which  seemed  inexhaustible 
upon  the  plains  of  the  south,  Yaleus,  in  the  remote  east,  was 
engaged  in  a  conflict  still  more  hopeless  against  the  Huns,  a 
branch  of  the  great  Mongolian  race,  who  emerged,  in  locust 
legions,  from  the  plains  of  Tartary.  These  savages  were  as 
fierce  and  implacable  as  wolves.  Even  the  Goths  fled  in 
terror  before  them,  and  implored  of  Valens  permission  to 
take  refuge  in  the  waste  lauds  of  Thrace.  Valens  con- 
sented, hoping  to  obtain  aid  from  them  in  resisting  the 
Huns.  But  the  Goths  commenced  ravaging  the  province, 
where  they  had  been  so  hospitably  received,  and,  in  the 
pride  of  their  strength,  commenced  the  siege  both  of  Adri- 
anople  and  Constantinople,  and  ravaged  the  whole  country 
to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  menacing  even  Italy  itself 
with  their  arms.  In  a  battle  before  the  walls  of  Adrian- 
ople,  the  victorious  Goths  cut  the  army  of  Valens  to  pieces, 
and  the  emperor  himself  perished  on  the  bloody  field, 

Gratian,  the  son  of  Valentinian,  a  youth  of  but  seven- 
teen years,  who  had  succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne  of 
the  western  empire,   was  on  the   march  to  assist  Valens, 


394  ITALY 

when  lie  was  informed  of  his  defeat  and  death.  The  pros- 
pects of  the  whole  empire  were  now  gloomy  in  the  extreme, 
and  Gratian,  after  very  anxious  deliberation  with  his  best 
advisers,  nominated  Theodosius,  a  Christian  general  of  great 
renown,  to  occupy  the  post  vacated  by  the  death  of  Valens. 
For  sixteen  years  this  heroic  man  maintained  his  position 
against  an  incessant  flood  of  assailants,  but  the  empire  was 
so  exhausted  by  these  interminable  wars  that  he  was  com- 
pelled to  recruit  his  legions  by  enlisting  under  his  banners 
tribes  of  barbarians,  who  were  ready  to  fight  in  any  cause 
where  there  was  a  prospect  of  pay  and  plunder.  During 
his  administration  not  a  province  of  his  realms  was  lost. 

Gratian,  more  fond  of  pleasure  than  of  the  toils  of  battle, 
retired  to  Paris,  where  he  ingloriously  surrendered  himself 
to  voluptuous  indulgence.  Such  general  discontent  was 
excited  that  Maximus,  governor  of  Britain,  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt,  and  with  an  army  crossed  the  chan- 
nel. Gratian,  abandoned  by  his  troops,  fled.  He  was 
overtaken  near  Lyons  and  put  to  death.  But  collision 
immediately  ensued  between  Theodosius  and  Maximus, 
and  the  emperor  of  the  east,  with  wonderful  celerity, 
marched  upon  the  usurper,  defeated  him  near  Aquileia, 
at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic,  and  taking  him  captive, 
handed   him   over   to   the    executioner. 

Theodosius  then  foolishly  placed  upon  the  throne  of 
the  western  empire  Valentinian,  a  mere  boy,  brother  of 
Gratian.  So  soon  as  Theodosius  had  crossed  the  Bospho- 
rus,  having  been  recalled  by  the  necessities  of  war,  the 
child  emperor  was  assassinated,  and  Eugenius,  a  stern  and 
veteran  warrior,  assumed  the  purple.  Theodosius  instantly 
returned,  burning  with  rage,  defeated  Eugenius  in  a  long- 
drawn  battle,  and  mercilessly  cut  off  his  head.  He  then 
assumed  the  government  of  the  whole  empire,  eastern  and 
western,  but  the  hand  of  death  was  already  upon  him,  and 
in  less  than  four  months  he  breathed  his  last  at  Milan. 
Theodosius  was  an  energetic,  Christian  bigot.  He  issued 
severe  edicts  against  heretics;  prohibited  the  assembling  of 


THE    DYNASTY    OF    THE    GOTHS  395 

those  for  worship  who  differed  from  the  established  faith; 
demolished  or  closed  all  the  temples  of  heathenism,  and  in- 
stituted that  office  of  Inquisitors  of  the  Faith,  which  has 
been  the  subsequent  cause  of  so  much  wrong  and  cruelty. 
Still,  notwithstanding  his  faults,  history  has  pronounced 
him  one  of  the  purest  and  noblest  monarchs  who  ever  oc- 
cupied a  throne. 

The  two  sons  of  Theodosius  now  acceded  to  the  empire; 
Arcadius  to  that  of  the  east,  and  Honorius  to  that  of  the 
west.  The  one  dominion  included  Thrace,  Greece,  Asia 
Minor,  Syria,  and  Egypt.  The  other  Italy,  Africa,  Gaul, 
Spain,  and  Britain,  with  the  Danubian  provinces  of  Nori- 
cum,  Pannonia,  and  Dalmatia.  The  vast  prefecture  of  11- 
lyricum  was  divided  equally  between  the  two.  The  west- 
ern empire  was  now  by  far  the  weakest,  and  was  fast  crum- 
bling to  decay.  The  Moors  threatened  Africa,  the  Scots 
menaced  Britain;  and  all  along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  and 
the  Danube,  Gothic  tribes  were  making  their  encroachments. 
Rome  had  ceased  to  be  the  metropolis,  and  possessed  at  this 
time  only  the  renown  of  its  former  greatness. 

Alaric  now  appears  in  the  tumultuous  arena,  at  the  head 
of  his  fierce  legions.  He  swept  through  Greece,  entered 
Italy,  and  even  besieged  Milan.  Though  by  a  temporary 
check  he  was  driven  back,  the  timid  Honorius  was  so 
alarmed  by  this  bold  invasion  that  he  abandoned  Milan 
as  his  capital,  and  retired  to  Ravenna.  But  immediately 
another  cloud  of  barbarians  appeared,  under  the  leadership 
of  Radagaisus,  and,  battering  down  all  opposition,  passed 
the  Alps,  the  Po,  and  the  Apennines.  Defeated  before  the 
walls  of  Florence,  where  Radagaisus  was  slain,  the  savage 
bands  scattered  over  the  defenceless  plains  of  Gaul,  plun- 
dering, burning,  and  destroying.  Honoriiis  was  utterly  im- 
potent, and  but  for  the  energy  of  his  minister,  Stilicho,  no 
headway  whatever  would  have  been  made  against  the  bar- 
barians. 

Honorius  was  now  seeking  ignominious  shelter  behind 
the  walls  of  Ravenna,  and  the  Goths,  contemptuously  pass 


396  ITALY 

ing  by  him,  were  menacing  even  the  walls  of  Rome.  For 
six  hundred  years  the  imperial  city  had  not  been  insulted 
by  the  presence  of  a  foreign  foe.  The  arms  of  the  citizens 
were  paralyzed  by  degeneracy.  The  walls  alone  stood  in 
their  native,  massive  strength.  Alaric,  at  the  head  of  one 
hundred  thousand  men,  subjected  the  city  to  blockade; 
and  famine  soon  compelled  the  enervated  Romans  to  pur- 
chase a  temporary  peace,  at  the  price  of  the  payment  of  a 
vast  sum  of  money,  and  the  surrender  of  the  sons  of  the 
principal  citizens  as  hostages;  and  Honorius  entered  into 
nominally  friendly  alliance  with  the  barbaric  chieftain. 

Such  a  peace,  of  course,  could  be  but  transient.  The 
hosts  of  Alaric  were  soon  again  encamped  before  the  walls 
of  the  imperial  city.  The  slaves  in  the  city  sagaciously 
conspired  with  the  foe.  At  midnight,  by  a  servile  insur- 
rection, one  of  the  gates  was  thrown  open,  and  the  shout 
and  clangor  of  the  rushing  barbarians  resounded  through 
the  streets.  It  is  not  in  the  power  of  mortal  imagination 
to  conceive  the  horrors  of  a  city  sacked  at  midnight.  Thou- 
sands of  cities,  at  the  hands  of  Rome,  had  experienced  this 
woe.  It  was  now,  in  divine  retribution,  the  turn  of  Rome 
to  drink  that  bitter  cup  to  its  dregs. 

There  were  in  the  city  forty  thousand  slaves.  It  was  to 
them  a  glad  hour  in  which  to  avenge  their  wrongs.  Rome 
had  instructed  them  in  all  the  arts  of  infinite  cruelty;  and 
Roman  voices  shrieked,  and  Roman  backs  were  lacerated, 
as  the  slaves,  in  that  one  horrible  night,  attempted  to  avenge 
the  oppression  of  ages.  All  that  was  venerable  and  costly 
was  surrendered  to  pillage  or  destruction,  and  wanton  con- 
flagration consumed  important  portions  of  the  city.  The 
Goths  remained  in  the  city  but  six  days.  The  army,  in- 
toxicated with  success  and  encumbered  with  spoil,  rioted 
along  the  Appian  way,  and  ravaged  southern  Italy,  giving 
rein  to  every  depraved  desire.  For  four  years  the  whole  of 
southern  Italy  was  subject  to  their  sway.  The  Romans  were 
compelled  to  serve  them  as  slaves.  Burly  barbarians  would 
stretch  their  naked  limbs  beneath  the  shade  of  palm-trees, 


THE   DYNASTY   OF    THE    GOTHS  397 

and  compel  the  daughters  of  Roman  senators  to  present  them 
Falernian  wine  in  golden  goblets,  and  in  docile  subjection  to 
minister  to  their  thirst. 

Alaric,  having  reached  the  extremity  of  Italy,  looked 
wistfully  across  the  waters  to  the  beautiful  island  of  Sicily, 
separated  from  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  strait  but  two 
miles  wide.  He  was  preparing  his  barges  for  the  trans- 
portation of  his  troops,  when  death  summoned  him  to  the 
tribunal  of  his  final  Judge.  Adolphus,  the  brother-in-law 
of  Alaric,  succeeded  him  in  the  dominion  over  the  Goths, 
The  character  and  policy  of  this  illustrious  man  may  be 
best  inferred  from  the  following  remarks  which  he  made  to 
a  citizen  of  Narbonne: 

"I  once  aspired,"  said  Adolphus,  "in  the  full  confidence 
of  valor  and  victory,  to  change  the  face  of  the  universe;  to 
obliterate  the  name  of  Rome;  to  erect  on  its  ruins  the 
dominion  oi  the  Goths,  and  to  acquire,  like  Augustus, 
the  immortal  fame  of  the  founder  of  a  new  empire.  By  re- 
peated experiments,  I  was  gradually  convinced  that  laws 
are  essentially  necessary  to  maintain  and  regulate  a  well 
constituted  state;  and  that  the  fierce,  intractable  humor 
of  the  Goths,  was  incapable  of  bearing  the  salutary  yoke  of 
laws  and  civil  government.  From  that  moment  I  proposed 
to  myself  a  different  object  of  glory  and  ambition;  and  it 
is  now  my  sincere  wish  that  the  gratitude  of  future  ages 
should  acknowledge  the  merit  of  a  stranger,  who  employed 
the  sword  of  the  Goths,  not  to  subvert,  but  to  restore  and 
maintain  the  prosperity  of  the  Roman  empire." 

Adolphus  opened  negotiations  with  the  imperial  court, 
and  entered  into  a  treaty  of  peace  which  was  cemented  by 
his  marriage  with  Placidia,  a  sister  of  Honorius.  In  this 
new  relation,  and  assuming  the  character  of  a  Roman  gen- 
eral, he  marched  from  Italy,  and  entering  southern  Gaul, 
took  possession  of  the  country  from  the  ocean  to  the  Medi- 
terranean. Here  Adolphus  soon  died,  and  Placidia  returned 
to  her  brother's  court.  The  eastern  empire  was  now  in- 
separably separated  from  the  western.     Spain  dropped  off. 


398  ITALY 

Britain  and  Gaul,  thougli  not  openly  in  revolt,  had  silently 
passed  into  virtual  independence.  And  Honorius,  ignobly 
sheltered  behind  the  walls  of  E-avenna,  had  no  power  with 
which  to  wield  the  sceptre  over  distant  Africa.  The  east 
was  also  now  severed  from  the  west,  never  to  be  effectually 
reunited.  Thus  the  Roman  empire  had  virtually  dwindled 
down  to  the  region  of  Italy  alone.  After  a  disgraceful 
reign  of  twenty-eight  years,  Honorius  died,  of  dropsy,  in 
his  palace  at  Ravenna. 

The  crown  which  fell  from  that  ignoble  brow,  seemed  to 
belong,  by  right,  to  any  one  who  had  sufficient  skill  to  grasp 
it.  John,  the  principal  secretary  of  Honorius,  clutched  at 
the  falling  diadem,  and  threw  over  his  shoulders  the  im- 
perial purple.  Italy  accepted  him.  The  court  of  Constan- 
tinople, advocating  the  claims  of  Valentinian,  the  son  of 
Placidia,  a  child  but  six  years  of  age,  sent  an  army  against 
John,  took  him  captive  at  Ravenna,  beheaded  him,  and  de- 
clared Valentinian  III.  emperor,  with  his  mother  Placidia 
as  regent.  In  the  impotence  of  this  reign,  the  Vandals 
passed  over  from  Spain,  which  they  had  subjugated,  and 
took  possession  of  Africa. 

The  Huns,  who  had  established  themselves  in  the  coun- 
try from  which  they  had  driven  the  Goths,  having  com- 
pelled the  eastern  empire  to  purchase  peace  with  them  by 
the  payment  of  an  annual  subsidy,  commenced  their  march 
toward  the  west.  They  were  led  by  Attila,  whose  devasta- 
tions have  procured  for  him  the  designation  of  "The  scourge 
of  God,"  The  glory  and  dignity  of  Rome  had  vanished  for- 
ever. There  were  no  resources  of  effectual  resistance,  and 
the  court  at  Ravenna  was  so  thoroughly  debased,  as  to  pur- 
chase peace  with  the  invader,  by  offering  him,  in  marriage, 
the  emperor's  sister  Honoria,  with  an  immense  dowry. 

Our  space  will  not  allow  us  to  trace  out  the  ravages  of 
Attila,  at  the  head  of  half  a  million  of  the  fiercest  warriors 
earth  has  ever  known,  through  Gaul  and  Italy.  He  utterly 
destroyed  the  renowned  Aquileia,  and  devastated  with  fear- 
ful slaughter  all  Venetia.     The  wretched  inhabitants,  flying 


THE   DYNASTY   OF   THE    GOTHS  399 

in  terror  before  him,  escaped  to  the  marshy  islands,  which 
in  great  numbers  are  found,  but  slightly  elevated  above  the 
wa^es,  at  the  extremity  of  the  Adriatic.  These  morasses 
were  then  uninhabited,  and  almost  without  a  name.  Here 
the  fugitives  established  themselves,  and  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  Venice,  that  city  of  the  sea,  which  subsequently 
almost  outvied  Eome  itself  in  opulence,  power,  and  splen- 
dor. "The  grass  never  grows,"  said  this  demoniac  warrior, 
"where  my  horse  has  placed  his  hoof." 

Before  Attila  left  Italy,  he  threatened  to  retarn  and  take 
terrible  vengeance,  unless  his  promised  bride  were  sent  to 
him  within  the  time  promised  in  the  treaty.  The  trembling 
princess  was  transported  to  his  palace  beyond  the  Danube, 
where  the  nuptials  were  solemnized  with  great  barbaric 
festivity  and  pomp.  The  burly  savage,  inflamed  with  wine, 
retired  to  his  apartment  with  his  bride.  The  morning 
dawned,  but  he  did  not  ajjpear.  Hour  after  hour  glided 
away,  and  still  the  attendants,  respecting  the  bridal  cham- 
ber, ventured  no  interruption.  At  length,  their  suspicions 
being  excited,  they  entered  the  room,  and  found  the  mon- 
arch dead  in  his  bed,  and  his  bride  sitting  at  the  bedside, 
veiled,  and  trembling. 

Attila  had  burst  an  artery,  and  was  suffocated  in  his  own 
blood.  His  body  was  exposed  upon  the  plain,  beneath  a 
silken  pavilion,  and  his  soldiers,  in  the  clangor  and 
pageantry  of  war,  wheeled  in  military  evolutions  around 
the  corpse  of  their  chieftain,  singing  funeral  songs  to  his 
memory,  gashing  their  faces  with  hideous  wounds,  thus 
bemoaning  him,  "not  with  the  tears  of  women,  but  with 
the  blood  of  warriors." 

The  emperor  Valentinian  had  now  attained  manhood, 
but  a  manhood  stained  with  every  vice.  He  artfully  in- 
veigled a  noble  lady,  alike  illustrious  for  beauty  and  piety, 
and  the  wife  of  an  eminent  senator,  to  his  palace,  where  he 
brutally  imprisoned  the  lady.  The  outraged  husband  con- 
spired with  his  friends,  and  slew  Valentinian  in  the  midst 
of  his  guards.     The  soldiers  placed  the  diadem  upon  the 


400  ITALV 

brow  of  the  senator  Maxim  us,  wlio  had  thus  avenged  his 
wrongs.  His  wife  soon  died,  and  he  endeavored  to  compel 
Eudoxia,  the  widow  of  Valentinian,  whom  he  had  mur- 
dered, to  become  his  spouse.  Indignantly  she  repelled  him, 
and  threw  herself  upon  the  protection  of  Genseric,  king  of 
those  powerful  Vandals  who  had  wrested  Africa  from 
the  Roman  empire.  Genseric  joyfully  espoused  her  cause. 
With  a  large  fleet  he  entered  the  Tiber,  advanced  to  Eome; 
captured  the  city,  Maximus  being  slain  in  the  tumult;  and 
miserable  Rome  was  surrendered,  for  fourteen  days,  to  be 
pillaged  by  the  Moors  and  the  Vandals.  Eudoxia  herself, 
with  her  two  daughters,  and  many  thousand  Romans,  were 
carried  off  as  slaves  into  Africa,  to  serve  those  African 
tribes  as  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,  while  the 
proud  matrons  and  maidens  of  Rome  were  doomed  to 
the  ignominy  of  barbarian  servitude. 

The  dismembered  empire,  in  its  fragmentary  state,  with- 
out a  capital,  almost  without  a  local  existence,  was  again 
without  a  head.  The  army  in  Gaul  chose  their  general, 
Avitus,  emperor.  The  senate  in  Rome  opposed  his  nomina- 
tion, and  placed  upon  the  throne  Julian  Majorian.  Another 
civil  war  would  have  ravaged  the  unhappy  country,  but  for 
the  fortunate  death  of  Avitus.  Julian  struggled  unavail- 
ingly  against  the  Moorish  and  Vandal  pirates.  They  even 
captured  his  fleet,  and  burned  it.  Julian  was  deposed,  and 
in  five  days  died  of  chagrin.  Of  his  successor,  Severus,  we 
can  only  say,  he  was  crowned,  and  died.  Italy  was  now  so 
utterly  disorganized  that  the  court  of  Constantinople,  in 
the  vain  attempt  to  save  the  wreck,  assumed  to  appoint 
an  emperor  for  the  west,  and  sent  Anthemius  to  Rome, 
robed  in  the  imperial  purple.  To  this  indignity,  Rome, 
impoverished  and  impotent  as  it  was,  would  not  submit. 
A  tumult  was  excited,  and  Anthemius  was  slain. 

Ricimer,  a  bold,  bad  demagogue,  the  idol  of  the  mob, 
and  the  one  who  had  led  the  tumult  in  which  Anthemius 
was  assassinated,  now,  by  the  success  of  bloody  insurrec- 
tion, and  in  the  chaos  of  anarchy,  found  the  tangled  reins 


THE   DYNASTY   OF    THE    GOTHS  401 

of  power  in  his  own  hands.  For  forty  days  he  was  supreme 
in  Rome,  and  they  were  days  of  havoc,  plunder,  debauchery, 
and  every  species  of  crime.  Rioting  in  the  intemperance  to 
which  this  power  gave  him  sudden  access,  he  was  seized 
with  disease,  and  the  tomb  claimed  the  tyrant.  The  court 
of  Constantinople  despairingly  sent  another  emperor,  Olib- 
rius,  to  endeavor  to  rescue  Rome  from  ruin.  After  a  power- 
less reign  of  seven  months,  he  also  died.  Again  the  throne 
was  vacant,  and  again  Leo,  emperor  of  the  east,  assembled 
his  court  at  Constantinople,  to  place  another  sovereign  in 
the  dilapidated  palaces  of  Rome.  It  was  manifest,  an  em- 
peror thus  enthroned,  could  be  sustained  only  by  the  ener- 
gies of  foreign  armies,  and  it  was  needful  to  move  with 
caution. 

Many  months  passed  in  these  deliberations.  At  length 
Nepos,  accompauied  by  a  bodyguard  from  Constantinople, 
presented  himself  before  the  decayed  senate  of  Rome,  as  the 
sovereign  which  the  eastern  empire  had  sent  to  them.  They 
accepted  him,  and  Rome,  and  Italy,  generally,  in  weariness, 
exhaustion,  and  shame,  decorated  him  with  the  diadem  and 
the  purple,  and  placed  the  sceptre  in  his  hands,  hoping  that 
he  might  be  able  to  wield  it  for  the  rescue  of  their  ruined 
country.  He  established  himself  at  Ravenna,  where  he 
could  more  easily  receive  aid  from  Constantinople;  and 
he  purchased  peace  with  the  barbarians  by  relinquishing 
all  claim  to  portions  of  the  empire  which  they  had  already 
wrested  from  him.  But  fragments  of  German  tribes  were 
now  scattered  everywhere  throughout  Italy,  living  in  a  state 
of  semi- lawlessness,  at  times  in  peace,  and  again  bidding 
defiance  to  all  the  power  of  the  magistracy. 

Nepos  was  one  day  informed  that  a  numerous  band  of 
these  barbarians,  under  their  leader  Orestes,  was  marching 
upon  Ravenna.  The  timid  monarch,  conscious  that  the  arm 
of  Italian  strength  was  paralyzed,  took  to  his  ships,  and  es- 
caped across  the  Adriatic  to  the  coast  of  lllyricum.  Here 
he  remained  five  years,  nominally  emperor  of  a  country 
which  he  dared  not  enter.     At  length  he  was  assassinated. 


402  ITALY 

and  we  may  mention,  in  illustration  of  the  corruption  which, 
had  already  seized  upon  the  church,  that  his  assassin  was 
immediately  rewarded  with  the  bishopric  of  Milan. 

Orestes,  the  barbaric  chieftain  who  had  driven  Nepos 
from  Italy,  for  some  unknown  reason  refused  the  purple 
for  himself,  but  placed  the  imperial  robes  upon  his  son 
Augustulus.  These  barbarian  bands  had  been  introduced 
to  Italy  as  allies — mercenary  troops — to  aid  in  repelling  the 
inroads  of  other  tribes  of  barbarians.  They  now  became 
the  masters,  cruel  and  domineering  masters,  of  those  who 
they  once  had  served.  In  Spain,  in  Gaul,  in  Africa,  their 
brethren  had  become  dominant,  in  the  realms  which  they 
had  severally  overrun  and  detached  from  Eome.  Envying 
the  fortune  of  their  brethren,  they  now  demanded  that  one- 
third  of  Italy  should  be  surrendered  to  them  as  their  ex- 
clusive patrimony.  But  Orestes,  who  had  just  placed  his 
own  son  upon  the  throne,  did  not  wish  to  see  the  realms  of 
that  son  thus  dismembered,  and  he  opposed  the  claim. 

Odoacer,  a  bold  barbarian  warrior,  whose  ferocity  had 
given  him  much  renown,  bade  defiance  to  his  chieftain, 
raised  the  banners  of  revolt,  and  from  all  the  camps  and 
garrisons  of  Italy,  the  Germanic  troops  rushed  around  him. 
The  sudden  movement  was  so  formidable,  that  Orestes  fled 
to  Pavia,  hoping  to  find  shelter  behind  its  strong  intrench- 
ments.  But  the  place  was  taken  by  storm,  the  town  pil- 
laged, and  Orestes  slain.  Augustulus,  now  helpless,  was 
constrained  to  implore  the  clemency  of  Odoacer. 

The  troops  of  Odoacer  saluted  him  with  the  title  of  king. 
The  degenerate  Italians  were  submissive  to  his  sway.  Au- 
gustulus was  compelled  to  send  in  his  abdication  to  the 
senate.  Odoacer,  a  stern  warrior,  familiar  only  with  camps, 
hardship,  and  blood,  did  not  wish  to  assume  the  imperial 
purple,  and  the  imperial  dignity,  but  wished  to  rule  Italy, 
as  a  military  chieftain  merely,  with  his  own  sharp  sword. 
He,  therefore,  compelled  the  senate,  by  a  formal  decree,  to 
abolish  the  imperial  succession;  and  he  commenced  his 
military  reign  with  the  new  title  of  king  of  Italy.     Thus, 


TEE   DYNASTY   OF    THE    GOTHS  403 

after  the  decay  of  ages,  the  ancient  Koman  empire  fell  to 
rise  no  more,  A.  D.  476. 

Odoacer  spared  the  life  of  Augustulus,  but  imprisoned 
him  in  the  castle  of  Lucullus,  near  Naples,  supplying  his 
wants  with  even  sumptuous  prodigality.  Italy  had  indeed 
fallen,  and  the  barbaric  leader  of  a  barbarian  band,  by  the 
might  of  conquest,  was  now  its  enthroned  monarch.  With 
much  sagacity  he  respected  the  old  institutions  of  his  realms, 
governing  through  those  instrumentalities  which  time  had 
created  and  nurtured.  He  conferred  upon  his  captains  the 
titles  of  dukes  and  counts,  and  thus  extended  the  feudal 
system.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  a  more  melan- 
choly spectacle  of  national  debasement  than  Italy  now  pre- 
sented. The  Eoman  nobles  had  fallen  beyond  redemption 
into  the  slough  of  slothful  and  voluptuous  indulgence. 
The  plebeians,  still  more  degraded  and  base,  had  left  behind 
them  scarcely  any  vestige  of  their  existence,  which  history 
can  discern.  The  army  was  composed  almost  exclusively  of 
barbarians;  and  the  country  was  cultivated  only  by  slaves. 
The  Caesars  had  departed  forever,  and  the  dynasty  of  the 
Goths  had  commenced  its  reign. 

The  barbarians,  as  they  were  called,  now  masters  of 
Italy,  blended  so  rapidly  with  the  people  among  whom 
they  dwelt,  that  soon  no  traces  of  distinct  nationality  could 
be  perceived.  During  a  reign  of  fourteen  years,  foreigners 
from  the  wild  wastes  of  the  north  were  flocking  into  sunny 
Italy,  where  they  were  gladly  received  by  Odoacer,  as  add- 
ing strength  to  his  military  arm.  But  Italy  was  too  rich  a 
prize,  in  the  eyes  of  northern  barbarians,  to  be  left  long 
undisputed  in  the  hands  of  Odoacer.  North  of  the  Euxine 
there  was  a  powerful  nation  called  the  Ostrogoths.  Their 
king,  Theodoric,  had  been  well  educated  in  Constantinople. 

Theodoric  commenced  a  march  upon  Italy,  accompanied 
by  his  entire  people.  For  three  years  a  fierce  warfare  swept 
all  those  plains,  as  Goth  struggled  against  Ostrogoth  in  sav- 
age war.  At  length  Theodoric  was  victorious,  and  having 
annihilated  the  armies  of  the  Goths,  and  plunged  his  own 


404  ITALY 

sword  into  the  bosom  of  Odoacer,  he  entered  upon  the  un- 
disputed sovereignty  of  the  whole  peninsula,  dispering  his 
followers  everywhere  throughout  the  rich  and  luxurious 
valleys  of  this  most  beautiful  of  realms. 

Theodoric  governed  his  conquered  kingdom  with  so 
much  energy,  wisdom,  and  humanity  that  he  is  justly  en- 
titled to  the  designation  of  Great,  which  history  has  con- 
ferred upon  him.  Most  of  the  civil  offices  he  confided  to 
native  Italians,  and  carefully  preserved  the  ancient  laws 
and  customs.  With  a  strong  arm  he  secured  peace;  and 
agriculture  and  the  arts,  under  his  sway,  flourished  with 
vigor  unknown  for  ages.  He  endeavored  to  maintain  a  dis- 
tinction between  his  Gothic  and  Italian  subjects,  by  confer- 
ring civil  employments  only  upon  the  one,  and  military  only 
upon  the  other.  One- third  of  the  soil  of  Italy  was  given  to 
his  Gothic  soldiers,  in  remuneration  for  which  they  owed 
him  feudal  servicg,  and  were  to  rush  to  his  banner  when- 
ever his  bugle- blast  was  heard.  Almost  in  an  hour  he  could 
call  two  hundred  thousand  warriors  into  the  field. 

For  thirty-three  years  Theodoric  reigned  over  Italy,  and 
few  sovereigns  are  equally  entitled  to  be  regarded  as  bene- 
factors of  mankind.  Still,  with  all  his  virtues,  he  developed 
some  vices  sufficient  to  condemn  any  ordinary  man  to  in- 
famy. Ln  the  seventy-fourth  year  of  his  age,  tortured  by 
suspicion,  oppressed  with  melancholy  and  partially  insane, 
the  old  monarch  sadly  died,  the  glooms  of  remorse  darken- 
ing around  his  dying  bed.  He  left  the  diadem  to  his  grand- 
son, Atalaric,  a  boy  but  ten  years  of  age,  under  the  regency 
of  his  daughter,  Amalasunta,  the  widowed  mother  of  the 
child.  The  boy,  heir  to  wealth  and  a  throne,  grew  up,  al- 
most as  a  matter  of  course,  an  unmitigated  profligate.  He 
soon  died  through  the  excesses  of  inebriation  and  debauch- 
ery. Theodotus,  who  had  become  the  husband  of  the  re- 
gent,  seized  the  sceptre,  after  strangling  his  spouse. 

The  emperor  Justinian,  at  Constantinople,  having  recon- 
quered Africa,  turned  his  eyes  to  Italy,  resolved  to  rescue 
that  beautiful  country  from  the  Goths  and  annex  it  to  the 


THE    DYNASTY    OF    THE    GOTHS  405 

eastern  empire.  Witli  a  chosen  troop  of  about  five  thoa- 
sand  cavalry  and  three  thousand  infantry,  the  intrepid  gen- 
eral Belisarius,  who  was  intrusted  with  the  command,  landed 
at  Catana,  in  Sicily,  where  they  were  cordially  received  by 
the  inhabitants.  With  but  little  difficulty  they  effected  the 
conquest  of  the  island.  Palermo  made  a  short  resistance. 
But  Belisarius  anchored  his  fleet  in  the  harbor,  raised  his 
boats  with  ropes  and  pulleys  to  the  heads  of  the  masts,  and 
from  that  elevated  position  commanded  the  ramparts  of  the 
city.  The  reduction  of  the  island  cost  but  one  summer's 
campaign.  In  the  autumn  he  entered  Syracuse  in  triumph, 
and  spent  the  winter,  the  undisputed  master  of  Sicily,  occu- 
pying the  palaces  of  the  ancient  kings. 

In  the  spring,  embarking  his  troops  at  Messina,  he  landed 
them  at  Ehegium,  in  Italy,  without  opposition.  He  marched 
along  the  coast  to  Naples,  followed  by  the  fleet  near  the 
shore.  Naples  was  then  a  beautiful  rural  city  to  which 
the  lovers  of  literature  and  philosophy  had  retired  from  the 
confusion  of  Eome.  The  barbarians  here  were  strong  and 
the  siege  was  fiercely  contested.  At  length,  by  stratagem, 
through  the  dry  channel  of  an  aqueduct,  an  entrance  was 
effected  into  the  city.  The  strife  was  short,  and  Naples 
surrendered  to  the  conqueror;  and  the  Grothic  garrison  there 
with  alacrity  enlisted  in  the  service  of  Belisarius. 

Theodotus,  appalled  by  the  ruin  thus  suddenly  over- 
whelming him,  gathered  all  his  available  force  to  make 
a  desperate  stand  behind  the  ramparts  of  Eome.  But  the 
Goths,  dissatisfied  with  his  want  of  energy  and  success,  in 
a  tumultuous  military  gathering  declared  him  unworthy  of 
the  throne;  and  raising  upon  their  bucklers,  their  general 
Vitiges,  pronounced  him  king.  Theodotus  endeavored  to 
escape,  but  was  pursued  along  the  Flaminian  way,  and 
slaughtered  while  crying  for  mercy.  Yitiges,  conscious  of 
his  inability  to  cope  with  Belisarius,  ordered  a  retreat.  The 
conquerors  now  marched  rapidly,  by  way  of  Cumse  and 
Capua,  to  Eome,  and  entered  the  city  in  triumph. 

During  the  winter  Vitiges  at  Eavenna,  and  Belisarius  at 


406  ITALY 

Eome,  were  preparing  with  great  vigor  for  the  campaign  of 
the  ensuing  spring.  With  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
men  Vitiges  commenced  his  march,  and  traversing  the  Fla- 
minian  way,  arrived  at  the  Milvian  bridge,  within  two  miles 
of  Rome,  For  a  year  Belisarius  was  besieged  within  the 
walls  of  Rome  by  this  overpowering  host.  With  but  five 
thousand  veteran  troops  he  defended  a  circle  of  twelve  miles 
against  the  legions  of  Vitiges.  In  one  desperate  assault,  the 
Groths  lost  thirty  thousand  of  their  number  in  slain  and  an 
equal  number  wounded.  Hardly  an  arrow  was  thrown  from 
the  Roman  ramparts  which  did  not  accomplish  its  mission. 

But  the  genius  of  Belisarius  prevailed.  The  whole  mili- 
tary force  of  the  Ostrogoths  had  been  rallied  around  Rome, 
and  in  the  long  and  bloody  siege  nearly  the  whole  force  had 
perished.  After  an  almost  incessant  battle  of  one  year  and 
nine  days,  the  Goths  burned  their  tents,  and  precipitately 
retreated,  pursued  by  their  indomitable  foes.  Vitiges  found 
shelter  within  the  walls  of  Ravenna.  Belisarius,  receiving 
recruits  from  Constantinople,  pitched  his  tents  around  the 
walls,  and,  in  his  turn,  commenced  the  siege  of  Vitiges. 
At  length  the  city  surrendered,  and  Belisarius,  in  triumph, 
entered  its  streets;  and  Vitiges  was  sent  a  captive  in  chains 
to  Constantinople. 

But  while  these  final  scenes  were  being  enacted,  Justin- 
ian, jealous  of  the  renown  which  Belisarius  was  acquiring — 
for  the  Goths  were  actually  in  treaty  with  him,  offering  him 
the  crown  of  Italy — entered  into  a  hasty  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  Goths  and  recalled  Belisarius.  Embarking  at  Ravenna, 
the  obedient  general  returned  to  Constantinople,  taking  with 
him  his  illustrious  captive  Vitiges.  The  departure  of  Beli- 
sarius revived  the  courage  of  the  Goths.  They  chose  Totila, 
a  nephew  of  Vitiges,  to  the  supreme  command,  and  he,  col- 
lecting five  thousand  troops  at  Pavia,  commenced  the  recon- 
quest  of  Ital}'^  from  the  dominion  of  Justinian.  Belisarius 
had  left  garrisons  in  Italy,  under  eleven  generals,  to  hold 
command  of  the  country  as  a  province  under  the  eastern 
empire. 


THE   DYNASTY   OF    THE    GOTHS  407 

The  Eomans  soon  found  themselves  imprisoned  in  their 
fortresses,  while  the  Goths,  who  had  invited  other  foreign 
tribes  to  their  assistance,  under  Totila  marched  defiantly 
through  the  kingdom  and  laid  siege  to  Naples.  Naples, 
Cumge,  and  all  the  southern  provinces  were  speedily  sub- 
jugated. The  Goths  were  now  nominal  Christians,  and  ear- 
nest advocates  of  the  Catholic  church,  in  antagonism  to 
what  was  called  the  Arian  heresy.  Totila,  the  new  kmg, 
possessed  many  Christian  virtues.  He  was  chaste,  temper- 
ate, and  his  moral  integrity  no  one  questioned.  At  this 
time  every  clergyman  in  the  east  was  called  in  Greek  papa 
(TrdTTTrac),  father.  The  bishop  of  Eome,  then  called  papa,  and 
subsequently  pope^  had  been  banished  by  Belisarius.  The 
sympathies  of  the  church  were  consequently  with  the  Goths, 
rather  than  with  the  Greeks  from  Constantinople.  Totih^ 
liberated  the  slaves,  and  thus  secured  their  enthusiastic  sup- 
port. In  the  progress  of  the  war  he  inexorably  punished 
with  death  the  violation  of  female  chastity.  In  earnest 
harangues  to  the  troops  he  urged  upon  them  that  national 
vice  was  the  sure  precursor  of  national  decay. 

From  the  conquest  of  southern  Italy,  Totila  proceeded  to 
the  siege  of  Eome.  The  inhabitants  conspired  against  the 
garrison,  threw  open  the  gates,  and  at  midnight  the  Goths 
marched  in  and  took  possession  of  the  city.  The  Gothic 
king,  in  the  morning,  devoutly  went  to  church  to  return 
thanks  for  his  victory.  Totila  demolished  a  large  portion 
of  the  walls  of  Eome,  dragged  the  senators  away  as  captives 
in  the  train  of  his  army,  exiled  most  of  the  citizens,  men  and 
women,  and  left  Eome  comparatively  a  solitude. 

Justinian,  alarmed,  had  again  sent  Belisarius  to  take 
command  of  his  troops  in  Italy.  But  Belisarius  found  him- 
self without  an  army,  and  could  never  face  Totila  on  the 
field  of  battle.  New  armies  were  sent  from  Constantinople 
to  southern  Italy,  and  Totila  entered  into  alliance  with  The- 
odebert,  king  of  the  Franks,  to  strengthen  him  in  northern 
Italy.  Belisarius  was  again  recalled,  and  the  renowned 
eunuch,    Narses,   with    a    strong    force    entered   Italy  and 


40«  ITALY 

offered  battle  to  Totila.  Tlie  hostile  armies  met  in  the 
vicinity  of  Eome.  The  Goths  were  vanquished,  and  Totila 
himself  fell  pierced  through  the  body  by  a  lance.  The 
victory  of  Narses  was  obtained  mainly  by  his  barbarian 
allies,  whom  he  had  enticed  to  his  camp.  Unrelentingly 
he  ravaged  the  conquered  land. 

But  the  Goths,  though  vanquished,  were  not  subdued. 
They  retired  north  of  the  Po,  and  chose  one  of  their 
heroes,  Teias,  to  be  their  king.  Selecting  Pavia  for  his 
headquarters,  and  gathering  around  him  his  allies  the 
Franlis,  in  a  rapid  march  he  advanced  from  the  Alps  to 
Mt.  Vesuvius,  and  there  in  as  savage  a  fight  as  time  has 
witnessed,  he  fell.  Still  his  troops,  avenging  his  death, 
fought  still  more  fiercely,  till,  in  the  darkness  of  the  night, 
friends  could  not  be  distinguished  from  foes.  But  with  the 
early  dawn  the  battle  was  renewed,  and  was  continued  until 
again  the  sun  had  disappeared  in  the  west.  The  Gothic 
army  was  then  effectually  destroyed.  Most  of  the  survivors 
capitulated,  though  a  small  but  determined  band  cut  their 
way  through  their  foes  and  retreated  to  the  walls  of  Pavia. 
With  the  death  of  Teias,  in  March,  A.D.  553,  the  Gothic 
kingdom  in  Italy  passed  away  forever. 

The  fragments  of  the  old  Poman  empire  were  gradually 
being  organized  into  new  and  independent  kingdoms.  Brit- 
ain, abandoned  by  the  Romans  and  overrun  by  the  Angles, 
became  Anglia,  or  England.  The  Franks  took  possession 
of  Gaul,  and  it  was  called  France.  Spain,  subjugated  by 
the  Suabians  and  Vandals,  retained  its  ancient  name.  Pan- 
nonia,  occupied  by  the  Huns,  became  Hungary.  In  all 
these  kingdoms  the  native  inhabitants  and  their  conquerors 
rapidly  blended  into  a  hoinogeneous  race. 

While  Narses  was  endeavoring  to  consolidate  his  con- 
quest, seventy-five  thousand  Franl^s  came  rushing  down 
through  the  defiles  of  the  Phastian  Alps  into  the  plains  of 
Milan.  Like  an  inundation  they  swept  through  northern 
Italy.  These  Franks  were  nominal  Christians,  imbued  with 
many  of  the  superstitions  of  the  church,  though  with  but 


THE   DYNASTY   OF   THE    GOTHS  409 

little  of  the  spirit  of  Christ.  A  protracted  war  ensued,  in 
which  the  majority  of  these  bands  perished  through  pesti- 
lence, famine,  and  the  sword.  Italy  was  thus  again  left  a 
war-scathed  province,  attached  to  the  eastern  empire  of  Jus- 
tinian. But  the  renowned  emperor  Justinian  died,  and 
Narses  died,  and  the  feeble  Justinian  11.  ascended  the 
throne  of  Constantinople. 

There  was  a  powerful  nation  called  Lombards  dwelling 
in  HuDgary.  Their  king,  Alboin,  a  ferocious  warrior,  cast 
wistful  looks  toward  Italy,  and  resolved  to  attempt  its  con- 
quest. Leading  his  army  across  the  Julian  Alps  he  speed- 
ily overran  the  territory,  and  nearly  the  whole  country, 
with  the  exception  of  Rome  and  Eavenna,  was  soon  in  his 
hands.  Assuming  the  title  of  king  of  Italy,  Alboin  assigned 
the  conquered  provinces  to  hi^  captains,  who  under  various 
titles  of  nobility  such  as  counts  and  dukes  were  bound  to 
render  him  feudal  service,  by  paying  him  tribute,  and  obey- 
ing his  summons  to  the  field  of  battle.  But  Alboin  was  a 
true  savage,  drinking  in  revelry  from  the  skulls  of  his  ene- 
mies. He  was  at  length  murdered,  at  the  instigation  of  his 
queen,  in  revenge  for  an  outrage  he  had  inflicted  upon  her. 

Clevis,  one  of  his  captains,  who  had  the  title  of  a  duke, 
succeeded  him.  But  he  was  a  miserable  despot,  and  after  a 
reign  of  seventeen  months,  he  was  assassinated  by  one  of  his 
servants  while  he  slept.  There  were  now  thirty-six  of  these 
Lombard  warrior  chieftains,  with  the  title  of  dukes,  scattered 
over  Italy.  Each  had  his  allotted  territory,  more  or  less  dis- 
tinctly defined,  over  which  he  had  undisputed  domain,  sub- 
ject only  to  feudal  service  to  the  sovereign.  So  long  as  war 
raged,  a  sovereign  was  necessary,  around  whom  they  might 
rally  against  a  common  foe.  But  Italy  was  now  supine  at 
the  feet  of  its  conquerors,  and  the  eastern  empire,  crumbling 
also  to  decay,  had  relinquished  all  attempt  at  the  reconquest 
of  the  Italian  peninsula.  The  dukes,  under  these  circum- 
stances, were  not  disposed  to  choose  a  master,  each  wishing  to 
retain  his  independence.  They  therefore  formed  a  federal 
aristocracy,  each  one  being  supreme  over  his  own  territory. 

Italy — 18 


410  ITALY 

For  ten  years  Italy  continued  in  this  state,  when,  upon 
some  indications  of  an  attack  both  from  Greece  and  Gaul, 
the  dukes  judged  it  necessary  to  be  better  prepared  for  war, 
and  they  therefore  chose  one  of  their  number,  Autharis, 
who  was  most  highly  distinguished  for  valor  and  abilities, 
as  their  king.  The  wisdom  of  this  measure  was  immedi- 
ately apparent;  for  in  three  successive  waves  of  invasion 
the  Gauls  rushed  down  upon  the  plains  of  Italy,  where 
they  were  arrested  and  driven  back  by  the  energy  of  Au- 
tharis. 

At  this  time  Pavia  was  the  recognized  capital  of  the 
kingdom,  and  Gregory  the  Great  was  bishop,  or  papa,  at 
Rome.  He  was  an  ambitious  ecclesiastic,  and  was  as  am- 
bitious and  successful  in  gathering  into  his  hands  the  reins 
of  spiritual  power  as  Autharis  proved  to  be  in  grasping  secu- 
lar dominion.  This  renowned  clergyman  was  nobly  born. 
He  had  been  both  senator  and  governor  of  Rome.  From 
inheritance  and  lucrative  office  he  had  acquired  enormous 
wealth.  John,  another  very  distinguished  ecclesiastic,  was 
at  that  time  bishop  or  papa  at  Constantinople.  There  was 
a  very  stern  struggle  between  them  as  to  which  should  have 
the  supremacy,  and  hence  commenced  the  schism  between 
the  Greek  and  Latin  churches,  which  continues  to  the  pres- 
ent day.  The  bishop  of  Constantinople,  with  the  title  of 
Patriarch,  is  the  head  of  the  eastern  church;  and  the  bishop 
of  Rome,  with  the  title  of  Pope,  is  recognized  as  the  sover- 
eign of  the  church  in  the  west.  Many  are  the  anathemas 
which,  during  the  last  thousand  years,  these  patriarchs  have 
hurled  against  each  other.  Under  Gregory,  the  idolatrous 
Britons  were  converted  to  nominal  Christianity;  and  not  a 
few  became  the  sincere  and  humble  followers  of  Jesus  Christ 
in  both  heart  and  life.  The  forty  missionaries  sent  to  Eng- 
land, in  less  than  two  years  reported  the  baptism  of  the  king 
of  Kent,  and  of  ten  thousand  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

The  dukedoms  now  began  to  assume  importance,  and  to 
take  their  position  in  the  procession  of  events  as  individual 
dukes,  by  their  achievements,  arrest  the  observation  of  his- 


THE    DYNASTY    OF    THE    GOTHS  411 

tory.  After  a  short  but  energetic  reign,  Autharis  died, 
probably  of  poison,  and  his  beautiful  widow,  Theodelinda, 
married  Agilulph,  the  Lombard  duke  of  Turin.  With  her 
hand  Agilulph,  though  then  a  pagan,  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing the  crown  and  sceptre  of  Italy.  He  soon,  however,  em- 
braced Christianity,  and  engaged  very  zealously  in  his  en- 
deavors to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  church.  Several  of 
the  dukes  of  Turin  succeeded  him  in  brief,  uneventful 
reigns.  Some  were  tolerably  good,  and  others  were  intol- 
erably bad.  Each  one  of  these  undistinguished  sovereigns 
was  eager  to  add  to  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown,  while  the 
rival  dukes  were  combining  to  resist  every  encroachment 
upon  their  power  and  independence.  In  the  course  of  sixty 
years  nineteen  sovereigns  occupied  the  throne.  Their  names 
even  are  not  worth  recording. 

The  Lombards  were  established  mainly  in  northern  Italy, 
and  the  emperor,  in  Constantinople,  still  held  a  shadowy  au- 
thority over  southern  Italy.  The  Grecian  power  was,  how- 
ever, rapidly  vanishing  before  the  encroachments  of  the 
Lombard  kings.  During  the  eighth  century,  Italy  was  fre- 
quently invaded  by  the  Franks.  Toward  the  close  of  the 
eighth  century,  their  renowned  sovereign,  Charlemagne,  or 
Charles  the  Great,  swept  over  Italy  and  completed  the  de- 
struction of  the  Lombard  monarchy,  which  had  governed 
Italy  for  two  hundred  years.  Then  forming  an  alliance 
with  Pope  Leo  III.,  who  had  attained  vast  temporal  as  well 
as  spiritual  j)ower,  he  organized  anew  a  western  empire.  In 
the  cathedral  church  erected  by  Constantine  he  crowned 
himself  emperor  of  the  west.  This  memorable  event  took 
place  on  Christmas  day,  A.D.  800.  For  forty  years  this 
illustrious  monarch,  as  king  and  emperor,  governed  Italy, 
in  connection  with  his  other  vast  realms,  and  perhaps  better 
than  it  had  ever  been  governed  before.  Eight  kings  of  the 
family  of  Charlemagne  ruled  over  Italy.  The  great  empire 
which  the  military  genius  of  Charlemagne  created,  and  his 
great  statesman- like  qualities  so  long  held  together,  con- 
sisted of    France,    a  part  of    Spain,    Italy,    Germany,   and 


412  ITALY 

Hungary.  He  was  a  powerful  sovereign,  hut  a  licentious, 
ferocious,  cruel  man.  This  dynasty  was  closed  in  Italy  hy 
the  indignant  deposition  of  Charles  the  Fat. 

For  the  sixty  years  then  ensuing,  wretched  Italy  was  torn 
by  internal  wars,  and  by  the  incursions  of  foreign  foes.  The 
Lombard  duchies,  by  family  alliances,  and  conquests  of  the 
weak  by  the  strong,  were  reduced  to  but  five  or  six.  Among 
these  the  beautiful  duchy  of  Tuscany,  separated  by  a  chain 
of  mountains  from  the  rest  of  Italy,  was  perhaps  the  most 
prominent  and  prosperous.  The  dukes  of  Adalbert  admin- 
istered this  province  for  a  century  and  a  half,  and  their  court 
was  renowned  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  sumptuous 
among  the  great  feudatories.  The  other  great  dukedoms 
were  those  of  Friuli,  Spoleto,  Ivrea,  and  Susa.  The  strife 
between  these  dukes  for  the  supremacy  was  bitter  and  in- 
terminable. Berenger,  duke  of  Friuli,  at  length  obtained 
the  election,  and  was  crowned  at  Pavia  by  the  Archbishop 
of  Milan.  The  diadem  he  wore  proved  to  be  truly  one  of 
thorns. 

The  reader  would  but  be  wearied  with  the  narrative  of 
the  petty  intrigues  and  incessant  conflicts  between  these 
rival  dukes  for  the  nominal  sovereignty  of  Italy.  Passing 
over  the  dreary  record  of  treachery,  wars,  poisonings,  and 
assassinations,  in  which  but  little  can  be  found  either  to  in- 
terest or  instruct,  we  find,  in  the  3'ear  961,  a  foreign  prince, 
Otho,  king  of  Saxony,  invading  Italy.  He  conquers  the 
realm,  dethrones  Berenger  II.,  and  sends  him  to  end  his 
days  in  a  German  prison,  and  Otho  is  crowned  sovereign 
with  the  title  of  emperor.  Thus  Italy,  after  having  been 
annexed  as  a  subjugated  kingdom  to  Greece,  and  then  to 
France,  is  now  grasped  by  Germany.  The  country  was 
now  covered  with  castles.  Each  duke  was  a  petty  sover- 
eign over  his  domains,  which  he  divided  into  smaller  por- 
tions administered  by  vassal  counts  who  paid  him  tribute, 
took  the  oath  of  fealty,  and  obedientl}^  followed  his  liege 
lord  in  his  wars.  The  dukes  owed  the  emperor  of  Germany 
feudal  service,  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him.     The 


THE   DYNASTY   OF    THE    GOTHS  413 

counts,  ia  their  turn,  divided  the  land  apportioned  to  them 
among  their  captains.  The  condition  of  the  people,  robbed 
at  every  point,  was  depressed  and  miserable  in  the  extreme. 
For  half  a  century  the  three  Othos,  father,  son,  and  grand- 
son, were  acknowledged  emperors  and  kings  of  Italy.  And 
then,  when  the  house  of  Saxony  became  extinct,  for  eighty 
years  more  the  succeeding  German  emperors  held  sway  over 
Italy,  promulgating  laws,  and  exacting  homage  and  feudal 
rents  from  the  subjugated  realm.  Southern  Italy  still  re- 
mained partially  subject  to  Constantinople.  Eome,  with  its 
appertaining  territory,  was  organized  into  a  dukedom,  gov- 
erned in  its  temporal  matters  by  a  duke  sent  by  the  emperor 
from  Constantinople.  The  pope  of  Kome  had,  however,  now 
far  more  power  than  the  civil  magistrate.  He  was  recognized 
as  the  head  of  all  the  western  or  Latin  churches.  The  pa- 
pacy had  become  the  highest  object  of  ambition  to  the 
whole  sacerdotal  order.  Prelates  who  were  quite  unwor- 
thy, whose  claims  were  urged  by  influential  men,  not  infre- 
quently attained  the  pontifical  chair.  The  church,  in  its 
state  of  corruption,  operating  upon  the  fears  of  an  ignorant 
and  superstitious  people,  had  acquired  immense  wealth, 
and  was  making  rapid  strides  toward  the  subjugation  of 
the  popular  mind  by  the  powers  of  superstition,  in  which 
there  was  adroitly  blended  the  most  potent  elements  of  the 
old  pagan  and  of  the  Christian  religions. 


414  ITALY 


CHAPTEE  XXIY 

THE     ITALIAN     REPUBLICS 

FROM  A.D.  1085  TO  A.D.  1266 

Encroachments  of  the  Church — Hildebrand — Humiliation  of  the  Emperor 
Henry  IV. — Dominion  of  the  German  Empire  over  Italy — War  between 
the  Emperor  and  Lombardy — Southern  Italy — Organization  of  the  King- 
dom of  Naples — The  Norman  Emigration — The  Venetian  Republic — Its 
Rise  and  Vicissitudes — Italian  Character — The  Crusades — Conflict  be- 
tween Honorius  III.  and  Frederic  II. — Anarchy  in  Rome — Conquest  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Naples  by  Charles  of  Anjou — Florence — Its  Conflicts 

THE  papal  church  was  now  becoming  the  great  power 
which  for  centuries  was  to  overshadow  Italy  and  all 
Earope.  The  genius  of  Hildebrand,  an  obscure 
monk  of  Tuscany,  combined  its  energies,  and  guided 
them  in  the  career  of  conquest.  In  the  cloistered  soli- 
tude of  his  study  he  devised  his  plan  for  the  subjugation 
of  the  world  to  the  papal  throne.  The  election  of  the  popes 
was  vested  in  the  cardinals.  The  clerg}^  were  detached  from 
human  society  by  the  law  of  celibacy.  The  pope  was  de- 
clared to  be  God's  vicegerent,  incapable  of  erring,  and 
above  all  human  law.  In  the  face  of  the  most  violent  op- 
position, he  accomplished  all  his  plans.  The  power  of  the 
pope  over  the  popular  mind  became  so  extraordinary  that 
no  king  could  hold  his  crown  in  opposition  to  the  will  of 
the  holy  father.  Inauguration  by  his  hand  became  an  es- 
sential title  to  the  crown. 

The  German  emperor  Conrad,  who  succeeded  Henry  11. , 
hastened  to  Eome  to  receive  the  diadem  from  the  hands  of 
the  pontiff.  Being  engaged  in  distant  wars,  he  could  de- 
vote but  little  attention  to  Italy,  and  for  many  years  the 
peninsula  presented  an  aspect  of  anarchy.  Nobles,  bishops, 
and  citizens  struggled  against  each  other  in  bloody  warfare. 


THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS  415 

In  the  year  A.D.  1078  Hildebrand  was  chosen  pope,  with 
the  title  of  Gregory  VII.  During  the  long  minority  of 
the  emperor  Henry  IV.  of  Germany  the  sagacity  of  Hilde- 
brand had  been  diligently  employed  in  pushing  the  papal  en- 
croachments. Never  did  a  more  imperial  mind  dwell  in  a 
fleshly  tabernacle.  The  pope  and  the  emperor  soon  found 
themselves  in  collision,  each  claiming  the  supremacy.  The 
quarrel  arose  upon  the  right  of  investiture,  or,  in  other 
words,  whether  bishops  and  dukes  were  to  consider  them- 
selves as  vassals  of  the  pope  or  the  emperor.  Hostile  mes- 
sages were  sent  to  and  fro,  until  the  pope  had  the  arrogance 
to  summon  the  emperor  to  appear  before  him  in  Eome.  The 
indignant  sovereign  assembled  a  council  of  prelates  and  other 
vassals  at  Worms,  and  declared  Gregory  no  longer  to  be 
worthy  to  be  recognized  as  pope.  Gregory,  in  retaliation, 
excommunicated  Henry,  released  his  subjects  from  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  and  prohibited  them,  under  pain  of  eternal 
damnation  from  supporting  the  emperor,  or  in  any  way 
ministering,  to   his  wants. 

The  people  were  so  overawed  by  the  terrors  of  this  de- 
cree that  they  at  once  abandoned  their  sovereign;  and  he 
was  left  utterly  ruined  and  helpless.  Under  the  dictation 
of  the  pope  the  princes  met  at  Oppenheim  to  choose  another 
emperor.  Henry  IV.,  in  dismay  and  despair,  crossed  the 
Alps  in  the  dead  of  winter  to  throw  himself  at  the  feet  of 
the  offended  pontiff  and  implore  forgiveness.  Gregory  was 
then  at  the  castle  of  Canossa,  near  Eeggio,  in  the  domain  of 
Matilda,  the  opulent  and  powerful  countess  of  Tuscany, 
who  was,  with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  her  glowing  soul,  de- 
voted to  the  papacy. 

For  three  days,  in  mid-winter,  the  abject  monarch  stood 
a  suppliant  at  the  portal  of  the  castle  before  he  could  be  ad- 
mitted. Barefooted,  bareheaded,  and  clothed  in  a  woollen 
shirt,  he  was  compelled  to  wait,  that  the  world  might  wit- 
ness his  humiliation.  At  length  the  haughty  pontiff  con- 
descended to  grant  absolution  to  the  penitent.  The  recon- 
ciliation which  ensued  was  far  from  cordial,   and  Henry, 


416  ITALY 

mortified  and  exasperated,  returned  to  his  realms,  watch- 
ing for  an  opportunity  more  successfully  to  resume  the 
strife.  Soon  the  ecclesiastical  censure  was  renewed,  and 
the  emperor  was  again  deposed.     In  the  meantime  Henry 

IV.  had  strengthened  his  cause,  and  the  pope's  bull  had 
lost  somewhat  of  its  terror.  Both  parties  now  prepared 
for  war. 

Matilda,  the  celebrated  countess  of  Tuscany,  and  some 
other  Italian  feudatories,  placed  their  troops  at  the  service 
of  Gregory.  Henry  led  an  army  into  Italy;  the  papal 
troops  were  routed;  Gregory  was  deposed,  and  Guibert, 
archbishop  of  Eavenna,  was  raised  to  the  papacy  by  the 
sword  of  the  emperor.  The  grateful  pontiff  placed  the 
imperial  crown,  M^th  the  blessing  of  the  church,  upon  the 
brow  of  the  conqueror.  Gregory  VII.  sought  refuge  among 
the  Normans  of  Naples. 

The  Neapolitans,  led  by  the  holy  father,  whom  the  em- 
peror had  deposed,  marched  against  Rome.  Henry  IV.  re- 
treated. They  captured  the  city  and  surrendered  it  to  mili- 
tary license,  fire  and  the  sword.  Gregory  remstated,  but 
still  humiliated,  believing  himself  no  longer  secure  in  Eome, 
retired  to  Naples,  where  he  remained  in  virtual  exile  until 
he  died,  with  his  last  breath  hurling  an  anathema  against 
his  unrelenting  foe,  the  emperor.  His  successors,  Victor 
III.,  Urban  11. ,  and  Paschal  II.,  continued  the  conflict, 
aided  by  the  amazonian  energies  of  the  Countess  Matilda. 
Henry  was  driven  out  of  Italy,  and,  dethroned  by  his  own 
son,  Henry  V.,  died  a  broken-hearted  old  man,  in  the  ex- 
treme of  destitution  and  misery. 

For  fifteen  years  the  struggle  continued  between  Henry 

V.  and  the  Koman  pontiffs.  At  length  they  entered  into  a 
compromise,  the  pope  resigning  the  temporal,  and  the  em- 
peror the  spiritual  prerogatives  of  investitures.  During 
this  long  war  of  sixty-three  years,  a  series  of  republics  had 
been  gradually  springing  up  in  northern  Italy.  The  great 
cities  had  become  the  centres  of  these  republics,  and  the  old 
feudal  nobility  had  gradually  passed  away.     The  civil  war 


THE   ITALIAN   REPUBLICS  417 

had  rendered  it  necessary  that  walls  should  be  reared  around 
the  towns.  The  sound  of  an  alarm-bell  assembled  all  the 
men  capable  of  bearing  arms  in  the  great  square,  and  this 
meeting  for  deliberation  was  called  a  parliament.  Two  coun- 
cils, and  a  common  council,  submitted  questions  to  the  de- 
cision of  the  parliament.  While  most  of  these  northern  free 
cities  confessed  a  vague  alliance  to  the  German  emperor, 
others,  as  Venice,  Eavenua,  Eome,  Naples,  and  Genoa,  still 
remained  nominally  under  the  sway  of  the  eastern  empire. 
Almost  the  only  indications  of  the  existence  of  the  imperial 
power  which  now  remained  was  that  the  name  of  the  em- 
peror was  affixed  to  the  municipal  acts,  and  his  effigy  was 
stamped  upon  the  coin.  The  democratic  cities  of  Lombardy 
possessed  but  little  of  the  spirit  of  true  democracy.  The 
stronger  were  ever  eager  to  domineer  over  the  weaker. 
Milan  crushed  Lodi  and  scattered  its  citizens  into  villages, 
trampling  upon  all  their  rights.  The  Lodise,  after  years  of 
oppression,  appealed  to  the  emperor  Frederic  for  help. 

Glad  of  this  opportunity  to  strengthen  his  power  in  Italy, 
the  emperor  with  a  small  but  vigorous  and  efficient  army 
crossed  the  Alps,  and,  advancing  through  the  Trentine 
valley,  entered  the  plains  of  Lombardy.  Here  petitioners 
crowded  around  him,  imploring  protection  from  the  haughty, 
tyrannical,  aristocratic  democracy  of  Milan.  In  a  cruel 
march  of  desolation  and  plunder  the  emperor  ravished  the 
country.  Many  cities  were  in  alliance  with  the  Milanese, 
while  others  espoused  the  cause  of  the  emperor.  Notwith- 
standing the  strength  of  the  imperial  army,  the  walls  of 
Milan  were  so  substantial,  and  the  preparations  for  defence 
so  ample,  that  the  first  movements  of  Frederic  were  against 
the  allied  cities.  Tumi,  Vercelli,  Asti,  and  Tortona,  after 
bloody  battles  and  protracted  sieges,  fell  into  his  hands. 
The  valiant  little  city  of  Tortona  for  two  months  defied  the 
emperor. 

The  emperor  was  provided  with  the  most  powerful  ma- 
chines of  war  then  in  use.  With  the  ballistte  of  the  ancients, 
he  threw  such  masses  of  rock  into  the  city  that  three  men 


418  ITALY 

were  crushed  by  the  fall  of  a  single  piece.  But  famine  al 
length  compelled  the  capitulation,  and  Tortona  was  razed 
to  the  ground.  Frederic,  having  demolished  or  subdued 
most  of  the  cities  in  the  alliance  with  Milan,  entered  Pavia, 
and  there  received  the  celebrated  iron  crown  of  Lombardy — 
the  iron  of  which  it  was  wrought  was  said  to  be  one  of  the 
spikes  which  had  pierced  our  Saviour,  and  was  deemed  far 
more  precious  than  gold.  He  then  advanced  to  Rome  that 
he  might  receive  his  imperial  crown  from  pope  Adrian  IV. 
The  pope  was  now  so  powerful,  and  it  was  deemed  so  essen- 
tial to  the  perpetuity  of  any  reign  that  the  coronation  should 
be  hallowed  by  the  blessing  of  the  pontiff,  that  the  haughty 
Frederic  condescended  to  do  homage  to  his  spiritual  lord, 
by  holding  his  stirrup  while  he  descended  from  his  mule. 
It  was  not  until  after  this  act  of  humiliation  that  the  pope 
would  confer  upon  bim  the  kiss  of  peace.  Having  been 
crowned  at  Rome,  the  emperor  returned  to  Germany,  after 
an  absence  of  one  year,  without  even  venturing  to  approach 
the  walls  of  Milan. 

The  Milanese  and  Frederic  made  new  preparations  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  war.  The  influence  of  Milan  was  so 
great  that  the  whole  of  Lombardy  was  combining  against 
the  emperor.  With  a  hundred  thousand  infantry  and  fifteen 
thousand  cavalry,  Frederic  commenced  his  march  again 
through  the  passes  of  the  Alps,  and,  with  this  immense 
force,  invested  the  city.  Massive  walls  of  vast  circuit  sur- 
rounded the  city,  and  the  bulwarks  were  protected  by  a 
broad  and  deep  fosse.  Battering  rams  and  ballistas  were 
here  of  but  little  avail,  and  famine  was  manifestly  the  all- 
availing  foe,  which  could  alone  bring  the  city  to  a  capitula- 
tion. By  this  cruel  enemy  the  Milanese  were  subdued. 
History  can  express  no  sympathy  for  them.  They  deserved 
to  be  trampled  upon  by  the  powerful,  for  they  themselves 
most  unscrupulously  had  been  trampling  upon  the  weak. 

The  treaty  was  more  favorable  than  the  tyrannic  Milanese 
had  any  right  to  expect  from  the  tyrant  of  Germany.  A 
large  ransom  was  extorted ;  they  built  a  palace  for  the  em- 


THE   ITALIAN  REPUBLICS  419 

peror,  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him;  and  they  were 
allowed  a  certain  degree  of  independence  in  the  regulation 
of  their  municipal  affairs.  Frederic  paid  but  little  regard 
to  his  treaty;  and  encroachment  followed  encroachment  as 
he  endeavored  to  reduce  all  of  Lombardy  into  entire  sub- 
mission. The  mangled  worm  turned  against  the  foot  that 
crushed  it.  With  horrible  ferocity  Frederic  took  vengeauce. 
This  cruelty  roused  new  energies  of  despair.  For  two  years 
the  Milanese,  with  their  allied  cities,  fought  the  emperor, 
struggling  through  and  over  the  smouldering  ruins  of  Lom- 
bardy. Crema  was  demolished.  The  harvests  were  de- 
stroyed, the  fields  devastated,  and  at  length,  after  scenes 
of  misery  which  no  pen  can  describe,   Milan  fell. 

For  three  weeks  the  emperor  brooded  over  his  ven- 
geance, while  the  Milanese  waited  trembling  in  suspense. 
He  then  ordered  every  man,  woman,  and  child  immediately 
to  leave  the  city.  The  sick,  the  dying,  the  newly  born,  all 
were  to  go.  Not  one  was  to  be  left  behind.  With  his  army 
of  one  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  men  the  emperor  en- 
tered the  deserted  streets.  The  city  was  then  surrendered 
to  the  troops  for  plunder.  For  several  days  they  worked 
diligently  in  wresting  from  it  everything  they  deemed  of 
value.  Then  the  order  was  issued  for  the  utter  demolition 
of  the  city  and  all  its  defences.  For  six  days  this  immense 
army  toiled  in  this  work  of  destruction,  and  rested  on  the 
seventh  day,  their  efforts  being  effectually  accomplished. 
Milan  was  a  heap  of  ruins,  and  all  her  children  were  scat- 
tered, in  misery  and  beggary,  over  the  plains.  Awful  was 
this  doom.  It  was  the  same  which  Milan  had  inflicted  upon 
Lodi.  Aristocratic  tyrants  can  do  nothing  worse  than  dem- 
ocratic tyrants  are  capable  of  doing. 

Lombardy  was  now  submissive  in  her  chains  and  her 
misery.  But  slaves  will  ever  rise  in  insurrection.  A  con- 
spiracy was  formed,  organizing  the  famous  Lombard  League. 
The  leading  cities  of  Lombardy  combined,  taking  advantage 
of  the  moment  when  the  arms  of  the  emperor  were  employed 
in  the  siege  of  Eome,  as  he  endeavored  to  force  upon  the 


420  ITALY 

churcli  an  anti-pope  in  the  place  of  Alexander  ill.  Pesti- 
lence was  breathed  upon  his  army,  and  it  perished  in  the 
Campania.  The  emperor  was  thus  compelled  to  a  disgrace- 
ful retreat  beyond  the  Alps.  Harassed  by  the  cares  of  his 
vast  empire,  six  years  elapsed  before  the  emperor  could  lead 
another  army  into  the  plains  of  Lombardy.  In  the  spring 
of  1176,  the  peals  of  the  imperial  bagles  were  heard,  as  the 
gleam  of  the  silken  banners  were  again  seen  winding  through 
the  defiles  of  the  Alps.  Milan,  in  the  meantime,  had 
been  rebuilt,  and,  with  the  other  cities  of  Lombardy,  had 
made  vigorous  preparation  for  the  conflict. 

The  hostile  armies  met  on  the  plain  of  Legnano,  about 
fifteen  miles  from  Milan.  What  was  called  religious  enthu- 
siasm inspired  the  Milanese  with  fiend-like  ferocity.  The 
banner  of  the  cross  was  borne  on  a  sacred  car  called  the  car- 
rocio,  in  memory  of  the  ark  of  the  covenant  which  guided 
the  Israelites  to  conquest.  Imploring  the  aid  of  St.  Am- 
brose, the  canonized  archbishop  of  Milan,  and  of  St.  Peter, 
and  having  taken  a  solemn  vow,  upon  the  sacraments  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  that  they  would  conquer  or  perish,  they 
rushed,  regardless  of  wounds  and  death,  upon  the  imperial 
squadrons,  and  trampled  them  in  the  dust.  For  eight  miles 
the  plain  was  covered  with  the  slaughter  of  the  fugitives. 

The  imperial  army  was  so  utterly  overthrown  and  dis- 
persed, that  for  some  time  the  fate  of  the  emperor  was  un- 
certain. Three  days  after  the  battle  he  appeared  in  Pavia, 
alone,  and  in  the  disguise  in  which  he  had  escaped  from  the 
horrible  scene  of  carnage.  Pavia,  the  imperial  headquar- 
ters, and  governed  by  the  imperial  troops,  had  not  thrown 
off  the  yoke  of  German  subjection.  For  twenty-two  years 
Frederic  had  been  struggling  against  the  independence  of 
Lombardy.  With  seven  armies  he  had  swept  that  doomed 
territory,  inflicting  atrocities  the  recital  of  which  sickens 
humanity.  The  fatal  battle  of  Legnano  left  him  for  a  time 
powerless,  and  he  was  compelled  to  assent  to  a  truce  for  six 
years.  At  the  expiration  of  this  truce,  in  the  year  1183,  by 
the  peace  of  Constance,  the  comparative  independence  of 


THE   ITALIAN  REPUBLICS  421 

Lombardy  was   secured;    a   general   supremacy  of  dignity 
rather  than  of  power  being  conceded  to  the  emperor. 

Southern  Italy  was  still  in  a  state  of  nominal  subjection 
to  the  eastern,  or  Greek  empire,  whose  sovereigns  resided 
at  Constantinople.  There  were  many  intrigues,  and  some 
battles  between  the  Grecian  and  the  German  emperors  for 
dominion  over  these  coveted  realms.  Years  of  obscurity, 
confusion  and  petty  wars  rolled  on  in  which  nothing  oc- 
curred worthy  of  being  recorded.  Sicily  was  in  the  power 
of  the  infidel  Saracens,  and  their  piratic  craft  infested  all 
the  neighboring  seas,  often  making  devastating  inroads  upon 
the  land.  The  natural  history  of  the  lion,  the  tiger,  and  the 
leopard,  is  but  a  record  of  dove-like  mildness,  when  com- 
pared with  the  natural  history  of  man.  His  reign  upon 
earth  has  been  but  the  demoniac  infliction  of  blood  and 
woe. 

"  'Tis  dangerous  to  rouse  the  lion. 

Deadly  to  cross  the  tiger's  path, 

But  the  most  terrible  of  terrors, 

Is  man  himself,  in  his  wild  wrath." 

Early  in  the  tenth  century  the  JSFormans  established  them- 
selves in  France.  Embracing  nominal  Christianity,  they 
were  inspired  with  zeal  to  visit  the  shrines  of  saints  and 
martyrs  in  Palestine.  Traversing  France  and  Italy  they  em- 
barked for  the  Holy  Land.  They  thus  became  acquainted 
with  the  fertile  soil  and  the  luxurious  clime  of  southern 
Italy.  The  effeminacy  of  the  inhabitants  invited  invasion. 
The  old  Norman  barons,  steel  clad,  and  followed  by  retain- 
ers armed  to  the  teeth,  commenced  emigrating.  Their  num- 
bers rapidly  increased,  and  they  began  to  accumulate  near 
Naples.  The  Greek  emperor  undertook  to  rescue  Sicily 
from  the  infidel  Saracens,  and  enlisted  in  his  army  three 
hundred  of  these  steel-sinewed  Norman  cavaliers.  They 
fought  fiercely  and  successfully,  but,  dissatisfied  with  the 
division  of  the  spoil,  they  formed  a  conspiracy  to  wrest  the 
whole  of  southern  Italy  from  the  dominion  of  the  Greeks. 
With  an  army  of  but  seven  hundred  horse  and  five  hundred 


422  ITALY 

foot,  they  commenced  the  bold  enterprise.  They  soon  were 
in  entire  possession  of  Apulia,  a  province  about  the  size  of 
the  state  of  Massachusetts,  now  belonging  to  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.  This  beautiful  province  was  divided  among 
twelve  Norman  counts,  whose  fiefs  formed  a  feudal  repub- 
lic. One  of  their  number,  William  of  the  Iron  Arm,  was 
invested  with  a  general  supremacy  to  lead  them  to  battle. 

Pope  Leo  IX.,  alarmed  by  their  encroachments,  raised 
an  army  for  their  destruction.  Germans,  Greeks,  and  Lom- 
bards were  assembled  beneath  the  sacred  banner,  and  the 
pope  in  person  was  so  forgetful  of  his  office  as  to  lead  the 
host.  These  scenes  occurred  anterior  to  the  events  we  have 
been  describing  in  Lombardy. 

Re-enforcements  from  France  hastened  to  the  camp  of 
William,  and  the  Norman  and  the  papal  troops  met  in  bat- 
tle. The  troops  of  the  pontifi  were  utterly  routed,  and  Leo 
himself  fell  ino  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  But  religion,  de- 
generating into  superstition,  leads  men  to  the  strangest 
freaks.  These  devout,  blood-stained  warriors,  true  chil- 
dren of  the  church,  prostrated  themselves  before  their  holy 
captive,  and  implored  absolution  for  the  guilt  of  defending 
themselves  against  him.  The  simple-hearted  ecclesiastic 
not  only  pardoned  them,  and  granted  them  the  full  posses- 
sion of  the  lands  they  had  conquered,  as  a  fief  of  the  holy 
see,  but,  in  accordance  with  ecclesiastical  morality  in  that 
age,  conferred  upon  them  the  investiture  of  all  the  lands 
they  might  subsequently  conquer  in  southern  Italy.  The 
pope  and  the  warriors  thus  took  leave  of  each  other,  ex- 
ceedingly good  friends,  and  pledged  to  mutual  assistance. 

Slowly  and  surely  the  Normans  advanced,  until  they 
had  conquered  all  the  country  which  now  constitutes  the 
kingdom  of  Naples.  Thirty  years  of  carnage  and  misery 
was  the  price  paid  for  this  conquest.  The  realm  was  divided 
into  two  duchies,  Calabria  and  Apulia.  Sicily  was  attached 
to  them  as  a  fief,  under  the  rule  of  one  who  possessed  the 
title  of  great  Count.  At  length  Roger  LL^  collecting  ia  his 
hands  the  united  powers  of  duke  of  Apulia  and  Calabria, 


THE    ITALIAN    REPUBLICS  423 

and  great  count  of  Sicily,  ambitiously  attained  the  kingly 
crown,  by  papal  investiture.  Naples  became  the  capital  of 
the  kingdom.  The  force  of  habit  and  of  institutions  is  such 
that  for  six  hundred  years  the  kingdom  of  Naples  acknowl- 
edged the  superiority  of  the  popedom. 

The  Venetian  republic  was  making  rapid  strides  in  wealth 
and  power.  It,  however,  fought  its  way  to  opulence  and 
renown  through  innumerable  petty  yet  bloody  battles,  with 
surrounding  foes.  Venice  had  entered  into  the  Lombard 
league  against  the  emperor  Frederic,  but  still  she  never 
hesitated  to  violate  her  pledge  when  it  seemed  for  her  in- 
terest so  to  do,  even  joining  the  emperor  to  destroy  her 
sister  city,  Ancona,  hoping  thus  to  crush  a  rival  in  the 
commerce  of  the  Adriatic.  The  dukes  or  doges  of  Venice, 
through  ebbs  and  floods  of  fortune,  through  defeats  and  vic- 
tories, were  gradually  making  accessions  to  their  domains. 
The  doges  were  nominated  in  a  general  assembly  of  the 
citizens.  This  often  gave  rise  to  very  bitter  and  tumultu- 
ous factions.  So  jealous  were  the  people  lest  there  should 
be  the  claim  of  hereditary  right  to  the  dukedom,  that  it 
became  a  fundamental  law  of  the  state,  that  the  reigning 
doge  should  never  associate  a  son  in  the  government.  The 
doge  was  also  associated  with  a  council,  who  were  to  co- 
operate with  him  in  all  important  measures.  At  length, 
as  the  republic  increased,  a  sort  of  legislature,  composed 
of  four  hundred  and  eighty  delegates,  was  organized;  while 
a  smaller  council  assisted  the  doge  in  measures  requiring 
special  or  secret  despatch. 

This  Venetian  constitution  prepared  the  republic  for  a 
very  brilliant  career,  of  political  and  commercial  grandeur. 
All  Europe  was  soon  engaged  in  the  wars  of  the  crusades 
for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Land  from  the  infidels.  The 
same  influences  which  organized  the  powerful  republics  of 
Lombardy  and  Venice,  also  soon  constituted  many  others, 
such  as  Pisa,  Genoa,  and  Tuscany.  The  maritime  republics 
became  vastly  enriched  by  the  crusades — transporting 
troops  to  Palestine  and  conveying  back  the  valuable  prod- 


424  ITALY 

ucts  of  eastern  climes.  Venice  alone  employed  two  hun- 
dred vessels  in  this  business.  But  a  very  fierce  and  dis- 
graceful spirit  of  rivalry  prevailed  between  the  republics 
of  Venice,  Pisa,  and  Genoa,  and  they  were  almost  con- 
stantly engaged  in  implacable  warfare.  Their  boasted  love 
of  liberty  was  liberty  to  trample  upon  the  rights  of  others. 
They  wished  to  have  no  masters,  but  to  be  masters.  Such 
love  of  liberty,  liberty  for  one's  self  and  oppression  for  others 
deserves,  and  has  ever  encountered,  divine  indignation. 

The  Italian  character,  at  this  age  of  the  world,  presents 
few  attractive  features.  We  have  been  accustomed  to  ap- 
plaud their  indomitable  love  of  liberty.  But  haughty,  re- 
vengeful, and  domineering,  the  Italian  grasped  power  only 
to  wield  it  for  his  own  selfish  purposes,  and  he  was  ever 
ready  to  crush  any  one  who  stood  in  the  way  of  his  own 
advancement.  Every  city  was  the  foe  of  every  other  city, 
and  they  could  never  unite,  save  when  driven  together  by 
a  common  enemy.  The  old  conflict  between  the  aristocratic 
and  plebeian  orders  raged  with  unabated  virulence.  Re- 
ligion degenerated  into  mere  ecclesiasticism,  having  but 
little  influence  over  political  or  social  evils.  Heresy  was 
a  deadly  crime.  Wrong  and  outrage  were  venial  offences 
with  which  the  church  did  not  stoop  to  intermeddle. 

About  this  time  the  afflictive  intelligence  reached  Europe, 
that  Jerusalem  had  fallen  before  the  230wer  of  the  "great  and 
mighty  Saladin. "  The  emperor  Frederic  roused  all  his  ener- 
gies for  a  new  crusade.  Leading  in  person  his  armies,  he 
was  drowned  in  crossing  a  swollen  stream  in  Armenia. 
Henry  VI.  succeeded  to  the  imperial  crown  of  Italy  and 
Germany.  His  sway  over  Italy,  as  we  have  shown,  was  very 
indefinite,  being  nominal  rather  than  real.  Henry  was  a 
ferocious  monster,  whose  only  virtue  was  a  sort  of  bulldog 
courage.  Taucred,  of  the  Norman  line,  was  now  upon  the 
throne  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  Henry  led  an  army  for  the 
conquest  of  Naples,  to  compel  the  recognition  there  of  his 
imperial  power;   but  he  utterly  failed. 

Quite  suddenly  Tancred  died  in  the  flower  of  his  age, 


THE   ITALIAN  REPUBLICS  425 

leaving  the  throne  to  his  widow  and  child.  The  savage  em- 
peror again  pounced  upon  Naples,  took  both  mother  and 
child  captive,  tore  out  the  eyes  of  the  poor  boy,  and  sent 
both  him  and  his  mother  to  the  dungeons  of  a  prison.  He 
then  plundered  the  whole  kingdom  remorselessly,  and  pun- 
ished with  great  severity  all  the  nobles  who  had  fought 
for  Tancred.  Some  were  hanged,  some  burned  alive,  and 
others  had  their  eyes  plucked  out.  In  the  siege  of  a  castle, 
God,  in  mercy,  caused  the  monster  to  be  stricken  down. 
An  instinctive  sense  of  justice  leads  one  to  rejoice  in  the 
divine  declaration,  "After  death  cometh  the  judgment." 

With  no  recognition  of  the  fraternity  of  man,  all  Italy 
continued  convulsed  with  internal  feuds,  the  oppressed  of 
to-day  being  the  oppressors  of  to-morrow.  The  republics, 
internally,  were  agitated  by  contending  factions;  while  hos- 
tile fleets  and  armies  were  incessantly  meeting  in  the  shock 
of  war.  The  antagonistic  nobles  reared  their  castles  of  mas- 
sive stone,  strengthened  with  towers,  capable  of  repelling 
assault  and  enduring  siege.  Huge  gates  of  iron  defended 
the  entrance,  while  armed  retainers,  by  day  and  by  night, 
patrolled  the  solid  walls.  In  the  interior  there  was  con- 
structed a  still  more  impregnable  tower,  called  the  donjon, 
or  keep,  to  which,  in  the  last  extremity,  the  lord  could  re- 
treat with  his  followers.  These  old  feudal  castles  were  as 
gloomy  as  prisons,  and  imagination  can  hardly  conceive 
of  a  more  unattractive  existence  than  that  which  must  have 
been  passed  within  their  walls.  The  horrors  of  an  assault 
must  have  been  almost  welcome,  as  a  relief  from  the  dreary 
monoton}^. 

The  death  of  the  emperor  Henry  VI.  left  a  minor,  Fred- 
eric II. ,  hereditary  heir  of  the  imperial  throne.  At  the  same 
time  pope  Innocent  III.,  an  exceedingly  energetic  and  am- 
bitious man  of  thirty-seven,  was  raised  to  the  tiara.  Under 
his  administration  the  ecclesiastical  pretensions  of  the  pa- 
pacy soared  to  a  stupendous  height.  He  devised  the  plan  of 
seizing  upon  a  state  in  the  heart  of  Italy,  that  the  spiritual 
prerogatives  of  the  pope  might  be  sustained  by  temporal 


426  ITALY 

power.  With  consummate  ability  be  accomplished  his 
plans,  wielding  such  dominion  over  all  the  temporal 
powers  of  Europe  that  every  monarch  trembled  before 
him.  He  founded  the  two  orders  of  Franciscan  and  Do- 
minican friars,  whose  especial  mission  it  was  to  extirpate 
heresy,  and  to  repress  all  spirit  of  inquiry,  and  all  activity 
of  mind. 

Innocent  III.  also  organized  the  inquisition,  intrusting 
its  fearful  powers  to  the  Dominicans.  He  addressed  his 
orders  to  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  with  as  much  arrogance 
as  if  they  had  been  merely  his  body  servants.  He  formed 
a  league  of  a  large  number  of  the  Italian  cities,  called  the 
Guelphic  league,  to  favor  the  pretensions  of  the  pontiff,  in 
opposition  to  another  league  called  the  Ghibelline,  in  favor 
of  the  emperor.  His  intrigues  were  innumerable  to  place 
upon  the  throne  of  the  German  empire  a  prince  who  would 
be  entirely  submissive  to  his  will.  Innocent  retained  his 
sceptre,  ever  gory  with  the  blood  of  heretics,  for  eighteen 
years,  when  he  passed  to  the  tribunal  of  the  King  of  kings 
— he  the  murderer  of  thousands — he  whose  edicts  had  filled 
whole  provinces  with  wailing  and  woe. 

Pope  Honorius  III.,  who  succeeded  Innocent,  refused  to 
crown  Frederic  II.,  upon  attaining  his  majority,  until  he 
took  an  oath  that  he  'would  undertake  the  deliverance 
of  Jerusalem  from  the  Saracens.  The  kingdom  of  Naples 
was  in  a  state  of  horrible  anarchy,  and  Frederic  led  his 
armies  to  chastise  the  insurgents.  He  reared  in  Naples  a 
magnificent  palace,  established  a  university,  and  greatly 
embellished  the  beautiful  capital.  Luxuriating  in  the 
pleasures  of  that  delightful  clime,  the  emperor  forgot  his 
vow  to  fight  his  way  over  the  sands  of  Syria,  for  the  rescue 
of  the  Holy  City.  Goaded  by  the  reproaches  of  the  pope, 
he  made  reluctant  and  inefficient  preparations  for  the  cam- 
paign, ever  postponing  energetic  action,  until  Honorius 
died.  Gregory  IX.,  who  succeeded,  was  so  enraged  by  the 
dilatoriness  of  the  emperor  that  he  thundered  a  bull  of  ex- 
communication against  him. 


THE  ITALIAN   REPUBLICS  427 

This  act  of  energy  accomplished  its  purpose.  The  em- 
peror, imploring  pardon,  sailed  for  Palestine,  and,  landing 
at  Jean  d'Acre,  commenced  operations.  But  the  pope,  as- 
tounded aad  horror-stricken,  that  a  guilty  wretch,  who 
already  by  a  bill  of  excommunication  was  handed  over 
to  the  dominion  of  satan,  should  have  the  presumption  to 
enter  upon  so  holy  an  enterprise,  reiterated  his  fulmina- 
tions  with  renewed  intenseness.  He  even  preached  a  cru- 
sade against  Frederic,  and  sent  an  army  to  ravage  his  Italian 
kingdom  of  Naples.  Frederic,  perhaps,  receiving  a  new  im- 
pulse from  these  assaults,  pressed  forward,  reconquered 
Jerusalem,  and  placed  the  crown  upon  his  own  brow.  He 
then  returned  to  Europe.  The  emperor  and  the  pope,  both 
fearing  and  detesting  each  other,  concluded  a  hollow  recon- 
ciliation. 

Years  rolled  on,  when  Henry,  son  of  Frederic  II.,  insti- 
gated by  the  pope,  revolted  against  his  father.  The  ener- 
getic monarch  crushed  the  rebellion,  sent  his  son  into  im- 
prisonment for  life,  ravaged  the  plains  of  Lombardy,  which 
had  sympathized  in  the  treason  of  the  prince,  with  fire  and 
sword,  and  re-established  his  power.  The  pope  again  ex- 
communicated Frederic,  and  directed  a  crusade  against  him 
as  the  enemy  of  the  church.  The  emperor,  in  retaliation, 
put  every  one  to  death  whom  he  found  wearing  the  symbol 
of  the  cross.  The  pope  summoned  a  council.  The  emperor 
sent  a  fleet  to  arrest  the  French  bishops  on  their  voyage. 
Genoa  joined  the  pope;  Pisa  the  emperor.  The  hostile 
squadrons  met  near  the  island  of  Melona.  The  imperial 
party  were  the  victors.  Immense  treasure,  in  specie,  fell 
into  their  hands;  and  the  captive  prelates  were  conveyed 
to  Pisa,  heavily  loaded  with  chains  forged  from  silver. 
The  pontiff  died  of  chagrin;  but  the  rancor  of  his  spirit 
lived  in  his  successor,  Innocent  IV.  Secretly  he  repaired  to 
Genoa,  thence  to  France,  and  summoned  at  Lyons  a  general 
council  of  bishops  from  France,  Spain,  and  Italy.  One  hun- 
dred and  forty  met;  and  with  all  the  pageantry  and  so- 
lemnities of  ecclesiastical  power,  declared  that  the  emperor 


428  ITALY 

had  forfeited  all  his  dignities,  and  that  his  subjects  were 
absolved  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance. 

This  was  the  most  pompous  act  of  excommunication  the 
church  had  ever  issued.  It  paralyzed  the  arm  of  Frederic. 
For  five  years  he  struggled  unavailingly  against  the  adverse 
fortune  in  which  these  anathemas  involved  him,  till  in  the 
silence  of  the  tomb  he  found  refuge  from  the  scenes  of  a 
tumultuous  life,  such  as  few  mortals  had  experienced. 

Innocent  IV.,  sheltered  at  Lyons,  welcomed,  with  inde- 
cent rejoicings,  the  tidings  of  the  death  of  Frederic  II.  He 
returned  to  Rome,  through  Lombardy,  visiting  most  of  the 
Gruelph  cities,  where  he  was  received  with  great  rejoicing. 
The  Grhibelline  cities,  which  had  espoused  the  imperial 
cause,  were  in  consternation,  and  breathlessly  awaited  their 
doom.  But  Conrad  IV.,  the  son  and  successor  of  Frederic 
II.,  hastened  to  Italy,  to  revive  their  drooping  courage. 
The  pope  declared  that  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  by  the 
deposition  of  Frederic  II.  had  reverted  to  the  papacy. 
War  was  of  course  the  result.  Different  cities  espoused 
different  sides.  There  were  burnings,  plundering,  carnage, 
outrage  in  every  form,  misery  of  every  aspect.  The  im- 
perial army  at  length  prevailed.  Affairs  were  thus  when 
Conrad  IV.  died  in  the  year  1254,  leaving  an  infant  son. 

The  hopes  of  the  pope  revived.  The  holy  father  raised 
an  army  and  marched  into  the  Neapolitan  provinces,  and 
forced  all  the  barons  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
holy  see.  Just  then  death's  arrow  cleft  the  air  and  quiv- 
ered in  the  heart  of  Innocent  IV.  There  was  a  sable  hearse, 
nodding  plumes,  waxen  tapers,  processions  of  ecclesiastics 
in  all  the  imposing  robes  of  the  church,  chants,  and  requi- 
ems— and  Innocent  IV.,  in  the  darkness  and  silence  of  the 
tomb,  was  left  to  be  forgotten,  while  the  insane  strife  of  pride 
and  ambition  raged  in  the  sunlight,  without  any  check. 

Rome  was  but  a  den  of  robbers.  The  populace  were  ig- 
norant, fanatical,  and  bloodthirsty;  the  aristocracy,  both 
ecclesiastical  and  temporal,  were  haughty  and  licentious. 
The  monuments  of  ancient  grandeur  were  converted  by  the 


THE   ITALIAN  REPUBLICS  429 

barons  into  fortified  castles,  from  whence  they  emerged  for 
war  or  plunder,  often  filling  the  streets  of  the  city  with 
feuds,  rapine,  and  bloodshed.  The  pope  had  exerted  a 
little  restraint;  but  his  removal  to  Lyons,  where  he  resided 
for  five  years,  left  the  city  to  excesses  which  became  abso- 
lutely intolerable.  The  citizens,  in  their  despair,  sent  for 
a  Bolognese  noble,  the  celebrated  Brancaleone,  and  invested 
him  with  almost  dictatorial  power.  Energetically  and  nobly 
he  accomplished  his  mission.  At  the  head  of  the  citizens 
he  attacked  the  fortresses  of  the  infamous  nobles,  who  had 
set  at  defiance  all  the  authority  of  civil  law.  One  hundred 
and  forty  of  these  citadels,  within  the  walls,  were  battered 
down,  the  assailants  having  first  hanged  their  occupants  on 
their  own  walls.  This  salutary  severity,  worked  quite  a  re- 
form in  the  E,oman  pandemonium. 

In  the  Lombard  republics,  the  conflict  between  the  aris- 
tocracy and  the  people  increased  in  intensity,  until  in  a 
fierce  civil  war  the  people  triumphed,  and  placed  one  of 
their  partisans  at  the  head  of  the  government,  which  now 
retained  only  the  empty  forms  of  a  republic.  It  was  still 
one  of  the  principal  objects  of  the  papacy  to  wrest  Naples 
from  the  emperor.  Upon  the  death  of  Alexander  IV.  his 
successor,  Pope  Urban  IV.,  offered  the  crown  of  Naples  to 
the  powerful  French  count  Charles  of  Anjou  and  Provence, 
if  he  would  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  pope,  and  aid 
in  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom.  Charles  accepted  the  terms 
with  alacrity.  Accompanied  by  a  thousand  cavaliers,  with 
well-tempered  coats  of  mail,  composed  of  a  double  net- 
work of  iron  rings — with  helmets,  gorgets,  cuirasses,  bras- 
sets,  and  cuishes  of  solid  steel — he  sailed  from  Marseilles  to 
Home.  His  powerful  army  advanced  by  land,  cutting  its 
route  through  Lombardy. 

While  these  movements  were  in  progress  Urban  IV. 
died,  and  Clement  IV.  succeeded  to  the  tiara.  By  him 
Charles  of  Anjou  was  solemnly  crowned,  in  the  church  of 
tbe  Lateran,  in  Rome,  king  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  He  then 
advanced  to  conquer  and  take  possession  of  his  kingdom. 


430  ITALY 

An  illustrious  general,  Manfred,  was  then  in  the  supreme 
command  of  the  imperial  forces,  and  virtually  king.  The 
hostile  forces  met  on  the  plains  of  Grrandella.  The  battle 
was  fierce.  But  Manfred  was  slain,  his  army  dispersed, 
and  the  kingdom  submitted  to  the  victor.  In  accordance 
with  the  ferocity  of  the  times,  the  principal  adherents  of 
Manfred  were  slain;  his  wife  and  children  were  sent  to  a 
prison,  where  they  lingered  through  all  the  remaining 
years  of  their  wretched  lives;  and  the  whole  country  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  battle  was  surrendered  to  the  soldiers 
for  pillage,  and  for  the  indulgence  in  any  license  passion 
might  instigate. 

Two  years  after  this  battle  the  emperor,  Conradin,  then 
but  nineteen  years  of  age,  crossed  the  Alps  from  Germany 
with  an  army  to  recover  his  lost  kingdom  of  Naples.  Tri- 
umphantly he  traversed  northern  and  central  Italy,  and  en- 
tered the  frontiers  of  the  Neapolitan  kingdom.  The  young 
warrior  was  outgeneraled  by  the  veteran  chieftain;  his  troops 
were  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  young  emperor,  who  had  not  yet 
attained  his  twentieth  year,  was  taken  captive  and  infamously 
executed.  As  he  stood  upon  the  scaffold  and  bowed  his 
neck  to  the  executioner,  he  exclaimed: 

"Oh,  my  mother!  dreadful  will  be  the  grief  that  awaits 
thee  for  my  fate. ' ' 

Florence  had  attained  the  first  rank  among  Italian  cities. 
With  sunny  skies,  a  pure  and  salubrious  clime,  and  sur- 
rounded with  a  graceful  amphitheatre  of  hills,  covered  with 
vineyards  and  olive  grounds,  there  was  no  other  spot  in  beau- 
tiful Italy  which  surpassed  it  in  loveliness.  Commerce  and 
agriculture  had  filled  the  city  with  a  vast  population  and 
immense  wealth.  The  Florentine  cloths  for  three  hundred 
years  remained  unrivalled  in  Europe.  There  were  two 
noble  families  in  Florence  of  immense  wealth  and  power. 
The  chief  of  the  one  noble  house,  that  of  Buondelmonti,  a 
young  man  of  great  elegance  and  corresponding  vanity,  was 
affianced  to  a  daughter  of  the  other  house,  that  of  Uberti. 
But  at  length  he  abandoned  her  for  another  beauty.     The 


THE   ITALIAN   REPUBLICS  431 

indignant  friends  of  the  forsaken  one,  in  revenge,  murdered 
the  gallant  at  midday,  as,  in  a  gala  dress,  on  a  milk-white 
steed,  he  was  riding  through  the  streets.  The  city  was  di- 
vided,- and  all  Florence  was  embroiled  in  the  deadly  quar- 
rel. The  Buondelmonti  party  were  attached  to  the  church, 
and  all  the  Guelph  party  rallied  around  them.  The  Uberti 
family  were  partisans  of  the  emperor,  and  were  warmly 
sustained  by  the  Ghibellines.  For  thirty-three  years  this 
deadly  feud  continued  with  incessant  scenes  of  bloodshed. 
At  length  the  Ghibelline  nobles,  aided  by  some  German 
cavalry,  drove  the  Guelphs  from  the  city,  and  seizing  the 
government  threw  themselves  under  imperial  protection. 

The  people,  crushed  by  aristocratic  insolence,  in  less 
than  two  years  rose  in  an  insurrection,  and  revolutionized 
the  government,  and  the  influence  of  the  pope  again  be- 
came dominant.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  celebrated 
Florentine  coin  called  the  florin,  which  attained  such  celeb- 
rity during  the  Middle  Ages,  was  issued  from  the  mint. 
Tiie  Ghibellines  appealed  to  the  Sicilies,  then  under  the 
emperor,  to  aid  them.  The  two  armies  met  before  the 
gates  of  Sienna,  and  the  Florentine  Guelphs,  though  ar- 
rayed in  a  force  of  thirty  thousand  infantry  and  three  thou- 
sand cavalry,  were  routed  with  dreadful  slaughter.  The 
Guelph  nobles  fled,  and  Florence  surrendered  to  the  Ghi- 
bellines. The  city  was  held  in  subjection  by  a  strong  force 
of  foreign  lancers  garrisoned  within  its  walls. 

The  exiled  Guelphs  joined  Charles  of  Anjou,  as  under 
the  banners  of  the  pope  he  marched  to  the  conquest  of 
Sicily.  After  the  successful  termination  of  this  enterprise, 
aided  by  Charles,  they  marched  upon  Florence,  drove  out 
the  Ghibellines,  and  re-established  themselves  there.  Such 
was  the  condition  of  all  Italy,  generation  after  generation. 
The  rush  of  armies,  the  blaze  of  conflagration,  and  blood- 
stained fields  of  battle  everywhere  meet  the  eye.  Now  one 
party  is  victorious  and  now  the  other;  and  both  are  equally 
worthless.  The  aristocrat  tramples  upon  the  democrat; 
and  the  democrat  takes  vengeance  by  trampling  still  more 


432  ITALY 

fiercely  upon  tlie  weak,  whom  his  strong  arm  can  crash. 
Imperial  Germany  smites  metropolitan  Milan.  And  met- 
ropolitan Milan,  springing  up  from  the  blow,  smites  poor 
little  Lodi.  Aristocracy  has  been  the  curse  of  our  globe, 
and  history  proves  that  this  vice  has  existed  with  just  as 
much  venom  in  the  heart  of  the  plebeian  as  in  the  heart  of 
the  patrician. 

There  is  but  one  remedy  for  these  evils.  It  is  the  democ- 
racy of  the  gospel  of  Christ — the  recognition  of  the  brother- 
hood of  man.  There  is  but  one  hope  for  the  world,  and  that 
is  in  the  extension  of  the  pure  religion  of  the  gospel.  Forms 
of  government  are  of  but  little  avail  so  long  as  the  men  who 
wield  those  governments  are  selfish  and  depraved.  "When 
the  hearts  of  men  are  changed  by  the  influences  of  Chris- 
tianity, so  that  man  the  lion  becomes  man  the  lamb,  then, 
and  not  till  then,  will  the  sword  be  beaten  into  the  plow- 
share. Governments  become  better  only  so  fast  as  the  men 
who  organize  and  administer  those  governments  become  bet- 
ter. There  may  be  republican  empires,  and  there  may  be 
despotic  republics.  The  voice  of  all  history  proclaims  that 
in  the  religion  of  Jesus  is  to  be  found  the  only  hope  for  this 
lost  world. 


ITALIAN    ANARCHY  433 


CHAPTEE  XXV 

ITALIAN    ANARCHY 

FROM  A.D.  1266  TO  A.D.  1400 

The  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines — Tragic  Fate  of  Bonifazio  and  Imalda — Ex- 
tent of  the  Papal  States — The  Sicilian  Vespers — Conflict  between  Genoa 
and  Pisa — Ruin  of  Pisa — State  of  Florence — Of  Sicily — The  Papal  Court 
Removed  to  Avignon — The  Romance  of  Andrew  and  Joanna — Conflict 
for  the  Throne  of  Naples — General  View  of  Italy — Venice  and  Genoa 
— The  Antagonistic  Popes — Their  "Wars — Accession  of  Ladislaus  to  the 
Throne  of  Naples — Cruel  Fate  of  Constance 

THE  triumph  of  the  Guelph  or  cll^^rGll  party  in  Florence 
banished  the  Ghibellines  and  confiscated  their  prop- 
erty. It  was  in  fact  a  triumph  of  the  popular  party 
over  the  aristocracy,  who  were  generally  imperialists. 

The  record  of  the  wealth  and  power  to  which  the  Vene- 
tian republic  attained  remains  to  the  present  hour  one  of  the 
marvels  of  history.  Her  fleet  conquered  Constantinople, 
and  that  city  was  retained  by  Venice  for  fifty-seven  years. 
At  the  time  of  its  greatest  power,  Venice  held  nominal 
sway  over  three- eighths  of  the  old  Eoman  empire.  For 
half  a  century  Genoa  and  Venice  were  engaged  in  one  in- 
cessant battle:  fighting  over  the  spoils  of  the  eastern  em- 
pire. Venice  called  Pisa  to  her  aid.  Genoa  entered  into 
alliance  with  the  Greeks,  and  thus  the  demon  of  war  rioted 
over  the  wreck  of  human  happiness. 

The  cruel  death  of  Conradin  terminated  for  many  years 
the  German  imperial  sway  in  Italy.  The  emperors,  entirely 
engrossed  by  troubles  at  home,  had  no  forces  to  spare  for 
the  reconquest  of  these  southern  realms.  From  the  middle 
of  the  thirteenth  century  for  two  hundred  years  Italy  pre- 
sents a  tumultuous  scene  of  domestic  tragedies,  implacable 
factions,  and  unceasing  wars.  Charles  of  Anjou,  whose  es- 
cutcheon can  never  be  cleansed  from  the  blot  of  the  foul 

Italy — 19 


434  ITALY 

execution  of  Conradin,  pursued  witli  merciless  massacre  all 
who  were  suspected  of  adherence  to  the  Ghibelline  party. 
The  native  Sicilians  hated  venomously  their  French  con- 
querors. Charles,  as  energetic  as  he  was  cruel,  rapidly 
consolidated  and  strengthened  his  power.  Even  Florence 
bestowed  on  him  nominal  seigniory,  and  the  pope  invested 
him  with  the  high  powers  of  vicar-general  of  Tuscany. 
Nearly  all  the  cities  of  Lombardy,  ever  exposed  to  outrage 
from  the  neighboring  cities,  chose  Charles  for  their  seign- 
ior; while  others  sought  for  the  most  intimate  alliance 
with  him,  offensive  and  defensive. 

These  successes  fed  the  flame  of  his  ambition;  and,  as 
he  could  rely  upon  the  military  arm  of  his  powerful  brother 
Louis  IX.,  king  of  France,  he  began  to  turn  a  wistful  eye 
toward  the  fragments  of  the  eastern  empire.  Pope  Gregory 
X. ,  the  friend  and  almost  the  creature  of  Charles,  endeav- 
ored in  vain  to  compose  the  deep-seated  animosities  which 
agitated  Italy.  An  event  which  occurred  at  Bologna  at 
this  time  may  be  mentioned  in  illustration  of  the  melan- 
choly condition  of  humanity. 

There  were  two  rival  noble  houses,  equally  proud, 
haughty,  and  powerful.  One  belonged  to  the  Ghibelline, 
the  other  to  the  Guelph  faction.  They  had  long  been  ar- 
rayed against  each  other  in  deadly  enmity.  But  love,  in 
youthful  hearts,  triumphed  over  domestic  feuds.  Boni- 
fazio  of  the  one  family  loved  the  beautiful  Imalda  of  the 
other;  and  his  love  was  warmly  requited.  In  one  of  their 
stolen  interviews,  in  the  palace  of  the  maiden,  her  brothers, 
watching,  rushed  upon  Bonifazio,  and,  as  their  sister  fled  in 
terror,  despatched  him  with  their  poisoned  daggers,  and 
dragged  his  body  to  a  deserted  court.  The  unhappy  girl, 
returning,  followed  the  traces  of  the  blood,  and  found  the 
yet  warm  and  palpitating  corpse  of  her  lover.  Frenzied 
with  agony,  with  the  hope  of  reviving  him  she  endeavored 
to  suck  the  poison  from  his  wounds.  She,  however,  only 
imbibed  the  venom  herself;  and  the  two  were  found  lifeless 
together. 


ITALIAN    ANARCHY  435 

The  two  houses  were  goaded  to  desperation.  Their  re- 
spective factions  espoused  their  cause.  For  forty  days  the 
battle  raged  almost  incessantly  in  the  streets  and  among 
the  palaces  of  Bologna.  The  Gruelphs  triumphed.  The 
Ghibellines,  who  had  assassinated  young  Bonifazio,  were 
driven  from  the  city  with  their  associates.  Their  palaces 
were  torn  down,  and  ten  thousand  citizens  were  involved 
in  their  ruin.  These  exiles  rallied  in  a  distant  town;  sum- 
moned all  the  neighboring  Ghibellines  to  their  aid,  and 
marched  upon  Bologna,  defeating  the  Guelphs  in  two  bat- 
tles without  the  walls.  The  Guelphs,  alarmed,  appealed 
to  Charles  of  Naples.  He  sent  them  a  governor  and  a  gar- 
rison, and  Bologna  became  a  fief  of  Charles  of  Anjou. 

The  independence  of  all  Italy  was  now  threatened  by  his 
assumptions.  The  pontiff  was  so  much  alarmed  that  he 
wished  to  raise  a  power  antagonistic  to  that  of  Charles,  and 
influenced  the  German  electors  to  give  an  efficient  head  to 
the  empire  by  the  choice  of  Kodolph  of  Hapsburg,  the  illus- 
trious founder  of  the  present  house  of  Austria.  The  pope 
could  now,  in  the  furtherance  of  his  plans,  appeal  to  either 
one  of  these  monarchs  against  the  other,  he  holding  the  bal- 
ance of  power  between  them. 

Pope  Gregory  X.  died  in  the  year  1276,  and,  in  the  short 
space  of  twelve  months,  three  succeeding  popes  closed  their 
mortal  career.  Nicholas  III.  was  then  invested  with  the 
tiara,  and  he  wielded  the  pontifical  sceptre  with  consum- 
mate energy  and  sagacity.  He  was  very  adroit  in  playing 
Rodolph  and  Charles  against  each  other.  He  thus  succeeded 
in  attaching  to  the  holy  see  the  provinces,  or  marches,  as 
they  were  then  called,  of  Eomagna  and  Ancona,  formerly 
belonging  to  the  Countess  Matilda.  By  this  act  the  papal 
states  acquired  the  extent  of  territory  which  they  retain  to 
the  present  day.  These  states  now  contain  about  seventeen 
thousand  square  miles,  being  about  equal  to  Massachusetts 
and  New  Hampshire  united,  and  contain  a  population  of 
about  three  millions.  There  were  twenty  provinces  com- 
posing these  states,  some  of  them  being  provinces  of  con- 


436  ITALY 

siderable  extent,  and  others  merely  cities,  each  independent 
of  the  rest,  and  governed  by  its  duke,  or  lord,  or  assembly 
of  citizens.  The  authority  of  the  pope  consisted  merely  in 
his  taking  the  place  of  the  emperor.  He  had  no  more  con- 
trol over  their  internal  government  than  the  president  of 
the  United  States  has  over  that  of  the  individual  states. 
The  states  of  the  church  took  the  oath  of  supremacy  to  the 
pope;  stamped  his  image  upon  their  coin;  paid  him  a  certain 
amount  of  tribute,  and  sent  their  allotted  quota  of  soldiers 
to  his  banners  in  case  of  war.  Thus  affairs  stood  for  two 
centuries. 

Italy  was  at  this  time  essentially  divided  into  three  por- 
tions. All  the  provinces  of  southern  Italy  were  combined 
into  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  under  Charles  of  Anjou. 
Central  Italy  was  conglomerated  into  the  papal  states, 
under  the  sovereignty  of  the  pope.  The  northern  prov- 
inces acknowledged  the  feudal  sovereignty  of  Kodolph 
of  Hapsburg,  emperor  of  Grermary. 

Upon  the  death  of  Nicholas  III.,  Charles  of  Naples,  by 
bribery  and  threats,  constrained  the  cardinals  to  place  one 
of  his  own  creatures,  Martin  IV.,  upon  the  papal  throne. 
Aided  by  the  pope,  the  ambitious  tyrant  was  preparing  an 
expedition  for  the  conquest  of  Greece,  when  a  terrible  re- 
volt broke  out  in  his  own  realms.  A  man  of  amazing  skill 
and  sagacity,  Procida,  united  all  the  bold  barons  of  Sicily 
in  a  conspiracy  to  expel  the  French  from  Italy.  Peter,  king 
of  Aragon,  who  by  marriage  was  entitled  to  the  throne  of 
Naples,  and  the  emperor  Michael,  at  Constantinople,  who 
was  dreading  the  threatened  invasion,  joined  eagerly  to  aid 
the  insurgents.  The  conspiracy  burst  like  a  clap  of  thunder 
in  a  cloudless  day,  and  with  terrors  which,  to  the  present 
hour,  have  echoed  through  the  corridors  of  history. 

On  Easter  Monday,  in  the  year  1282,  as  the  citizens  of 
Palermo,  in  gorgeous  procession,  were  celebrating  the  resur- 
rection of  our  Saviour,  a  young  maiden,  of  rank  and  beauty, 
was  brutally  insulted  by  a  French  soldier.  The  crowd 
avenged  her  by  instantly  piercing  the  wretch  with  his  own 


ITALIAN    ANARCHY  437 

sword.  It  was  in  the  early  evening,  and  the  vesper  bell 
was  tolling.  The  hour  of  retribution  had  arrived.  The 
stifled  cry  burst  forth.  Thousands,  seizing  their  concealed 
weapons,  rushed  into  the  streets,  and  not  a  Frenchman 
in  Palermo  escaped.  Four  thousand  perished  that  night. 
All  over  the  island  the  work  of  death  spread,  and  did  not 
cease  till  eight  thousand  of  the  invaders  perished  in  the 
horrible  massacre  of  the  Sicilian  Vespers. 

All  Sicily  burst  into  a  flame  of  insurrection.  The  French 
were  utterly  exterminated,  and  Peter,  of  Aragon,  who  was 
hovering  near  with  a  powerful  fleet,  was  invited  to  assume 
and  defend  the  kingdom.  CharJes,  almost  bursting  with 
rage,  instantly  crossed  the  straits,  and  with,  an  army 
which  he  had  prepared  for  the  Greek  war,  assailed  Mes- 
sina. But  suddenly  the  formidable  fleet  of  Peter  appeared 
in  the  horizon,  and  Charles  was  compelled  to  a  precipitate 
retreat — his  whole  fleet  being  seized  and  burned  before  his 
eyes.     Peter  of  Aragon  was  now  sovereign  of  Sicily. 

The  pride  of  Charles  was  humbled  to  the  dust.  At  the 
moment  when  in  the  lordliness  of  power  he  was  exulting  in 
the  prospective  conquest  of  the  eastern  empire,  he  found 
his  arm  of  strength  paralyzed.  Even  his  own  son  was  the 
captive  of  Peter.  Ovei-whelmed  with  agony  he  sickened, 
groaned,  and  died. 

The  maritime  city  of  Pisa  had  become,  as  it  were,  a  na- 
tion. Lucrative  traflic  had  lined  her  streets  with  palaces, 
and  filled  those  palaces  with  opulence.  The  city,  imperial 
in  power,  had  established  colonies  at  Constantinople,  at 
Jean  d'Acre,  in  Syria,  and  was  in  possession  of  Sardinia 
and  Corsica.  Her  nobles,  in  the  extent  of  their  possessions, 
and  the  pomp  of  their  retinues,  often  rivalled  princes.  The 
majestic  cathedral  she  had  reared,  and  the  beautiful  leaning 
tower,  both  erected  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries, 
still  remain  among  the  wonders  of  the  world. 

Wealth  and  power  fostered  pride  and  arrogance;  and 
Pisa  fell.  She  grossly  insulted  Genoa,  and  outraged  her 
rights.     War  ensued.     For  two  years  the  powerful  repub- 


438  ITALY 

lies  struck  each  other  terrific  blows,  and  it  was  uncertain 
which  would  fall,  crushed  and  dying  on  the  arena.  The 
envenomed  battle  could  only  terminate  in  the  destruction 
of  one  or  the  other.  A  tempest,  unfortunately  or  providen- 
tially, swept  half  the  Pisan  navy  upon  the  rocks,  and  the 
bells  in  Genoa  rang  merrily.  Twenty-four  galleys  laden 
with  treasure,  passing  from  Pisa  to  Sardinia,  were  captured 
by  the  Genoese;  and  still  more  merrily  pealed  her  cathedral 
chimes,  and  still  more  pompously  ascended  the  chant  of  her 
Te  Deums.    Pisa,  in  desperation,  roused  for  a  decisive  effort. 

The  Pisans  descended  the  Arno  with  three  hundred  gal- 
leys manned  by  twenty-five  thousand  troops.  The  Genoese 
met  them  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  with  one  hundred  and 
thirty  galleys,  crowded  with  thirty  thousand  troops.  Provi- 
dence aided  the  strong  battalions,  and  the  naval  glories  of 
Pisa  in  that  dreadful  day  of  tumult  and  carnage  perished 
forever.  Eleven  thousand  were  carried  away  into  captivity. 
The  remainder  were  sunk  in  the  sea.  Ten  thousand  of  the 
prisoners  perished  in  the  dungeon  of  Genoa,  during  an  im- 
prisonment of  eight  years.  The  survivors,  then  but  one  thou- 
sand in  number,  emaciate  and  woe-stricken,  were  ransomed 
and  returned  to  their  friends. 

With  selfishness  which  should  make  human  nature  blush, 
the  Guelph  cities  of  Tuscany  all  pounced  together  upon 
defenceless  Pisa  in  this  her  hour  of  adversity.  Through 
lingering  scenes  of  desperation,  agony  and  crime,  the  re- 
public perished.  Three  short  summers  destroyed  the  growth 
of  ages. 

Florence,  agitated  by  factions  of  citizens  and  nobles,  was 
in  a  state  of  incessant  tumult  and  bloodshed.  In  the  van- 
quishment  of  one  of  these  parties,  called  the  White  Guelphs, 
an  illustrious  man,  whose  name  is  now  immortal — Dante — 
was  driven  into  exile,  where  he  lingered  sorrowfully  until 
he  died.  The  genius  of  suffering  inspired  his  immortal 
poem.  The  Inferno.  The  vision  of  hell,  purgatory,  and 
paradise,  is  by  almost  unanimous  assent  pronounced  to  be 
one  of  the  loftiest  creations  of  human  genius.     The  person- 


ITALIAN   ANARCHY  489 

ages  of  his  own  day  live  in  the  awful  scenes  of  his  poem, 
and  their  lineaments  are  painted  upon  the  canvas  in  colors 
which  can  never  fade  away. 

Peter  of  Aragon  did  not  long  survive  the  conquest  of 
Sicily.  Upon  his  death  he  transferred  the  crown  to  James, 
his  second  son.  The  crown  of  Naples,  divested  of  the  beau- 
tiful island  of  Sicily,  remained  upon  the  brow  of  Charles 
II.,  son  and  heir  of  Charles  of  Anjou.  Sicily  contained  ten 
thousand  five  hundred  and  eight  square  miles,  being  a  little 
larger  than  the  state  of  New  Hampshire,  and  was  inhabited 
by  a  mixed  population  of  about  two  millions.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Charles,  the  son  of  the  king  of  Naples, 
had  been  taken  prisoner  by  Peter.  He  was  subsequently 
released  upon  his  relinquishing  all  claim  to  the  island 
of  Sicily. 

But  oaths  in  those  days  were  made  but  to  be  broken. 
As  soon  as  Charles  II.  was  safely  seated  on  his  throne  of 
Naples,  the  pope  absolved  him  from  his  oath,  and  crowned 
him  king  of  Naples  and  of  Sicily,  or  of  the  Two  Sicilies, 
as  the  insular  and  continental  kingdom  was  then  called. 
France  united  with  Charles  II.  Aragon  combined  with 
James  of  Sicily.  The  dogs  of  war  were  again  let  loose. 
In  the  midst  of  these  wars  and  intrigues  the  king  of  Aragon 
died,  and  James  left  Sicily  to  assume  that  richer  crown. 
He  passed  the  sceptre  of  the  island  into  the  hands  of  his 
third  brother  Frederic. 

In  a  spirit  of  infamy,  which  even  all  past  atrocities  do 
not  enable  us  to  contemplate  but  with  amazement,  James 
of  Aragon  then  purchased  the  favor  of  the  pope  by  marry- 
ing a  daughter  of  Charles  II.  of  Naples,  surrendered  Sicily 
again  to  Charles,  and  pledged  his  armies  to  aid  in  its  re- 
conquest  for  Charles  LL,  should  his  brother  Frederic  and 
the  Sicilians  make  any  opposition  to  the  transfer.  For  this 
act  of  perfidy  the  Holy  Father  gave  James  his  blessing,  and 
gave  him  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  of  which  he  had  robbed 
Genoa,  and  of  which  Genoa  had  robbed  Pisa. 

But  Frederic  was  not  disposed  to  lose  his  crown;  neither 


440  ITALY 

were  the  Sicilians  ready  to  relinquish  their  independence. 
The  war  was  long  and  fierce,  but  Frederic  finally  triumphed 
over  his  combined  foes.  The  miserable  Pope  Boniface  VIII. 
eventually  died  of  insanity  and  rage.  His  successor  Bene- 
dict XI.  was  poisoned  by  two  cardinals,  hired  to  commit 
the  deed  by  the  king  of  France,  called  Philip  the  Fair. 
Philip  then  succeeded  in  placing  the  tiara  upon  the  brow, 
and  the  keys  in  the  hands,  of  one  of  his  own  archbishops, 
whom  he  had  bribed  into  the  most  uncompromising  obedi- 
ence to  his  wishes. 

Clement  V.  first  very  generously  pardoned  all  the  sins 
of  the  regal  assassin;  and  decorated  himself  with  those  pon- 
tifical robes  beneath  which  the  concealed  king  of  France 
directed  all  the  movements  of  the  automaton  pontiff.  For 
the  accommodation  of  his  royal  master  he  abandoned  Italy, 
and  took  up  his  residence  in  France. 

Nearly  sixty  years  had  now  elapsed  since  any  German 
emperor  had  descended  the  Alps,  to  assert,  through  terror 
of  his  banners,  imperial  sway  in  Italy.  In  the  year  1310, 
Henry  VII.,  at  the  head  of  an  imposing  body  of  cavalry, 
came  clattering  down  upon  the  plains  of  Lombardy.  Nobles 
of  all  ranks,  leaders  of  all  factions,  delegates  from  all  cities 
crowded  to  his  headquarters,  to  secure  their  own  triumph, 
by  being  received  into  alliance  with  him.  Henry  welcomed 
all  with  the  same  affability.  By  intrigue  and  a  few  battles 
he  took  possession  of  Lombardy,  and  plundered  it  merci- 
lessly. But  no  sooner  had  the  vision  of  his  banners  disap- 
peared on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps  than  all  Italy  was  up 
in  arms  against  him. 

The  thunders  of  the  approaching  strife  were  reverberat- 
ing over  all  the  hills  of  Italy,  when  death  smote  the  mon- 
arch and  he  fell  silent  into  the  tomb.  Louis  of  Bavaria, 
after  a  long  and  bloody  war,  had  attained  the  imperial 
crown.  He  marched  upon  Italy  to  compel  its  homage.  It 
was  the  summer  of  1327.  At  Milan  he  received  the  iron 
crown  of  Lombardy,  He  then  marched  into  Tuscany;  cap- 
tured enfeebled  Pisa,  after  the  short  siege  of  a  month;  ex- 


ITALIAN   ANARCHY  441 

torted  heavy  contributions;  erected  the  state  of  Lucca  into 
an  imperial  duchy,  and  then  marched  upon  Eome.  Here 
he  wasted  his  time  in  the  ceremony,  then  a  mere  frivolity, 
of  being  crowned  emperor  by  the  pope. 

Troubles  in  Germany  suddenly  compelled  him  to  recross 
the  Alps,  and  he  left  behind  him  in  Italy  the  exasperating 
remembrance  of  plunder  and  outrage.  Again  anarchy  and 
contending  factions  reigned  in  northern  Italy.  The  wars  of 
rival  dukes,  the  battles  of  democratic  cities,  the  intrigues 
of  petty  factions,  have,  in  the  lapse  of  time,  become  too 
insignificant  to  be  recorded,  though  in  the  day  of  their 
virulent  activity  they  were  the  widespread  cause  of  woe. 

Eobert  of  Naples,  during  the  most  of  a  long  reign,  had 
protected  his  kingdom  from  internal  strife  and  foreign 
invasion,  though  much  of  the  time  he  had  been  engaged 
in  foreign  wars.  When  Frederic  of  Sicily  died,  after  a  mili- 
tary reign  of  forty  years,  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Peter 
XL  This  monarch  had  hardly  taken  his  seat  upon  the 
throne,  ere  he  died,  leaving  it  to  his  infant  son  Louis. 
Robert  of  Naples,  a  melancholy  old  man,  drawing  near  to 
death,  witb  no  male  heirs,  offered  the  crown  to  Andrew, 
son  of  his  nephew,  king  of  Hungary,  on  condition  that  the 
lad  should  repair  to  the  court  of  Naples  for  his  education, 
and,  in  due  time,  should  marry  Joanna,  the  emperor's 
orphan  granddaughter,  then  a  child  of  seven  years. 

Andrew  proved  to  be  a  low,  brutal,  semi-savage,  weak 
in  intellect,  and  barbarous  in  manners — entirely  beyond  the 
reach  of  refined  culture.  The  beautiful  Italian  princess, 
reared  in  the  most  brilliant  though  most  corrupt  court  in 
Europe,  despised  the  princely  boor,  who  was  destined  to 
be  her  husband.  Eobert,  eighty  years  of  age,  convinced 
of  the  utter  incapacity  of  Andrew  to  reign,  left  the  throne 
to  Joanna,  excluding  Andrew.  He  established  a  regency, 
providing  that  her  administration  should  not  commence 
until  the  completion  of  her  twenty- fifth  year. 

Joanna  was  but  sixteen  when  her  grandfather  died.  She 
was  beautiful,  vivacious,  inexperienced,  of  impassioned  tem- 


442  ITALY 

perament,  and  was  surrounded  by  princes  of  the  blood,  high- 
born gallants,  given  to  high  living  and  frivolity,  in  a  court 
which  has  seldom  been  rivalled  in  the  splendor  of  its  luxuri- 
ousness.  The  religion  of  the  court  was  the  religion  of  eccle- 
siasticism  and  ceremony,  not  the  religion  of  political  integ- 
rity and  moral  purity.  The  result  was,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  that  Joanna  listened  to  ill-advised  counsels. 

Andrew  and  Joanna  quarrelled.  Both  claimed  the 
crown.  Two  parties  were  formed.  The  friends  of  Joanna 
seized  Andrew  one  night,  in  a  remote  castle  to  which  he 
had  been  lured,  on  a  hunting  excursion,  slipped  a  noose 
which  had  been  carefully  prepared  over  his  neck,  and 
threw  him  out  of  one  of  the  windows.  The  foul  murder 
created  an  insurrection.  The  Hungarian  party  gained  the 
ascendency.  Joanna  was  compelled  to  surrender  the  assas- 
sins, and  they  were  put  to  death  with  frightful  tortures. 

Louis,  the  elder  brother  of  Andrew,  was  now  king  of 
Hungary.  He  gathered  an  army  to  avenge  the  fate  of  his 
brother,  and,  as  his  heir,  to  claim  the  throne  of  Naples. 
The  queen,  in  the  meantime,  had  married  one  of  her  lov- 
ers. The  nobles  and  the  people  welcomed  the  army  of  in- 
vasion, and  Louis,  almost  without  a  struggle,  took  posses- 
sion of  the  throne.  He  did  not  long  retain  it.  Leaving 
garrisons  in  the  strong  places  he  returned  to  Hungary. 
The  queen  rallied  her  friends,  having  secured  the  co-oper- 
ation of  the  pope,  and  after  a  warfare  of  three  years,  during 
which  the  most  shocking  atrocities  were  perpetrated  on  both 
sides,  she  regained  her  kingdom. 

The  popes  still  continued,  under  French  sway,  to  reside 
in  Avignon  in  France,  Their  supremacy  in  Italy  was  de- 
cidedly weakened  by  this  foreign  residence.  Decayed  and 
debauched  nobles  occupied  the  edifices  in  Rome,  which  re- 
mained majestic  monuments  of  ancient  grandeur.  From 
these  fortresses  they  sallied  forth,  with  their  retainers,  in 
the  prosecution  of  party  feuds,  of  public  robberies,  and  of 
nameless  outrages  of  the  darkest  iniquity.  The  shadow 
of  republican  institutions  was  retained.     It  was,  however. 


ITALIAN    ANARCHY  443 

but  the  shadow.  The  citizens  were  reduced  to  the  deepest 
misery  by  the  insolent  excesses  of  the  nobles,  who  garri- 
soned their  castles  with  robber  bands,  setting  all  laws  at 
defiance. 

In  the  year  1342  a  deputation  from  Eome  visited  the 
pope  at  Avignon,  imploring  him  to  re-establish  the  Holy 
See  in  its  original  seat.  Clement  VI.,  who  was  then  the 
pope,  declined,  and  the  people  of  Rome,  in  despair,  rose 
against  the  nobles.  Rienzi,  the  leader  of  this  reform,  as 
soon  as  he  felt  the  reins  of  power  in  his  hands,  intoxicated 
with  success,  plunged  into  voluptuous  and  capricious  ty- 
ranny, which  rivalled  that  of  the  nobles  whom  he  had  over- 
thrown. Loaded  with  obloquy,  Rienzi  abdicated  his  power 
and  fled  from  Rome,  and  the  city  relapsed  into  its  former 
anarchy. 

For  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth  century  all  Italy  was 
the  theatre  of  incessant  sanguinary  wars,  provoked  by  the 
selfishness  and  ambition  of  the  rival  states.  It  mattered  but 
little  what  forms  of  government  were  adopted,  the  powerful 
were  ever  endeavoring  to  trample  upon  the  weak,  and  the 
weak  were  combining  to  trample  upon  the  powerful.  In 
the  year  1346,  a  general  famine  desolated  Italy.  The  fam- 
ine was  followed  the  next  year  by  pestilence,  which  spread 
over  all  Europe.  The  history  of  the  world  affords  no  paral- 
lel to  this  great  pestilence,  which,  it  is  estimated,  swept 
away  three- fifths  of  the  human  race.  It  was  impossible  to 
bury  the  dead.  All  restraints  were  forgotten,  all  the  ties 
of  humanity  were  unloosed  in  the  general  consternation. 

It  seemed  as  though  the  pestilence  was  doing  the  work 
of  the  flood — exterminating  a  race  unfit  to  occupy  the 
earth.  But  so  soon  as  the  ravages  were  stayed,  the  sur- 
vivors grasped  their  arms  and  renewed  their  insane  assaults 
upon  each  other. 

Venice  claimed  to  be  queen  of  the  Adriatic,  and  as  such 
to  be  exclusively  entitled  to  the  navigation  of  that  sea.  A 
yearly  ceremony  was  introduced  by  which  the  doge,  in  type 
of  this  sovereignty,  wedded  the  Adriatic.     Genoa  resisted 


444  ITALY 

the  claim,  and  sent  one  hundred  and  sixty  galleys,  with 
thirty  thousand  soldiers,  to  enforce  her  protest.  Venice 
raised  a  similar  force.  Horrid  scenes  ensued  of  carnage 
on  the  sea,  and  slaughter  and  conflagration  on  the  land. 

In  the  progress  of  this  war  the  government  of  Venice 
gradually  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  aristocracy,  and  the 
famous  Council  of  Ten  was  organized,  which  long  ruled 
Venice  with  despotic  sway,  unhappily  the  only  sway  which 
could  preserve  from  anarchy.  The  gloomy  tranquillity  of 
the  prison-dungeon  prevailed  in  the  streets  of  Venice,  while 
all  other  cities  of  Italy  were  in  an  incessant  ferment.  The 
innocent  and  the  guilty  were  alike  liable  to  be  stricken 
down.  Every  act  of  the  government  was  veiled  in  fearful 
obscurity.  Spies  were  everywhere.  Individuals  of  the 
highest  position  disappeared,  never  to  be  heard  of  again. 
No  one  dared  ask  a  question. 

Let  us  contemplate  for  a  moment  the  aspect  of  Italy  in 
the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century.  Rome  was  rapidly 
falling  into  decay.  The  seat  of  the  popedom  was  removed 
to  Avignon,  beyond  the  Alps,  and  the  pope  was  but  little 
more  than  the  tool  of  the  sovereigns  of  France.  Clement 
Vi.,  the  reigning  pope,  was  a  debauched  old  man.  In 
Naples,  Joanna  held  her  magnificent  court.  Central  Italy, 
extending  from  the  northern  frontiers  of  Naples  to  the 
southern  limits  of  Lombardy,  was  divided  by  the  Apen- 
nines into  Tuscany  on  the  west,  and  Romagna  on  the  east. 
The  papal  states,  with  Rome  for  their  metropolitan  city,  in- 
tervened between  these  provinces  and  the  Neapolitan  king- 
dom. North  of  Tuscany  and  Romagna  came  the  great  prov- 
ince of  Lombardy,  extending  to  the  Alps,  composed  of  five 
ducal  potentates,  virtually  independent  of  each  other,  estab- 
lished with  much  princely  splendor  and  power  in  the  great 
cities.  Genoa  and  Venice  were  popular  cities,  of  but  small 
territorial  extent,  but  majestic  in  maritime  power.  Such  is 
a  general,  not  a  minute  and  accurate  view  of  Italy  at  that 
time. 

Milan  was  the  most  powerful  of  the  Lombard  principali- 


ITALIAN    ANARCHY  445 

ties.  But  Yerona,  Mantua,  Padua,  and  the  duchies  of  Fer- 
rara  and  Modena  were  bj  no  means  insignificant.  Gunpow- 
der began  now  to  be  used  upon  the  field  of  battle;  but  in 
that  early  day  the  new  weapons,  clumsily  constructed,  had 
comparatively  but  little  efficiency  in  the  field.  Genoa  and 
Venice  had  established  immense  factories  along  the  whole 
circuit  of  the  Black  Sea,  where  they  gathered  the  spices  and 
merchandise  of  India,  and  the  furs  and  other  commodities 
of  Russia.  Here  again,  on  these  distant  waters,  the  squad- 
rons of  the  two  rival  cities  met  in  hostile  array. 

In  January,  1352,  the  Venetian  squadron,  numbering 
seventy-five  galleys,  and  the  Genoese  with  but  sixty-four, 
though  of  larger  size,  encountered  each  other  in  the  Bos- 
phorus,  near  Constantinople.  As  they  rushed  together  in 
the  shock  of  war,  a  terrific  storm  blackened  over  their 
heads,  with  vivid  flashes  of  lightning  and  peals  of  thun- 
der, while  a  tornado  swept  the  waves  with  resistless  fury. 
Regardless  of  thunder,  and  lightning,  and  wind,  and  rain, 
through  the  long,  dark,  stormy  night  the  furious  combat- 
ants struggled  until  the  lurid  morning  dawned.  It  revealed 
an  awful  sight. 

The  sea  was  covered  with  wrecks  and  with  the  gory 
dead.  The  Venetian  fleet  was  almost  destroyed.  Two 
thousand  of  their  men  were  slain  and  fifteen  hundred 
taken  captive.  The  Genoese  bought  their  victory  dearly, 
having  suffered  nearly  as  much.  The  following  year  an- 
other terrific  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  Genoese,  in 
their  turn,  were  severely  whipped.  The  calamity  was  over- 
whelming, and  Genoa  was  reduced  to  despair.  In  their  con- 
sternation they  threw  themselves  upon  the  protection  of 
Milan,  and  a  Milanese  governor  and  garrison  were  sent  to 
take  charge  of  the  humiliated  city.  Thus  strengthened  the 
conflict  was  renewed.  The  two  fleets  met  near  the  port  of 
Sapienza,  in  the  Morea,  and  the  Venetian  squadron  was 
utterly  destroyed.  Four  thousand  men  were  slain  and  six 
thousand  captured.  Venice,  in  the  extreme  of  exhaustion, 
sued  for  peace. 


446  ITALY 

The  duke  of  Milan  acquired  great  renown  by  this  suc- 
cess; and  flushed  with  pride  and  power  he  began  to  trample 
upon  the  rights  of  the  other  dukes  of  Lombardy.  They  all 
combined  with  Venice  to  humble  their  common  enemy. 
Both  parties  sought  the  aid  of  the  emperor  Charles  IV. 
He  coquetted  with  both  parties  and  received  the  iron  crown 
of  Lombardy.  He  then  proceeded  to  Rome,  escorted  by  a 
brilliant  army,  where  he  was  invested  with  the  imperial  dia- 
dem. For  three  years  a  miserable  war  infested  Lombardy. 
At  length  all  parties  were  wearied,  and,  equally  wounded 
and  bleeding,  assented  to  peace. 

The  Catholic  historians  designate  the  papal  residence  in 
Avignon  as  the  Babylonian  captivity  of  the  popes.  From 
the  year  1305  to  1375,  seven  popes  in  succession  resided  in 
this  city.  It  possessed  many  attractions  for  the  papal  court. 
Imperial  wealth  had  lined  the  streets  with  palaces,  and  the 
holy  fathers,  under  the  strong  arm  of  France,  and  the  mere 
tools  of  her  ambitious  monarchs,  had  found  here  safety, 
opulence,  and  agreeable  sojourning.  But  at  length  the 
north  of  France  was  devastated  by  British  soldiers,  and 
plundering  bands  began  to  crowd  down  upon  the  rich 
plains  of  Vaucluse.  The  luxurious  prelates  were  alarmed, 
and  Urban  V.,  though  a  Frenchman,  decided  to  re-establish 
the  Holy  See  at  Rome. 

With  great  pomp,  accompanied  by  his  cardinals,  and 
escorted  by  the  galleys  of  Venice,  Genoa,  Pisa,  and  Naples, 
he  passed  from  the  Rhone  to  the  Tiber.  Rome  received  him 
with  great  exultation.  Under  the  efficient  sway  of  Urban 
the  papal  states  enjoyed  repose,  and  the  pontifical  power 
attained  renewed  splendor.  The  eastern  empire  was  now 
crumbling  before  the  might  of  Sultan  Amurath,  and  the 
emperor,  John  Palseologus,  left  Constantinople  to  throw 
himself  at  the  feet  of  the  Pontiff,  to  implore  his  aid  in 
rousing  Europe  against  the  infidels. 

But  Italy  was  in  such  a  distracted  state,  the  emperor 
Charles  IV.  of  Germany  sweeping  over  it  with  his  armies, 
and  all  the  petty  governments  engaged  in  interminable  wars, 


ITALIAN   ANARCHY  447 

that  Urban  sighed  for  the  repose  of  Avignon,  and,  after  a 
residence  of  three  years  in  Rome,  returned  to  his  French 
palaces,  where  he  almost  immediately  died.  Gregory  XL, 
at  Avignon,  was  chosen  his  successor.  Civil  war  was  now 
desolating  the  states  of  the  church.  To  quell  it,  Gregory 
XI.  sent  twelve  thousand  ferocious  Britons,  armed  to  the 
teeth,  into  the  tumultuous  region.  They  smote  indiscrimi- 
nately upon  the  right  hand  and  upon  the  left.  Even  chil- 
dren at  the  breast  were  not  spared.  Five  thousand  perished 
in  this  stern  chastisement  by  the  holy  father,  in  which  in- 
fants were  seized  by  the  feet  and  their  brains  dashed  out 
against  the  stones. 

The  duties  of  the  sacred  ofhce  rendered  the  pope's  resi- 
dence at  Rome  necessary.  In  the  midst  of  scenes  of  tumult, 
blood  and  woe,  Gregory  XI.  was  summoned  to  judgment. 
The  cardinals  met  to  choose  his  successor.  Eleven  were 
French,  foar  were  Italians,  and  one  a  Spaniard.  The  elec- 
tion was  bitterly  contested,  for  the  people  of  Rome  clamored 
against  another  foreign  pontiff.  The  municipal  government 
of  Rome  had  assumed  the  form  of  a  republic,  being  adminis- 
tered by  thirteen  elected  magistrates.  These  magistrates 
sent  a  deputation  to  demand  an  audience  with  the  cardi- 
nals, that  they  might  represent  the  wishes  of  the  people. 
The  sacred  college  rebuked  them  vehemently  for  their  pre- 
sumption in  attemj)ting  to  influence  an  election  which  was 
under  the  especial  and  exclusive  guidance  of  the  Holy 
Spirit. 

This  roused  the  mob.  The  Vatican,  where  the  cardinals 
were  in  conclave,  was  surrounded,  and  the  Roman  populace 
insisted,  with  clamor  and  menace,  that  the  Holy  Spirit 
should  give  them  a  Roman,  or  at  least  an  Italian  pope. 
The  choice  fell  upon  a  Neapolitan,  who  assumed  the  tiara 
and  the  keys,  under  the  title  of  Urban  YI.  The  people 
were  appeased  and  the  tumult  ceased. 

The  choice  proved  unhappy.  The  possession  of  power 
developed  in  Urban  a  character  of  caprice  and  tyranny. 
He  threatened  to  excommunicate  the  cardinals.     With  sin- 


448  ITALV 

gular  forgetfulness  of  ecclesiastical  courtesy,  he  called  one 
of  the  cardinals  a  thief  and  another  a  fool.  He  threatened 
to  create  a  large  number  of  Italian  cardinals,  so  that  the 
government  of  the  church  should  no  longer  be  in  the  hands 
of  foreigners. 

The  cardinals,  with  very  commendable  spirit,  met  to- 
gether and  declared  that  the  Holy  Spirit  had  made  a  mis- 
take in  the  election  of  Urban  VI.,  and  that  they  declared 
the  election  null  and  void.  They  then  chose  the  cardinal 
of  Geneva  pope,  with  the  title  of  Clement  yiL  The  ques- 
tion is  not  yet  settled  in  the  papal  church  which  of  these 
two  men  was  the  true  pope.  As  they  were  bitterly  hostile 
to  each  other,  and  as  the  decisions  of  the  true  pope  was  in- 
vested with  almost  the  authority  of  divine  decrees,  the  ques- 
tion must  be  admitted  to  be  one  of  very  serious  moment. 

For  forty  years  this  untoward  event  produced  a  schism 
in  the  Catholic  church.  France  and  Spain,  with  Joanna  of 
Naples,  espoused  the  cause  of  Clement  Vll.  Italy,  Eng- 
land, Germany,  Hungary  and  Portugal,  arrayed  themselves 
beneath  the  banners  of  Urban  VI.  Each  of  the  antagonistic 
popes  was,  in  ability  and  character,  quite  without  merit. 
Urban  VI.  with  a  new  created  college  of  nineteen  Italian 
cardinals  established  himself  at  Kome.  Clement  VII.  with 
a  majority  of  the  old  cardinals  retired  to  the  luxurious  pal- 
aces of  Avignon. 

Urban  VI.  attempted  to  punish  Joanna  of  Naples  for 
her  support  of  Clement  VII.  by  an  act  of  excommunication 
and  deposition;  at  the  same  time  he  offered  the  investiture 
of  her  kingdom  to  one  of  his  friends,  Charles  of  Durazza. 
Joanna  appealed  to  the  antagonistic  pope  and  his  advocates 
for  help.  She  being  now  the  widow  of  four  husbands,  and 
childless,  she  declared,  as  her  heir,  Louis,  duke  of  Anjou, 
uncle  of  Charles  VI.,  king  of  France.  Swords  were  im- 
mediately drawn,  and  armies  were  on  the  march.  Charles 
Durazzo  was  hastily  crowned  king  of  Naples  by  Urban  VI., 
and  hurr^'ing  his  march  into  Naples,  he  seized  the  kingdom 
and  the  queen.     With  his  sword  at  the  throat  of  Joanna  he 


ITALIAN   ANARCHY  449 

commanded  her  to  abdicate  the  crown  in  his  favor.  Hero- 
ically she  refused.  Charles  sent  assassins  into  her  prison 
who  smothered  her  with  pillows. 

With  a  hue  army  Louis,  duke  of  Anjou,  entered  the 
Neapolitian  territory,  to  avenge  the  death  of  the  queen 
and  to  claim  the  crown.  Two  years  of  devastation  and 
blood  passed  when  Louis  died.  Urban  VI.,  not  feeling 
safe  at  Eome,  transferred  his  .pontifical  court  to  Naples, 
where  he  soon  found  himself  involved  in  a  quarrel  with 
the  king  his  own  hand  had  created,  over  whom  he  had 
been  very  naturally  disposed  to  exercise  quite  dictatorial 
power.  The  conflict  waxed  warm,  and  the  king  chased 
the  pope  into  the  castle  of  Nocera,  where  he  vigorously 
besieged  him.  In  this  extremity  Urban  VI.,  as  a  desper- 
ate resort,  appealed  to  the  party  of  the  duke  of  Anjou  for 
relief.  Some  bold  barons  of  that  party  rescued  him,  and 
carried  him  in  triumph  to  Genoa.  Soon  after  this  Charles 
III.  was  assassinated  by  his  own  relatives,  and  the  king- 
dom of  Naples  was  left  in  a  state  of  ruinous  anarchy. 

For  years  the  kingdom  presented  the  most  deplorable 
aspect  of  tumult  and  wretchedness.  Charles  III.  left  a 
son,  Ladislaus,  ten  years  old,  and  a  daughter,  Joanna. 
His  widow,  Margaret,  acted  as  regent  for  her  son.  The 
opposite  party  proclaimed  the  young  son  of  the  duke  of 
Anjou  king,  by  the  title  of  Louis  II.,  under  the  regency  of 
his  mother,  Maria.  Thus  Europe  rallied  for  war  around 
the  banners  of  these  two  boj-s.  The  popes,  in  the  mean- 
time, had  each  excommunicated  the  other.  All  Italy  was 
in  such  a  state  of  anarchy  that  robber  barons,  emerging 
from  their  castles  with  well-armed  retainers,  prowled  about, 
robbing,  murdering,  and  committing  crimes  of  indescribable 
brutality. 

The  mother  of  Louis  took  good  care  of  him,  while  the 
nobles  led  his  armies.  At  length,  after  many  bloody  cam- 
paigns, the  French  party  were  so  far  triumphant  that  Maria 
took  her  son  and,  with  a  powerful  fleet  and  a  numerous  train- 
of  French  nobles,  conveyed  him  to  Naples.     He  was,  of 


450  ITALY 

course,  received  with  the  acclamations  of  the  populace. 
But  he  developed  a  character  so  utterly  efieminate,  indo- 
lent, and  dissolute  as  soon  to  excite  general  contempt. 

Ladislaus,  on  the  contrary,  cradled  amid  the  storms  of 
battle,  at  the  age  of  sixteen  joined  his  barons  in  the  field. 
Marrying  the  heiress  of  the  most  opulent  noble  in  Sicily, 
he  vastly  increased  his  resources.  Gradually  he  swept  the 
kingdom  of  his  foes,  and  entered  Naples  in  triumph.  Louis 
and  his  followers,  abandoning  the  kingdom  in  despair,  re- 
tired by  sea  to  France. 

It  would  be  refreshing  could  we  find  one  good  man  as  a 
prominent  actor  in  these  tumultuous  scenes.  There  doubt- 
less were  thousands  of  humble  Christians,  cherishing  the 
spirit  of  their  Saviour,  and  in  retirement  and  prayer  strug- 
gling along  the  path  to  heaven.  But  in  the  camp  and  the 
court  we  encounter  little  save  vice  and  crime.  Ladislaus 
proved  a  stern  sovereign,  ruling  with  a  rod  of  iron.  He 
was  a  stranger  to  gratitude,   good  faith,    or  mercy. 

The  beautiful  Constance  whom  he  had  wedded,  and 
through  whose  rich  dowry  he  had  gained  his  kingdom,  he 
neglected,  abandoned,  divorced,  imprisoned,  without  accus- 
ing or  even  suspecting  her  of  any  faults.  His  vagrant  de- 
sires were  weary  of  her,  and  he  sought  other  charms.  He 
afterward  compelled  the  unhappy  Constance  to  marry  Count 
Andrea,  one  of  his  favorites.  As  she  was  dragged  to  the 
altar,  she  said  indignantly  and  aloud,  in  the  presence  of  the 
assembled  court  and  people: 

"Count  Andrea,  you  are  to  esteem  yourself  the  most  for- 
tunate cavalier  of  this  kingdom,  for  you  are  about  to  receive 
for  your  mistress  the  lawful  wife  of  your  liege." 


FRAGMENTARY   ITALY  451 


CHAPTEK  XXVI 

FRAGMENTARY     ITALY 

FROM  A.D.  1400  TO  A.D.  1600 

Dawn  of  the  Fifteenth  Centurj- — Schism  in  the  Church — The  Three  Popes 
— The  Great  Council  of  Constance — "Good  Old  Times" — Beatrice  Tenda 
— The  Dukes  of  Savoj- — The  House  of  Medici — Europe  Menaced  by  the 
Turks — The  Great  European  Monarchies — Fragmentary  Italy — Leo  X. 
— French  Conquests — Spanish  Conquests — The  Emperor  Charles  V. 
Master  of  Italy — Papal  Struggles — Fate  of  Florence — The  Duchy  of 
Parma — Of  Tuscany 

THE  morning  of  the  fifteenth,  century  dawned  upon 
Italy  in  clouds  and  gloom.  The  duke  of  Milan  was 
master  of  nearly  all  of  Lombardy,  and  was  menacing 
Florence  with  apparently  resistless  power.  Naples  was  ut- 
terly exhausted  with  her  terrific  civil  wars.  Venice,  secure 
within  her  lagoons,  was  overawed  by  the  most  merciless  oli- 
garchy. The  papal  power  had  fallen  into  utter  contempt. 
The  annals  of  those  days  are  filled  mainly  with  the  record 
of  wars,  treachery,  murders,  rapine,  and  crimes  of  every 
hue.  Venice,  by  the  foulest  aggression,  had  extended 
her  domain  to  the  Adige,  and  the  Lion  of  St.  Mark,  her 
symbolic  banner,  floated  from  tbe  towers  of  Treviso,  Fel- 
tro,  Belluno,  Verona,  Vicenza,  and  Padua. 

Urban  VI.,  who  had  caused  the  schism  in  the  church, 
died  in  the  year  1389,  and  Boniface  IX.  was  chosen  as  his 
successor.  He  died  in  1404,  and  the  cardinals,  surrounded 
by  a  mob,  in  the  wildest  scene  of  tumult  and  uproar,  raised 
Innocent  VII.  to  the  papal  throne.  Ladislaus,  the  stern 
king  of  Naples,  drove  the  pope  from  the  city,  in  an  attempt 
to  compel  the  states  of  the  church  to  acknowledge  him  as 
their  liege  lord.  He  failed,  and  in  his  rage  plundered  and 
fired  the  city.  Innocent  soon  died,  and  Gregory  XII.  was 
conducted  to  the  papal  chair,  in  Eome.     Europe  was  weary 


452  ITALY 

and  the  church  ashamed  of  the  schism.  But  the  states  were 
so  equally  divided  between  Kome  and  Avignon  that  it  was 
difficult  to  effect  a  compromise. 

Upon  the  death  of  Clement  VII.  the  cardinals,  at  Avig- 
non, chose  Benedict  Xill.  The  University  of  France,  dis- 
gusted with  this  state  of  things,  refused  to  recognize  either 
as  legitimate  pope;  and  the  discontent  became  so  general 
that  the  cardinals,  to  rescue  the  church  from  ruin,  convoked 
a  general  council  at  Pisa,  and  summoned  both,  popes  to  ap- 
pear before  them.  This  was  new  experience  for  God's  vice- 
gerents, and  tliey  both  indignantly  refused.  Whereupon 
the  council  of  Pisa,  consisting  of  the  cardinals  and  a  nu- 
merous body  of  prelates  from  all  parts  of  the  Christian 
world,  aided  by  ambassadors  from  most  of  the  crowned 
heads  of  Europe,  after  long  and  solemn  deliberation  per- 
formed the  very  extraordinary  act,  which  then  amazed 
mankind,  of  deposing  both  Gregory  XII.  and  Benedict 
XIII.  They  then  elected  the  cardinal  of  Milan  to  the 
papal  dignity  with  the  title   of  Alexander  V. 

There  were  now  three  popes  instead  of  two.  Benedict 
XIII.,  with  three  cardinals  adhering  to  him,  had  convoked 
a  council  of  his  partisan  clergy  at  Perpignan,  a  gloomy  fort- 
ress on  the  frontiers  of  Spain.  Gregory  XII.,  with  four 
cardinals,  and  the  prelates  who  rallied  around  him,  met  at 
Eavenna,  in  Italy.  And  now  from  these  three  papal  thrones 
bulls  of  excommunication  were  hurled  like  the  mighty  thun- 
derbolts of  Jove.  The  several  powers  of  Europe  arranged 
themselves  on  different  sides,  grasped  their  arms,  and  war 
continued  its  hideous  revels.  Alexander  V.,  through  many 
bloody  battles,  established  himself  in  Eome,  the  ancient  seat 
of  papacy.  In  less  than  a  year  he  died,  and  a  cardinal  of 
unenviable  character  succeeded  by  the  title  of  John  XXIII. 

Ladislaus  of  Naples  ravaged  Italy  like  a  famished  tiger. 
With  all  the  belligerents  the  papal  quarrel  seemed  to  be 
merely  the  occasion  they  embraced  to  extend  their  domin- 
ions by  crushing  their  neighbors.  Ladislaus  reduced  all  of 
the  states  of  the  church  to  his  sway ;  extended  his  frontiers 


FRAGMENTARY   ITALY  453 

to  Tuscany,  and  was  advancing  with  sucli  strides  that  he 
threatened  to  bring  all  Italy  beneath  his  sceptre.  But 
death,  the  kindest  ally  of  oppressed  mankind,  struck  the 
tyrant  down.  In  loathsome  disease,  torn  with  convulsions, 
and  shrieking  in  agony,  he  sank  into  the  grave — and  Italy 
drew  a  long  breath  of  relief. 

The  shameful  struggles  of  the  popes  still  agitated  all 
Europe,  desolating  wide  realms  with  conflagration  and  car- 
nage. The  emperor  Sigismund  of  Germany,  a  debauched 
voluptuary,  but  a  man  of  marvellous  energy  of  character, 
undertook  to  terminate  the  strife.  In  several  personal  in- 
terviews with  John  XXIII.,  he  overawed  the  Holy  Father, 
and  compelled  him  to  invite  a  council  of  the  clergy  of  Chris- 
tendom in  the  imperial  city  of  Constance,  on  the  shore  of 
the  lake  of  the  same  name.  The  pope  and  the  emperor  in 
person  attended  this  famous  council;  and  there  was  also 
the  gathering  of  ambassadors  from  nearly  all  the  princes 
and  states  of  Europe.  This  memorable  council  was  com- 
posed of  twenty  cardinals,  one  hu.ndred  and  seventeen 
patriarchs  and  bishops,  six  hundred  ecclesiastics  of  next 
higher  rank,  and  four  thousand  priests.  There  were  also 
twenty-six  princes  present,  and  one  hundred  and  forty 
counts. 

John  XXIII.,  finding  that  the  council  was  on  the  eve  of 
deposing  all  three  of  the  popes,  fled  from  Constance  in  the 
disguise  of  a  groom,  and  threw  himself  upon  the  protection 
of  Frederic,  duke  of  Austria.  But  a  division  of  the  im- 
perial army  pursued  the  fugitive,  and  brought  him  back  a 
prisoner  to  Constance.  Gregory  XII.,  alarmed  by  this  ex- 
ample, threw  down  both  tiara  and  keys,  and  was  thankful 
to  retain  the  office  of  cardinal.  Benedict  XIII.,  sustained 
by  the  powerful  arm  of  Spain,  was  more  obstinate.  But 
he  soon  found  himself  constrained  to  yield  to  the  almost 
unanimous  voice  of  Europe.  The  three  rival  popes  were 
laid  aside  by  the  council,  and  a  new  pope  was  chosen,  Otho 
Colonna,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Martin  V.  The  martyr- 
dom of  Jerome  of  Prague,  and  of  John  Huss,  which  sad  and 


454  ITALY 

important  events  occurred  about  this  time,  hardly  belong  to 
the  history  of  Italy. 

We  find  individuals  who  say  that  old  times  were  better 
than  the  present.  Contemplate  "good  old  times''  in  Milan 
in  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  under  Giovanni, 
Duke  of  Milan.  From  boyhood  he  had  been  nursed  in 
atrocities,  taking  a  fiend-like  pleasure  in  witnessing  every 
conceivable  form  of  agony.  His  chief  enjoyment  was  to 
see  his  bloodhounds  tear  down  the  victims  he  exposed  to 
their  rage.  His  huntsman  fed  the  hounds  on  human  flesh, 
to  make  them  efficient  in  tearing  to  pieces  their  prey.  The 
prisons  of  Milan  were  emptied  that  the  duke  might  enjoy 
this  sport.  On  one  occasion,  when  several  gentlemen  of 
Milan  had  been  torn  to  pieces  by  his  hounds,  the  innocent, 
helpless  son  of  one  of  these  gentlemen  was  thrown  into  the 
arena.  The  dogs,  sated  with  blood,  refused  to  fasten  upon 
the  poor  child,  when  the  duke  himself  drew  his  sword,  and 
with  the  weapon  despatched  the  victim,  kneeling  before  him 
and  crying  for  mercy.  These  facts  are  authenticated  beyond 
all  possible  doubt.  The  friends  of  this  child  assassinated 
the  duke.  What  verdict  shall  history  pronounce  upon  the 
crime  ?  It  is  well  for  us  all  that  infinite  wisdom  will  sit 
upon  the  throne  of  final  judgment. 

Filippo,  the  successor  of  this  wretch  on  the  ducal  throne, 
was  also  his  successor  in  infamy  and  brutality.  He  had 
married  Beatrice  Tenda,  a  lady  of  large  fortune,  that 
through  the  influence  of  her  wealth  he  might  be  able  to 
grasp  the  sceptre.  Having  obtained  the  dowry  and  the 
sceptre,  he  now  wished  to  get  rid  of  his  spouse.  He  had 
already,  with  the  basest  treachery,  murdered  many  whom 
he  deemed  in  the  way  of  his  ambition.  Selecting  a  young 
man  of  his  court,  he  accused  him  of  harboring  evil  thoughts 
as  to  his  wife,  stretched  the  unhappy,  innocent  youth  upon 
the  rack,  and  by  crushing  all  his  bones,  and  pouring  an  in- 
tolerable tide  of  agony  along  all  his  quivering  nerves,  com- 
pelled his  victim  to  avow  whatever  his  tormenters  desired. 
The  unfortunate  youth  died  in  consequence  of  his  injuries. 


FRAGMENTARY    ITALY  455 

Fiiippo  also  had  his  wife,  Beatrice,  put  on  the  rack. 
She  was  a  lady  of  the  most  virtuous  character,  against 
which  no  truthful  person  could  have  breathed  a  word  of 
reproach.  But  the  duke  thought  that  if  she  could  be 
made  to  confess  that  she  had  received  advances  from  the 
young  man  this  would  be  an  excuse  for  torturing  her  still 
more  severely,  in  order  to  elicit  avowals  yet  more  damag- 
ing. He  was  disappointed  by  her  persistent  asseverations 
of  innocence,  but  secretly  pleased  when  she  succumbed  and 
gave  up  the  ghost. 

God  did  not,  in  this  world,  summon  the  wretch  Fiiippo 
to  account  for  his  crimes.  He  was  not  thwarted  in  any  of 
his  plans  of  ambition.  By  an  incessant  series  of  encroach- 
ments over  his  weaker  neighbors,  he  raised  Milan  to  a  de- 
gree of  power  and  splendor  never  known  before,  and  he  died 
at  last  in  his  own  tranquil  chamber.  There  is  in  the  human 
breast  an  instinct  of  justice  which  demands  a  future  day  of 
retribution. 

From  the  Italian  chaos  a  new  power,  about  this  time, 
began  to  emerge,  on  the  western  frontiers  of  the  Milanese 
states.  In  the  valley  of  the  Savoy  country,  near  the  little 
river  of  Asse,  there  was  a  petty  lordship,  possessed  by  the 
counts  of  Maurienne.  Gradually  they  extended  their  sur- 
vey over  the  whole  of  Savoy,  a  romantic  realm  of  moun- 
tains, forests,  and  ravines,  situated  on  the  western  slope  of 
the  Alps,  and  about  half  as  large  as  the  state  of  Massachu- 
setts. By  marriages  and  encroachments  they  pressed  on, 
generation  after  generation,  until  large  rural  portions  of 
Piedmont,  with  many  of  the  important  cities,  fell  under 
their  dominion.  The  counts  of  Savoy  began  now  to  be  re- 
garded as  one  of  the  powers  of  Italy.  The  emperor  Sigis- 
mund  dignified  their  enlarged  territory  with  the  title  of 
duchy,  and  elevated  the  count  to  a  duke.  Amadeus  VIII. 
was  the  first  duke  of  Savoy,  being  raised  to  that  dignity  in 
the  year  1413. 

Still  Italy  remained  but  the  arena  in  which  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  peninsula  were  engaged,  pellmell,  in  intermi- 


456  ITALY 

nable  gladiatorial  conflict.  There  was  no  cessation,  except 
to  take  breath  and  mend  their  battered  arms.  The  millions 
of  peasants,  bareheaded  and  barefooted,  who  toiled  in  the 
fields,  were  with  difficulty  enabled  to  raise  food  for  them- 
selves, and  for  the  hundreds  of  thousands  who  did  the  fight- 
ing. In  the  great  cities,  a  few  merchants  became  enriched 
by  commerce ;  and  successful  generals  rioted  in  luxury  ob- 
tained by  the  plunder  of  provinces. 

Suddenly  EurojDC  was  alarmed  by  the  tidings  that  the 
Turks,  under  Mahomet  II.,  had  taken  Constantinople,  and 
that  with  enormous  armies,  flushed  with  victory,  they  were 
ascending  the  Danube,  and  were  also  embarking  on  the 
Adriatic,  and  threatening  all  Europe  with  subjugation. 
The  peril  was  so  imminent  that  a  congress  was  immedi- 
ately summoned,  to  meet  at  Home,  under  the  presidency 
of  the  pope,  Nicholas  V.  But  the  antagonistic  princes,  each 
grasping  at  his  own  aggrandizement,  could  form  no  combi- 
nation. Venice  and  Milan  exposed  to  the  first  inroads  of 
the  Turks,  alone  united.  Naj)les  and  Florence  soon  joined 
them.  The  petty  states  of  Greece  had  fallen,  one  after 
another,  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks.  The  ferocious  army 
of  Mahomet  II,,  their  cimeters  drijjping  with  blood,  were 
within  one  day's  march  of  the  Italian  frontiers. 

The  pope  endeavored  to  rouse  demoralized  Europe  to  the 
rescue,  and  summoned  a  rising  en  masse  of  all  the  faithful, 
to  meet  at  Ancona,  whence  they  were  to  be  transported 
across  the  Adriatic  to  meet  their  infidel  foes.  An  immense 
concourse  of  half-starved  wretches  came  in  rags,  hungry, 
penniless,  and  without  arms.  The  pope,  already  aged  and 
infirm,  in  the  intensity  of  his  disappointment  lay  down 
and  died. 

Venice,  almost  unaided,  struggled  fiercely  against  the 
Moslem  with  ever  varying  success.  With  an  army,  reported 
to  have  consisted  of  two  hundred  thousand  men,  conveyed 
in  four  hundred  galleys,  the  Turks  entered  the  Archipelago, 
wrested  the  large  and  important  island  of  Negropont  from 
the  Venetians,  and  put  all  the  defenders  of  this  island  to  the 


FRAGMENTARY    ITALY  467 

Bworcl.  The  Venetians  were  compelled  to  sue  for  peace,  after 
a  struggle  of  fifteen  years.  The  victorious  Sultan  exacted 
from  them  large  portions  of  their  territory,  and  an  annual 
tribute^  The  Turks  also  took  possession  of  the  Euxine, 
wresting  from  Genoa  all  her  possessions  and  all  her  influ- 
ence on  the  shores  of  this  inland  sea. 

The  rise  of  the  house  of  Medici  in  Florence  is  one  of 
those  events  in  Italian  history  which  deserves  especial 
notice.  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  who  may  be  regarded  as  the 
founder  of  this  house,  was  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of 
men.  For  thirty  years  he  governed  Florence  with  singu- 
lar sagacity,  embellishing  the  city  with  the  most  gorgeous 
specimens  of  architecture,  and  founding  galleries  of  art 
which  still  attract  the  admiration  of  the  world.  This 
family  attained  such  power  and  became  so  obnoxious  to 
Pope  Sextus  IV.,  that  the  Holy  Father  finally  forgot  him- 
self so  far  as  to  lend  active  countenance  to  the  assassination 
of  the  two  brothers  of  the  duke — Giuliauo  and  Lorenzo — in 
the  midst  of  the  most  solemn  offices  of  religion.  As  the 
kneeling  victims  bowed,  at  the  elevation  of  the  host,  in  high 
mass,  two  ecclesiastics  were  to  plunge  the  fatal  daggers. 

Giuliauo  fell  instantly,  pierced  to  the  heart  by  several 
blows.  Lorenzo,  warding  the  thrust,  which  but  slightly 
grazed  his  neck,  threw  his  cloak  around  his  arm  for  a 
shield,  and,  with  his  sword,  courageously  defended  himself, 
until  his  attendants  rushed  to  his  aid.  The  whole  church 
was  filled  with  consternation.  Rapidly  the  friends  of  the 
Medici  rallied  around  Lorenzo,  and  he  was  conveyed  in 
safety  to  his  palace.  The  indignation  of  the  mob  was  so 
roused  by  this  outrage  that  they  fell  with  the  utmost  fury 
upon  the  conspirators.  The  archbishop  of  Salviati,  one  of 
the  accomplices,  was  hanged,  in  his  prelatical  robes,  from 
the  window  of  his  palace.  Several  other  high  ecclesiastics 
suffered  the  same  ignominious  punishment.  More  than 
seventy  of  the  conspirators  were  cut  down,  and  their  bodies 
were  exposed  to  every  conceivable  indignity  in  the  streets. 

At  this  time  the  church,  in  its  external  organization,  as 

Italy— 20 


458  ITALY 

a  hierarchy,  was  but  a  political  institution,  in  the  hands  of 
men  generally  corrupt.  The  dignities  of  the  church,  con- 
ferring immense  wealth  and  power,  were  more  eagerly 
sought  for  than  those  of  the  army  or  the  state.  Hence, 
ambitious  demagogues,  graspingly  disposed  nobles  and 
the  worthless  sons  of  princes,  sat  in  the  pontifical  chair, 
and  were  decorated  with  the  gorgeous  robes  of  bishops, 
archbishops,  and  cardinals.  The  spirit  of  piety  had  fled 
from  the  high  places  of  renown,  and  taken  refuge  in  the 
bosoms  of  the  lowly.  As  history  has  almost  exclusively 
confined  her  walks  to  the  pageantry  of  courts  and  the 
tumult  of  camps,  we  have  but  few  records  of  that  true 
spirit  of  Christ,  which  doubtless,  in  those  dark  days,  sus- 
tained thousands  under  life's  heavy  burdens.  We  occa- 
sionally hear  their  plaintive  song  of  triumph  in  the  dungeon, 
and  their  cry  of  victory  from  the  stake  or  the  scaffold. 

Sextus  IV.  enraged  at  the  failure  of  the  conspiracy,  de- 
clared open  war  against  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  without  any 
attempt  to  disguise  his  complicity  in  the  plot  for  his  assas- 
sination. He  excommunicated  the  whole  duchy  of  Florence, 
in  punishment  for  the  ignominious  execution  of  Archbishop 
Salviati.  The  Florentine  government  appealed  to  the  rest 
of  Italy  for  support,  and  summoned  the  Tuscan  clergy  to 
a  general  council.  The  king  of  France  publicly  remon- 
strated with  the  pope  against  the  prosecution  of  an  unjust 
war.  Sextus  IV.,  bent  on  his  purposes,  formed  an  alliance 
with  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  and  war  again,  with  even  more 
than  ordinary  barbarity  and  horror,  swept  ill-fated  Italy. 

The  conflict  was  raging  cruelly  when  Italy,  and  indeed 
all  Europe,  was  thrown  into  consternation  by  the  tidings 
that  the  Turks  had  landed  in  great  force  at  Otranto,  an  im- 
portant seaport  at  the  southeast  extremity  of  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.  The  city  was  taken  by  storm,  and  the  inhabi- 
tants perished  in  a  horrible  massacre.  The  sultan,  Mahomet 
11. ,  with  twenty-five  thousand  troops,  was  encamped  on  the 
opposite  coast  of  the  Adriatic,  ready  to  be  transported  across 
the  sea.    He  had  also  seven  thousand  in  garrison  at  Otranto, 


FRAGMENTARY   ITALY  459 

waiting  for  the  arrival  of  this  army  of  invasion,  then  to 
march  vigorously  upon  Rome.  But  such  was  not  God's 
will.  Death  suddenly  terminated  the  earthly  schemes  of 
the  Moslem  sovereign.  Thus  was  Christendom  rescued  from 
the  greatest  peril  to  which  it  had  ever  been  exposed. 

The  struggling  nations  of  Italy  in  their  terror  had,  for 
a  moment,  ceased  their  fraternal  strife,  to  defend  themselves 
from  the  common  foe.  But  the  death  of  the  sultan,  and  the 
consequent  withdrawal  of  his  army,  was  but  the  signal  for 
the  renewal  of  the  insane  fratricidal  warfare.  Sextus  IV. 
was,  however,  frustrated  in  his  ambitious  plans;  and  a  great 
and  sudden  disappointment  threw  him  into  a  paroxysm  of 
passion  which  hastened  his  death,  in  the  year  1484. 

Innocent  VIII.,  a  man  who  had  led  a  life  entirely 
discreditable  to  a  member  of  a  holy  profession,  succeeded 
Sextus  IV.  The  papal  potentates  loved  ease  better  than 
power.  Instead  of  fostering  wars,  he  engaged  in  the  less 
destructive  crimes  of  extortion  and  luxurious  indulgence. 
Ferdinand  of  Naples  secured  the  election  of  Innocent  VIII. 
to  tbe  pontifical  throne;  and  the  ancient,  indolent  pontiff, 
naturally  kindhearted,  for  a  time  manifested  his  gratitude 
by  a  ready  compliance  with  all  the  wishes  of  his  patron. 
But  Ferdinand,  arrogant  and  brutal,  pushed  his  exactions 
so  far  that  the  pope  rebelled,  and  a  war  ensued,  which  was 
conducted  with  but  little  vigor.  During  the  intrigues  to 
which  this  war  led,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  of  Florence,  mar- 
ried his  daughter  to  one  of  the  natural  sons  of  the  pope, 
and  thus  paved  the  way  for  the  elevation  of  the  family  of 
the  Medici  to  the  highest  position  of  ecclesiastical  grandeur. 

The  incapable  pontiff  carelessly  bestowed  the  dignity  of 
cardinal  upon  Giovanni,  the  second  son  of  Lorenzo,  a  boy 
but  thirteen  years  of  age.  The  boy  cardinal  subsequently 
became  pope  Leo  X.,  perhaps  the  most  renowned  pontiff 
who  ever  reigned  in  the  Vatican.  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  was 
one  of  the  most  illustrious  men  which  any  age  has  pro- 
duced. It  is  difficult  to  find  any  one  of  his  contemporaries 
who   equalled  him  in  the  moral   beauty  of  his   life.     His 


460  ITALY 

tastes  were  pure  and  ennobling,  and  in  all  respects  his 
private  character  was  such  as  even  in  this  day  would  be 
deemed  unsullied  and  attractive.  The  enthusiasm  of  his 
intellectual  nature  and  his  exquisite  taste  for  the  arts,  and 
the  splendid  patronage  he  extended  to  scholars,  architects, 
and  all  artists,  have  associated  his  name  with  perhaps  the 
most  brilliant  epoch  in  Italian  history,  and  have  assigned 
to  him  one  of  the  most  prominent  niches  in  the  temple  of 
fame.  Under  the  sagacious  and  energetic  sway  of  the 
Medici,  Florence  attained  its  highest  pinnacle  of  power. 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici  and  Innocent  VIII.  died  nearly  at 
the  same  time.  The  long  anarchy  of  the  feudal  ages  was 
passing  to  a  close.  From  this  anarchy  the  powerful  king- 
doms of  England,  France,  Spain,  and  Austria  had  emerged. 
Italy,  still  broken  into  fragments  and  distracted  with  inter- 
nal strife,  was  menaced  by  each  of  these  consolidated  and 
gigantic  powers.  Italian  independence  could  by  no  possi- 
bility be  preserved  but  by  the  cordial  union  and  concentra- 
tion of  the  Italian  states;  and  this  union  it  was  impossible 
to  effect.  All  the  four  great  kingdoms  we  have  enumerated 
were  struggling,  by  all  the  arts  of  intrigue  and  arms,  to 
grasp  the  Italian  provinces  and  annex  them  to  their  own 
domains. 

Ludovico  Sforza,  duke  of  Milan,  endeavored  to  form  an 
Italian  confederacy,  and  sent  ambassadors  for  this  purpose 
to  Naples,  Florence,  Eome,  and  to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara. 
But  mutual  jealousies  were  so  strong,  and  selfish  ambition 
so  dominant,  that  no  union  could  be  effected.  The  Italian 
states  were  all  hostile  to  each  other,  each  striving  to  secure 
its  own  aggrandizement  by  weakening  its  neighbor.  Charles 
VIII.  of  France  claimed  Naples,  and  sent  an  army  for  its 
conquest,  and,  with  powerful  bribes,  induced  both  Milan 
and  Venice  to  helip  him. 

The  French  monarch  marched,  unopposed,  through  Sa- 
voy, Piedmont,  Milan,  and  Tuscany  to  Rome.  The  infa- 
mous Alexander  VI.,  who  was  then  pope,  and  in  alliance 
with  Naples,   finding  himself  quite   unable  to  defend  the 


FRAGMENTARY   ITALY    ■  461 

city,  threw  open  the  gates,  and  Charles  VIII.  entered  the 
eternal  city,  displaying  war's  most  gorgeous  pageantry.  At 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  a  bright  and  sunny  day, 
the  French  army,  amounting  to  sixty  tliousand  men,  in  gay 
uniform,  with  polished  armor,  prancing  steeds,  silken  ban- 
ners, and  pealing  music,  began  to  defile  into  the  city.  It 
was  long  after  dark  ere  the  last  battalions  entered,  and  tea 
thousand  torches  threw  wild  and  lurid  gleams  over  the  dark 
masses  of  the  soldiery,  as  the  very  pavements  seemed  to 
tremble  beneath  the  tread  of  their  solid  columns. 

Alfonso  II.,  of  Naples,  was  a  cruel  tyrant,  detested  by 
his  people.  As  the  French  drew  near  the  JSTeapolitan  fron- 
tiers, the  execrations  of  the  populace  resounded  beneath  his 
palace  windows;  and  in  terror  he  abdicated  the  throne  in 
favor  of  his  son,  Ferdinand  II.,  and  fled  to  Sicily.  The 
French  marched  resistlessly  onward,  battering  down  the 
castles  with  their  formidable  artillery,  and  putting  the  gar- 
risons to  the  sword.  The  Neapolitan  soldiers  fled  at  their 
advance,  like  sheep  before  wolves.  Capua  surrendered  with- 
out striking  a  blow.  As  the  French  monarch  approached 
the  city  of  Naples,  Ferdinand  II.,  in  despair,  abandoned 
his  kingdom,  and  sought  refuge,  with  his  family,  in  the 
little  island  of  Ischia.  The  French  entered  Naples  in 
triumph,  and  their  banners  soon  floated  over  every  for- 
tress in  the  kingdom. 

The  whole  French  army,  thus  triumphant,  surrendered 
itself  to  those  voluptuous  indulgences  to  which  a  delicious 
climate,  a  luxurious  capital,  and  the  plundered  opulence  of 
a  kingdom  invited  them.  The  other  states  of  Italy  were 
alarmed.  Venice  and  Lombardy  entered  into  negotiations 
with  Austria  and  Spain,  and  formed  a  coalition  for  the 
expulsion  of  Charles  YIII.  The  tidings  came  upon  the 
French  like  a  thunderbolt  from  a  cloudless  sky.  There 
was  no  safety  for  them  but  in  a  speedy  retreat  to  France. 
As  the  French  troops,  in  their  flight,  greatly  reduced  in 
numbers,  descended  through  the  passes  of  the  Apennines 
into  the  plains  of  Lombardy,  they  found  their  path  hedged 


462  ITALY 

up  by  an  allied  army  four  times  their  number.  There  was 
no  alternative  between  battle  and  surrender.  The  legions 
came  together,  in  war's  deadly  shock,  on  the  plains  of  For- 
mosa. Charles  VIII.  was  brilliantly  victorious,  and,  scat- 
tering his  foes  before  him,  pressed  forward  to  Turin,  and 
thence  returned  to  France. 

Ferdinand  II.  re-entered  his  kingdom,  where  he  died,  after 
one  short  month,  and  was  succeeded,  as  he  left  no  children, 
by  his  uncle  Frederic.  Still  we  hear  of  nothing  but  war, 
originating  in  the  most  frivolous  causes,  and  conducted  with- 
out any  ability.  All  the  kingdoms,  republics,  and  duchies 
of  Italy  continued  in  a  state  of  incessant  broil.  There  is 
nothing  to  interest  the  modern  reader,  in  the  record  of  their 
silly  quarrels,  and  in  the  recital  of  their  deeds  of  barbarity 
and  blood. 

In  the  year  1499  Louis  XII.  of  France  sent  an  army 
across  the  Alps,  and  in  less  than  a  month  conquered  the 
whole  duchy  of  Milan.  Ludovico,  the  tyrannic  duke,  fled 
across  the  mountains  into  Germany.  In  an  attempt  to  re- 
gain his  duchy  he  was  taken  prisoner,  sent  to  France,  and 
died  after  ten  years  of  solitary  and  rigorous  imprisonment. 
Nearly  all  of  Lombardy  passed  under  the  dominion  of  the 
French  king.  The  French  monarch,  thus  in  possession  of 
Milan,  turned  a  wistful  eye  toward  Naples.  Frederic,  the 
king,  with  a  disbanded  army,  an  empty  treasury,  dismantled 
fortresses,  empty  arsenals,  and  a  kingdom  impoverished  and 
desolated  by  the  last  war,  could  present  but  feeble  resist- 
ance. Apprehensive  that  Frederic  of  Spain  might  aid  his 
relative,  Frederic  of  Naples,  the  French  monarch  made  pro- 
posals to  his  Spanish  brother,  that  they  should  divide  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  between  them.  A  more  barefaced  rob- 
bery two  highwaymen  never  plotted.  We  may,  perhaps, 
be  spared  any  painful  exercise  of  sympathy  for  the  victim, 
in  the  reflection  that  he  was  even  a  worse  tyrant  and  a  more 
unprincipled  robber  than  the  two  confederated  against  him. 

It  is  impossible  to  close  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  nearly 
all  these  rulers  were  alike  atrociously  corrupt;  and  that  the 


FRAGMENTARY  ITALY  463 

masses  of  the  people  were  as  bad  as  the  rulers.  Through  all 
the  grades  of  society  the  strong  trampled  upon  the  weak. 

In  the  confederacy  between  Ferdinand  and  Louis,  there 
was  peculiar  infamy  attending  the  perfidy  of  Spain.  With 
villany  which  extorts  from  history  its  most  uncompromising 
denunciations,  Ferdinand  of  Spain  offered,  with  his  troops, 
to  assist  the  king  of  Naples  to  repel  the  French  invasion. 
Gratefully  Frederic  accepted  this  offer  of  his  relative,  and 
placed  all  his  fortresses  in  the  possession  of  the  Spanish 
troops.  With  consummate  hypocrisy  Ferdinand  dissembled 
to  the  last  moment,  and  then  threw  off  the  mask  as  the 
French  battalions  resistlessly  crossed  the  frontiers.  The 
unfortunate  monarch,  betrayed  beyond  redemption,  was 
compelled  to  abandon  his  kingdom,  and  to  seek  the  re- 
treat which  his  conquerors  condescended  to  grant  him,  in 
the  island  of  Ischia.     He  ended  his  days  an  exile  in  France. 

The  two  regal  bandits  quarrelled  over  their  spoil  and 
soon  drew  their  swords  against  each  other.  The  arimes 
came  to  a  general  engagement  near  the  castle  of  Cerignoles, 
in  Apulia,  and  the  French  were  totally  defeated.  Spain 
now  claimed  entire  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 
But  France  sent  another  army  into  the  disputed  kingdom. 
This  army  also  the  Spaniards  cut  to  pieces.  Louis  XII., 
menaced  by  an  insurrection  with  the  loss  of  his  duchy  of 
Milan,  abandoned  the  contest.  Such  was  the  introduction 
of  the  dominion  of  Spain  over  the  Neapolitan  states.  Gon- 
salvo  de  Cordova  achieved,  for  his  Spanish  master,  this  im- 
portant conquest.  Notwithstanding  the  perfidy  which  dis- 
graced his  exploits,  his  heroic  courage  and  military  genius 
have  secured  to  him  the  appellation  of  the  Great  Captain. 

About  the  year  1510,  the  energetic  pope,  Julius  II., 
formed  the  design  of  expelling  all  foreign  domination  from 
Italy.  The  warlike  pontiff,  leading  his  troops  in  person, 
commenced  operations  against  the  French.  After  a  few 
successes,  the  papal  army  was  entirely  routed,  and  the 
pope  fled  to  Kome  for  safety.  But  soon  Julius  II.  formed 
a  coalition  with  Spain  and  Venice,  under  the  title  of  the 


464  ITALY 

holy  league.  Henry  YIII.  of  England  also  enlisted  under 
the  papal  banners,  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  make  war  upon 
France.  Louis  XII.  with  heroic  energy  summoned  his 
strength  to  meet  this  formidable  alliance.  Gaston  de  Foix, 
duke  of  Nemours,  a  general  of  extraordinary  abilities,  took 
the  lead  of  the  French  armies. 

The  hostile  troops  lirst  met  at  Brescia.  The  conflict 
raged  through  the  streets  of  the  city,  and  eight  thousand 
of  the  citizens  perished  in  indiscriminate  massacre.  The 
terrific  energy  of  de  Foix  was  triumphant,  and  the  city  was 
surrendered  for  several  days  to  all  the  horrors  which  could 
follow  a  successful  assault.  Flushed  with  this  victory,  and 
strengthened  by  recruits  from  France,  the  duke  of  Nemours 
marched  to  Eomagna,  and  again  met  his  foes  under  the 
walls  of  Ravenna.  After  the  battle  of  a  few  hours,  ten 
thousand  men  were  strewed  in  gory  death  over  the  plain, 
and  again  victory  was  with  the  French.  But  in  the  very 
last  charge  Gaston  de  Foix  fell,  an  illustrious  general,  a 
ferocious  and  brutal  man. 

Though  the  French  battalions  were  victorious,  they  had 
lost  their  general,  their  best  captains,  and  the  flower  of  their 
troops.  The  allied  armies,  hereby  strengthened,  crowded 
them  so  vehemently  that  they  were  compelled  to  retreat. 
Disaster  succeeded  disaster,  and  the  whole  French  force 
was  driven  out  of  Italy.  In  the  meantime  the  Swiss  and 
the  emperor  of  Germany  had  entered  into  this  holy  league. 
But  now  fierce  conflict  arose  among  the  coalesced  powers  re- 
specting the  division  of  the  spoil.  In  the  midst  of  this  strife 
Julius  11.  died. 

Giovanni  de'  Medici,  second  son  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnifi- 
cent, and  who  had  been  the  bo}'  cardinal,  succeeded  Julius 
11.  on  the  pontifical  throne,  with  the  title  of  Leo  X.  Al- 
most immediately  upon  the  accession  of  Leo  X.  the  holy 
league  was  dissolved.  Louis  XII.  formed  a  new  alliance 
with  the  Venetian  republic,  crossed  the  Alps,  and  again 
invaded  the  duchy  of  Milan.  The  Swiss  rushed  to  the  aid 
of  Lombardy;    the  French  were  routed  with   tremendous 


FRAGMENTARY    ITALY  465 

slaughter,  and  Louis  XII. ,  soon  after  receiving  the  tidings 
of  this  check  upon  his  ambition,  was,  by  sudden  death, 
summoned  to  God's  bar. 

Francis  I.  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  France,  and  im- 
mediately commenced  operations  to  retrieve  the  disgraces 
of  the  French  arms,  and  to  reassert  his  title  to  the  ducal 
crown  of  Milan.  The  French  monarch  led  his  troops  in 
person,  and  met  the  Milanese  and  Swiss  at  Marignano.  All 
day  long  the  roar  of  battle  continued.  Night  closed  upon 
the  combatants.  For  four  hours  more  the  mingled  armies 
fought  by  moonlight,  until  the  moon  went  down  and  friends 
could  no  longer  be  discerned  from  foes.  In  the  earliest 
dawn  of  the  morning  the  battle  was  renewed.  Twenty 
thousand  dead  then  covered  the  ground. 

"I  have  been,"  said  Marshal  Trivulzio,  "in  eighteen 
pitched  battles.  But  every  other  seems  to  me  like  child's 
play  compared  with  this  battle  of  giants." 

At  length  the  Swiss  and  Milanese  slowly  and  menacingly 
retired  and  the  French  did  not  dare  to  pursue.  This  horri- 
ble butchery  led  to  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Switzerland;  and 
France  recovered  the  whole  duchy  of  Milan.  The  Swiss, 
not  much  to  their  honor,  changed  masters,  entered  into 
alliance  with  Francis  I.,  engaging  to  supply  him  with  such 
infantry  as  he  needed  for  the  prosecution  of  his  wars. 

Leo  X.  with  characteristic  policy  ranged  himself  on  the 
side  of  the  victors,  and  by  so  doing  gained  supreme  control 
over  the  French  church.  On  the  fifteenth  of  January,  Fer- 
dinand of  Spain  died,  and  his  grandson,  Charles  V.,  suc- 
ceeded to  the  Spanish  kingdoms,  Spain  now  was  in  pos- 
session of  Naples;  Lombardy  was  held  by  France;  the 
emperor  of  Grermany  was  ravaging  the  realms  of  Venice, 
in  the  attempt  to  annex  those  realms  to  Austria.  Leo  X. 
was  in  possession  of  the  states  of  the  church,  and  his 
nephew,  Lorenzo  II.  of  Medici,  was  duke  of  the  states  of 
Florence.  There  were  also  sundry  small  dukedoms  not 
deserving  of  notice.  Such  was  the  aspect  of  dismembered 
and  subjugated  Italy. 


466  ITALY 

On  the  nineteenth  of  February,  1519,  the  emperor  Maxi- 
milian died,  leaving  all  his  hereditary  states  of  Austria  to 
his  grandson,  Charles  V.  of  Spain.  Charles  V.  thus  became 
by  far  the  most  powerful  monarch  in  Europe.  Leo  X.  en- 
tered into  a  secret  treaty  with  him  to  drive  the  French  out 
of  Italy.  The  terms  were  all  agreed  upon,  and  the  com- 
bined army  had  successfully  entered  the  Milanese  territory, 
when  Leo  X.  suddenly  died,  on  the  first  of  December,  1521. 

The  influence  of  the  emperor  Charles  V.  placed  a  Flem- 
ish ecclesiastic,  who  had  formerly  been  his  tutor,  on  the 
pontifical  throne,  with  the  title  of  Pope  Adrian  VI.  The 
French,  however,  were  driven  out  of  the  Milanese  duchy, 
and  the  great  emperor  of  Spain  and  Germany  became  domi- 
nant over  the  Italian  peninsula.  The  pontifical  reign  of 
Leo  X.  is  remarkable  for  the  luxurious  profusion  of  his 
court,  for  the  scandalous  sale  of  indulgences,  to  meet  his 
enormous  expenditures  of  war  and  ambition,  and  for  the 
Reformation  which  was  consequently  provoked.  France 
was  too  powerful  to  surrender  her  Italian  possessions  with- 
out a  struggle,  and  the  war  was  long,  bloody,  brutal,  and 
creative  of  unspeakable  misery. 

Adrian  VI.  was  an  austere  man,  of  simplicity  of  man- 
ners, purity  of  morals,  and  sincerity  of  views.  The  volup- 
tuous, dissolute  Romans  detested  him.  They  called  him 
the  Barbarian  Pontiffs  and  indeceutly  and  openly  rejoiced 
at  his  death,  which  occurred  after  a  reign  of  two  years. 
Clement  VII.  was  his  successor.  Army  after  army  Francis 
I.  had  sent  into  Lombardy  only  to  be  destroyed.  At  length 
he  led  an  immense  force  himself,  and  succeeded  in  taking 
the  city  of  Milan.  He  then  laid  siege  to  Pavia.  Through 
the  long,  cold  months  of  winter  his  army  was  struggling  to 
batter  down  the  walls.  In  February  the  imperial  troops 
approached  to  aid  the  defenders,  and,  after  a  murderous 
battle,  the  French  were  utterly  routed,  and  the  monarch 
himself  taken  prisoner. 

Charles  V.  was  now  master  of  Italy.  Clement  VII. 
awoke  to  the  consciousness  that  Italian  independence  was 


FRAGMENTARY   ITALY  467 

gone.  The  throne  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  the  iron  crown  of 
Lombardj,  the  scepter  of  the  Adriatic,  and  the  keys  of  St. 
Peter,  were  all  virtually  in  the  hands  of  the  emperor. 
Clement  YYi.  formed  an  alliance  with  Henry  VIII.  of 
England  and  Francis  I.  of  France,  who  had  been  released 
from  his  captivity,  to  wrest  Lombardy  from  the  emperor. 
Florence,  Venice,  and  the  old  duke  of  Milan  were  also  con- 
federates in  this  "holy  league."  But  the  emperor  was  too 
powerful  for  them  all.  Battles  were  fought,  cities  sacked 
and  burned,  harvests  destroyed,  and  thousands  of  families 
perished  in  misery,  through  pestilence,  famine,  and  the 
sword.  Through  all  the  dark  record  of  Italian  history  we 
can  find  no  record  more  dismal  than  that  of  the  six  years 
which  followed  the  death  of  Leo  X. 

The  legions  of  Charles  V.  trampled  Italy  beneath  their 
feet.  God  seemed  to  empty  upon  Home  the  vials  of  His 
wrath.  The  venerable  capital  of  Christendom  was  taken 
by  storm,  A  demoniac  army  of  twenty-five  thousand  men, 
on  the  sixth  of  May,  1527,  scaled  the  walls,  and  swept,  in 
all  horrible  outrages,  through  the  doomed  city.  Neither 
Goth  nor  Vandal  had  displayed  such  ferocity.  No  tongue 
can  tell  the  scenes  which  ensued;  no  imagination  can  exag- 
gerate them.  For  nine  months  the  wretched  inhabitans  of 
Eome  were  exposed  to  spoliation  and  outrage.  In  the  midst 
of  all  these  horrors  the  plague  broke  out.  The  sacred  city ! 
Pandemonium  could  hardly  rival  it  in  crime,  misery,  and 
despair. 

The  pope  and  thirteen  cardinals  were  taken  captive  by 
the  Spaniards,  and  for  six  months  were  closely  imprisoned 
in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.  The  pope  was  at  length  al- 
lowed to  escape,  after  having  paid  four  hundred  thousand 
ducats  for  his  ransom.  Still,  for  two  years,  the  savage  war- 
fare raged,  the  ranks  of  all  the  armies  being  filled  with  the 
most  fiend-like  men  who  could  be  gathered  from  all  the 
haunts  of  beggary  and  crime  in  Europe.  Charles  V.  was 
triumphant,  and  the  fate  of  Italy  seemed  to  be  sealed. 

Florence  alone  refused  to  bow  her  neck  to  the  emperor. 


468  ITALY 

The  pope  and  Naples  infamously  joined  Charles  V,  to  crush, 
the  heroic  republic.  The  imperial  army,  under  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  entered  Tuscany  forty  thousand  strong.  The 
struggle  was  short,  bloody,  horrible;  and  Florence  fell  to 
rise  no  more.  Her  death-groan  was  heard  in  the  cry  of 
eight  thousand  of  her  citizens  cut  down  by  the  destroyer; 
but  they  dragged  with  them,  mangled  and  lifeless  into  the 
tomb,  fourteen  thousand  of  their  murderers.  What  a  baud, 
to  stand  side  by  side  in  the  same  hour  before  God's  tribunal! 

Italy  no  longer  had  a  national  existence.  For  nearly 
three  centuries  of  poverty,  slavery,  and  dishonor  her  his- 
tor}''  remains  almost  a  blank.  Strangers  governed  her  large 
provinces;  and  the  dukedoms  and  marquisates  degenerated 
into  the  small  change  which  the  great  monarchs  of  Europe 
handed  to  their  younger  children.  Still  diabolical  war  spread 
its  miseries  in  all  directions,  as  the  despots  of  Europe  fought 
incessantly  over  their  prey,  like  famished  dogs  gnawing  at  a 
bone.  Petty  duchies  were  created  and  extinguished.  Ter- 
ritories were  annexed  and  detached.  There  was  constant 
change,  but  no  progress,  no  improvement.  There  was  a 
short  period  of  forty  years,  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  when  Italy  enjoyed  the  repose  which  may  be 
found  among  a  gang  of  slaves  whipped  into  the  most  ab- 
ject subjection.  Still  the  Italian  people  were  compelled  to 
leave  their  homes  to  fight  in  foreign  lands  the  battles  of 
their  masters. 

Naples,  including  Sicily,  was  governed  by  viceroys  sent 
from  Spain,  who  wrested  incredible  sums  from  the  wretched 
Neapolitans,  by  all  the  ingenious  measures  of  taxation  and 
extortion.  The  duchy  of  Milan  was  in  like  manner  under 
the  administration  of  a  Spanish  governor. 

The  Reformation,  which  had  commenced  in  Grerraany, 
and  spread  through  France  and  England,  had  exerted  but 
a  slight  influence  over  benighted,  enslaved  Italy.  Several 
insignificant  popes  lived  and  died,  until  in  1555  the  tiara 
descended  to  the  brow  of  Paul  IV.  He  summoned  all  hia 
energies  to  crush  the  Reformation,  establishing  the  inquisi' 


FRAGMENTARY   ITALY  469 

tion  at  Rome,  and  filling  himself  the  office  of  grand  inquis- 
itor. A  long  series  of  successors  followed  in  his  footsteps, 
eight  having  passed  from  the  pontifical  chair  to  the  tomb  in 
the  short  space  of  fifty  years.  These  all  were  greatly  under 
thr  domination  of  Spain.  The  civil  government  of  the  popes 
was  as  bad  as  bad  could  be.  They  frowned  down  popular 
intelligence,  extorted  enormous  taxes,  established  ruinous 
monopolies,  paralyzed  industry,  and  banished  population. 
Vast  tracts  were  abandoned  to  malaria  and  sterility.  Mus- 
sulman corsairs  ravaged  the  coasts  of  Italy,  and  bandit 
hordes  infested  the  interior  of  the  country,  despising  the 
imbecile  government. 

Pope  Paul  III.,  wishing  to  make  provision  for  one  of 
his  natural  sons,  detached  from  the  Homan  see  a  small 
expanse  of  territory,  about  as  large  as  Ehode  Island,  and 
placed  the  young  man,  acknowledged  as  his  son,  but  judi- 
ciously called  in  public  his  nephew,  in  possession  as  duke 
of  Parma.  This  first  duke  of  Parma  was  as  detestable  for 
his  tyranny  as  for  his  debaucheries.  By  the  utmost  extor- 
tion, in  the  shape  of  taxation  in  every  form  which  ingenuity 
could  devise,  he  was  able  to  wrench  from  his  half  a  million 
of  subjects  a  revenue  amounting  to  about  one  million  of 
dollars  a  year — and  all  this  by  what  is  called  divine  right. 
The  subsequent  history  of  this  dukedom  is  full  of  the  ro- 
mance of  iniquity. 

Tuscan}?-,  about  the  size  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts, 
and  with  a  population  of  a  million  and  a  half,  became  a 
grand  duchy,  administered  by  a  grandduke,  ever  sustained 
by  some  foreign  power.  A  more  beautiful  realm,  in  all  of 
Nature's  gifts,  is  not  gladdened  by  the  sun.  The  grand- 
duke could  without  great  difficulty  extort  from  it  an  annual 
revenue  amounting  to  four  million  five  hundred  thousand 
dollars. 


470  ITALY 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

ITALY   AT   THE    COMMENCEMENT   OF   THE    FRENCH 
REVOLUTION 

FROM  A.D.  1600  TO  A.D.  1796 

The  Duchy  of  Tuscany — Venice — State  of  Italy  in  the  Seventeenth  Cen- 
tury— The  Duchies  of  Parma  and  Modena — Rise  and  Aggrandizement 
of  the  Dukes  of  Savoy — Struggles  in  Genoa — War  of  the  Spanish  Suc- 
cession— Repose  in  Italy — Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle — Naples  under 
Spanish  Influence — The  Papal  Power — Italy  at  the  Commencement  of 
the  Revolution — Sardinia,  Tuscany,  Modena,  Genoa,  Lombard}',  Venice 
— War  against  France — Napoleon  in  Italy — His  Victories  and  his  Policy 

THE  emperor  Charles  V.  placed  Cosmo  de'  Medici  in  the 
ducal  chair  of  Florence,  and  Pope  Pius  V.  granted 
him  the  title  of  grandduke  of  Tuscany.  He  was  a 
cruel  and  perfidious  tyrant. 

Cosmo  was  succeeded  by  Francisco,  a  duke  who  governed 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  poisoned  cup  and  the  dag- 
ger, and  who  lapped  blood  with  the  greed  of  a  bloodhound. 
He  married  Bianca  Cabello,  the  daughter  of  a  nobleman  of 
Venice.  She  was  the  wife  of  a  young  Florentine.  Francis- 
co saw  her,  and,  inflamed  by  her  marvellous  beauty,  invited 
her  and  her  husband  to  his  palace,  and  assassinated  her  hus- 
band. His  own  wife  died  just  at  that  time,  probably  by  poi- 
son, and  the  grandduke  married  Bianca.  His  brother,  the 
cardinal  Ferdinando,  displeased  with  the  union,  presented 
them  each  with  a  goblet  of  poisoned  wine,  and  they  sank 
into  the  grave  together.  Ferdinando,  the  cardinal,  by  this 
treachery  and  fratricide  became  grandduke. 

During  the  whole  of  the  seventeenth  century  Italy  re- 
mained essentially  unchanged.  Chastised  into  submission, 
impoverished,  and  unarmed,  she  forgot  her  former  glory, 
and  seemed  almost  inured  to  her  debased  condition.  The 
several  despotic  governments  into  which  the  peninsula  was 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  471 

divided  became  permanently  estabiislied.  The  people  became 
submissive  slaves,  and  the  rulers,  having  but  little  occasion 
for  violence,  sank  into  effeminate  and  feeble  nonentities. 
Italian  vitality  had  subsided  into  the  repose  of  the  tomb. 
All  social  ties  were  loosened,  domestic  life  lost  all  its 
sacredness,  impurity  in  high  life  became  the  rule,  not  the 
exception,  and  universal  corruption  seems  to  have  reigned 
throughout  the  peninsula. 

During  the  whole  of  this  century,  Naples,  Sicily,  Milan, 
and  Sardinia  were  under  the  dominion  of  Spain,  governed 
by  viceroys  whose  rapacity  was  boundless.  From  the  king- 
dom of  Naples  alone  Spain  extorted  an  annual  revenue  of 
fifteen  millions  of  dollars.  Ten  millions  of  this  were  sent  to 
Spain.  Everything  was  taxed  upon  which  a  tax  could  be 
laid;  and  the  young  men  were  drawn  into  the  Spanish 
armies  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  emperor  all  over  Europe. 

The  papal  states  remained  essentially  unchanged.  Four- 
teen popes  occupied,  during  the  century,  the  chair  of  St. 
Peter;  but  no  one  of  these  attained  any  special  prominence. 
The  pontifical  power  was  all  the  time  slowly  but  surely  de- 
caying. 

The  little  duchy  of  Parma  had  a  succession  of  dukes 
whose  lives  were  shortened  by  their  dissipation,  and  not 
one  of  whom  merits  any  notice  except  for  his  crimes. 
During  their  short  reigns  they  rioted  in  all  the  licentious 
indulgence  which  their  limited  incomes  and  their  obscure 
courts  could  afford. 

The  duchy  of  Modena  had  been  gradually  formed  with 
varying  fortunes  of  enlargement  and  curtailment,  until  it 
consisted  of  an  area  of  about  two  thousand  square  miles, 
with  a  population  of  about  half  a  million.  In  size,  popu- 
lation, revenue,  and  in  the  character  of  its  rulers  it  was 
much  like  Parma. 

Mantua  and  Tuscany  were  also  duchies  during  this  cen- 
tury, now  in  alliance  with  one  power  and  again  with  an- 
other; but  never  independent.  There  was  in  their  inglo- 
rious history  during  this  century  nothing  worthy  of  notice. 


472  ITALY 

Duke  Ferdinand  I.,  to  attract  the  trade  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean to  the  shores  of  Tuscany,  selected  the  castle  of  Leg- 
horn for  a  free  port,  greatly  improved  its  harbor,  and  a 
town  rapidly  arose  from  this  site,  which  eventually  became 
one  of  the  most  prosperous  maritime  cities  of  Italy. 

It  so  chanced  that  the  duchy  of  Savoy  inherited  a  suc- 
cession of  very  able  dukes,  men  bold,  energetic,  ambitious, 
and  ever  greedy  for  encroachments.  Its  dukes  were  thor- 
ough despots,  and  yet  far  more  respectable  despots  than 
most  of  the  other  rulers  of  Italy.  The  duchies  of  Savoy 
and  Piedmont  had  been  united  in  one  dukedom,  containing 
an  area  of  about  ten  thousand  square  miles,  and  a  popula- 
tion of  two  millions.  It  was  thus  in  population  and  extent 
of  territory  a  rival  even  of  the  grandduchy  of  Tuscany.  As 
Savoy  was  much  the  smaller  province,  and  was  cut  off  from 
Piedmont  by  the  Alps,  the  dukes  of  Savoy,  to  use  the  lan- 
guage of  an  Italian  historian,  regarded  their  transmontane 
domain  much  as  a  nobleman,  moving  in  the  splendor  of  a 
court,  regards  the  ancient  and  neglected  fief  from  which  he 
derives  his  title. 

The  duke  Charles  Emanuel,  with  energy,  made  a  mid- 
night attack  upon  Genoa,  hoping  to  add  that  republic  to 
his  domain;  but  he  failed.  This  duke,  an  intriguing  poli- 
tician and  an  unprincipled  warrior,  reigned  fifty  years. 
His  son,  Victor  Amadeus  I.,  who  succeeded  him,  married 
a  daughter  of  Henry  lY.  of  France.  He  died  leaving  the 
succession  to  a  son  four  years  of  age,  under  the  regency  of 
his  duchess,  the  child's  mother.  This  gave  France  great  in- 
fluence in  Piedmont. 

At  nine  years  of  age  the  young  duke  of  Savoy  nomin- 
ally commenced  his  reign,  with  the  title  of  Victor  Amadeus 
XL  He  developed  great  strength  of  character,  and  resist- 
ing the  arrogant  demands  of  Louis  XIV.  of  France  for  six 
years,  aided  by  Spain,  repelled  army  after  army  of  French 
invaders;  and  at  length  made  peace  without  the  loss  of  any 
of  his  territory.  By  this  war  Piedmont  acquired  much  mili- 
tary renown. 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUTION         473 

Genoa  was  on  the  decline.  Though  nominally  a  repub- 
lic, it  was  governed  by  seven  hundred  privileged  nobility, 
who  exclusively  possessed  the  rights  of  citizenship.  But 
there  was  a  moneyed  aristocracy  excluded  from  these  privi- 
eges,  between  whom  and  the  nobility  of  birth  there  were  bit- 
ter feuds. 

The  merchant  princes,  led  by  one  of  the  most  opulent  of 
their  number,  Vachero,  and  encouraged  by  promises  of  aid 
from  the  duke  of  Savoy,  conspired  for  the  entire  extermina- 
tion of  the  oligarchy  by  sword  and  dagger,  and  the  intro- 
duction of  a  more  democratic  republic.  But  the  plot  was 
discovered,  and,  notwithstanding  the  threats  of  the  duke 
of  Savoy,  all  who  were  implicated  in  it  were  sent  to  the 
scaffold. 

On  the  first  of  November,  1699,  Charles  II.,  the  wretched 
king  of  Spain,  a  semi-idiot,  died  on  a  bed  of  mental  and  bod- 
ily anguish.  In  his  will,  which  had  been  extorted  from  him 
by  all  the  terrors  of  superstition,  he  bequeathed  his  crown 
of  Spain  to  a  French  prince,  Philip  of  Anjou,  a  grandson 
of  his  sister,  with  the  title  of  Philip  V.  Bj  the  rule  of 
hereditary  descent,  the  crown  should  have  passed  to  an 
Austrian  prince,  the  son  of  the  emperor  Leopold  I.  and 
his  wife  Margaret.  The  Austrian  prince  was  consequently 
crowned  in  Vienna  king  of  Spain,  with  the  title  of  Charles 
III.  And  now  commenced  the  renowned  war,  which  put 
all  the  armies  of  Europe  on  the  march,  called  the  war  of 
the  Spanish  succession,  and  which  for  fourteen  years  del- 
uged the  continent  in  blood. 

Both  of  these  newly-crowned  kings  were  mere  boys. 
Louis  XIV.  of  France  was  the  prime  agent  for  the  one; 
Leopold  I.  of  Austria  for  the  other.  The  Spanish  court 
immediately  sent  orders  to  the  viceroys  and  governors  of 
Naples,  Milan,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  the  Tuscan  governors 
to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  Philip  V.,  and  to  prepare 
to  defend  his  claims.  At  the  same  time  Louis  XIV.  sent  to 
Victor  Amadeus  II.,  duke  of  Savoy,  to  be  ready  to  support 
the  same  cause.      Eno;land  and  Holland  allied  themselves 


474  '   ITALY 

with  Austria.  Nearly  all  the  other  monarchies  of  Europe 
were  with  France.  Never  before  had  Europe  been  plunged 
into  such  embroilment.  Italy  became  the  great  battlefield, 
swept  by  the  French  and  the  Austrian  allied  armies,  in  the 
most  desolating  and  sanguinary  war. 

In  this  long  contest  the  Bourbon  prince  was  nominally 
victor.  All  parties,  exhausted,  bleeding,  impoverished, 
were  glad  to  come  to  terms.  By  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  on 
the  seventh  of  September,  1714,  though  Philip  V.  was  rec- 
ognized as  king  of  Spain,  all  of  his  Italian  possessions  he 
was  compelled  to  surrender  to  Austria.  Victor  Amadeus 
II.,  duke  of  Savoy  and  Piedmont,  gained  the  island  of 
Sicily,  and,  with  this  enlargement  of  his  domain,  was  en- 
titled to  encircle  his  brow  with  a  regal  crown.  The  Ne- 
apolitan kingdom,  the  island  of  Sardinia,  and  the  duchies 
of  Milan,  Mantua,  and  Tuscany  all  passed  under  the  scep- 
tre of   Austria.     Italy  merely  changed  masters. 

Four  years  after  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  a  new  quarrel 
sprang  up  among  the  European  monarchies,  and  as  one  of 
the  results  of  the  war  the  duke  of  Savoy  relinquished  Sicily 
for  the  nearer  island  of  Sardinia,  and,  embracing  his  three 
realms  of  Savoy,  Piedmont  and  Sardinia  into  one  kingdom, 
gave  the  name  of  the  last  acquisition  to  the  whole,  and  as- 
sumed the  title  of  king  of  Sardinia.  The  entire  kingdom, 
as  thus  organized,  contained  a  population  of  a  little  more 
than  four  millions,  and  was  spread  over  an  area  of  twenty- 
eight  thousand  square  miles,  being  more  than  half  as  large 
as  the  State  of  Virginia.  It  was  the  only  portion  of  the 
Italian  peninsula,  if  we  except  the  papal  states,  which  was 
even  nominally  independent.  Its  independence,  however, 
could  only  be  secured  by  allying  itself  with  some  one  of  the 
great  monarchies — France,  Spain,  or  Austria. 

Italy,  thus  shackled,  enjoyed  a  sort  of  sepulchral  repose 
for  thirteen  years.  But  the  other  great  powers  of  Europe, 
in  incessant  intrigues,  were  continually  endeavoring  to  wrest 
from  each  other  these  Italian  provinces.  In  the  process  of 
these  efforts  Spain  gained  Parma  and  Tuscany;  and  then, 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUTION         475 

after  a  short  war,  took  possession  of  both  Naples  and  Sicily, 
while  France  and  Sardinia  united  wrested  Milan  and  Lom- 
bardy  from  Austria.  All  Europe  was  embroiled  in  war  in 
the  struggle  for  these  prizes.  After  deluging  the  continent 
in  blood  and  misery  until  all  parties  were  weary,  the  great 
powers  met  again  in  congress  at  Vienna,  in  1788,  to  agree  to 
terms  of  peace.  The  kingdom  of  Naples,  inckiding  Sicily, 
was  surrendered  to  Spain.  France  took  Lombardy  and 
Parma,  with  which  duchy  Placentia  had  been  united. 
Austria  retained  only  Milan  and  Mantua.  But  an  Aus- 
trian prince,  Francis,  duke  of  Lorraine,  who  had  married 
Maria  Thesesa,  afterward  the  renowned  empress  of  Austria, 
received  the  grandduchy  of  Tuscany  in  forcible  exchange 
for  his  hereditary  estates,  which  were  grasped  by  the  em- 
peror Charles  YI. ,  the  father  of  Maria  Theresa. 

In  two  years  Charles  VI.  died,  and  again  Europe  sprang 
to  arms;  and  again  for  seven  years  wretched,  helpless  Italy 
was  grasped  by  the  belligerents,  as  they  attempted  to  tear 
her  limb  from  limb.  In  1748,  having  buried  their  dead  and 
wiped  their  gory  swords,  the  monarchs  sat  down  together  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  to  talk  over  terms  of  peace.  After  much 
deliberation  they  agreed  that  Austria  should  retain  Milan 
and  Mantua;  but  that  Francis  of  Lorraine,  who  had  now 
become  emperor,  should  renounce  Tuscany,  and  that  it 
should  be  an  independent  state,  under  the  government  of 
a  younger  member  of  the  imperial  house.  The  kingdom 
of  Naples  was  also  declared  to  be  independent,  but  to  be 
placed  under  a  king  of  the  Spanish  house  of  Bourbon.  The 
united  duchy  of  Parma  and  Placentia  was  also  nominally 
independent,  though  it  was  surrendered  to  the  dominion  of 
a  Spanish  prince.  It  contained  a  population  of  five  hundred 
thousand,  an  army  of  three  thousand  troops,  and  furnished 
a  revenue  of  one  million  two  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
Sardinia  received  very  considerable  accessions  from  the 
duchy  of  Milan.  The  other  states  of  Italy  remained  in  their 
former  condition.  Thus  Italy  again  enjoyed  peace,  but  it 
was  the  peace  of  abject  slavery.     The  peninsula  was  cut  up 


476  ITALY 

into  petty  provinces,  and  over  nearly  all  of  them  foreign 
rulers  were  stationed. 

The  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  settled  the  destiny  of  Italy 
for  forty  years.  During  all  this  time  hardly  anything  oc- 
curred worthy  of  notice.  Religion  had  sunk  into  a  debasing 
superstition;  popular  education  was  frowned  down.  The 
only  object  of  the  rulers  was,  by  every  form  of  taxation, 
to  wrest  as  much  money  as  possible  from  their  subjects;  and 
consequently  Italy  made  but  little  more  progress  than  might 
have  been  expected  in  the  same  time  from  a  plantation  of 
American  or  Cuban  slaves.  Still  peace  brought  a  measure 
of  prosperity,  and  in  several  of  the  states,  where  there 
chanced  to  be  rulers  of  some  little  patriotism  and  enlighten- 
ment, there  was  considerable  progress. 

The  Spanish  prince,  Charles  VII.,  governed  Naples  for 
twenty-one  years.  Though  not  a  man  of  much  ability,  he 
was  well  meaning,  and  Naples  had  not  been  so  well  gov- 
erned for  ages.  Many  noble  public  works  still  embellish  the 
capital,  which  are  the  honorable  trophies  of  his  reign.  By 
the  death  of  his  elder  brother,  Ferdinand  IV.,  of  Spain,  in 
1759,  Charles  VII.  of  Naples  succeeded  to  the  Spanish 
throne,  which  he  ascended  with  the  title  of  Charles  III, 
His  eldest  son  was  almost  an  idiot.  His  second  son,  in  con- 
sequence, would  be  the  lawful  successor  of  Charles  to  the 
crown.  Therefore  to  the  third  son,  who  was  then  a  boy  of 
but  nine  years  of  age,  the  sceptre  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
was  assigned.  He  took  the  title  of  Ferdinand  IV,  The 
king  of  Spain  was  regent  during  the  minority  of  his  son, 
and  ever  after  continued  to  exert  a  controlling  influence 
over  the  councils  of  the  Neapolitan  kingdom.  Thus  though 
Naples  was  nominally  independent,  it  was  virtually  but  a 
province  of  Spain. 

Soon,  however,  another  element  of  influence  was  intro- 
duced which  essentially  modified  this  Spanish  control, 
Ferdinand  VII.  when  in  his  nineteenth  year  married  the 
princess  Caroline  of  Austria,  daughter  of  the  imperial  Maria 
Theresa,  and  sister  of  Marie  Antoinette,  who  subsequently 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  477 

married  Louis  XVI.  of  France.  She  was  an  ambitious 
woman,  impassioned,  and  dictatorial,  and  she  soon  gained 
absolute  control  over  the  mind  of  her  feeble  husband. 
Such  was  the  condition  of  Naples  when  the  French  devo- 
lution dawned  upon  Europe,  Nominally  independent,  it 
was  so  connected  with  Spain  and  Austria,  that  it  was  sure 
to  co-operate  with  those  two  despotisms  in  the  endeavor  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  free  institutions.  The  kingdom  con- 
sisted of  two  somewhat  distinct  portions — the  continental 
and  the  island  of  Sicily.  The  continental  embraced  an  area 
of  thirty-one  thousand  square  miles,  and  a  population  of 
six  millions.  Sicily  had  nearly  two  millions  of  inhabitants 
spread  over  ten  thousand  square  miles.  The  army  of  the 
kingdom  amounted  to  forty  thousand  regular  troops,  and 
fifteen  thousand  militia.  Its  revenue  amounted  to  twenty- 
two  million  dollars. 

The  papal  states  were  never  so  well  governed  as  during 
the  eighteenth  century.  Several  popes,  in  succession,  were 
intrusted  with  the  keys  and  the  tiara,  who,  in  contrast  to 
several  of  their  predecessors  in  office,  were  men  of  great 
moral  excellence  and  high  intellectual  accomplishments. 
But  their  good  intentions  could  not  obviate  the  inevitable 
evils  of  a  system  which  in  spite  of  its  civilizing  influences 
yet  insisted  upon  the  abrogation  of  free  inquiry,  and  of 
the  rights  of  private  judgment.  The  progress  of  mind  in 
the  other  kingdoms  of  Europe  had  so  weakened  both  the 
temporal  and  the  spiritual  powers  of  the  popes,  that  they 
could  no  longer  domineer  over  princes  and  nations.  In  the 
wars  which  desolated  Italy,  the  only  safety  of  the  popes  was 
to  remain  as  neutral  as  possible,  while  they  threw  them- 
selves upon  the  protection  of  the  strongest  side.  Still  the 
papal  states  were  repeatedly  ravaged. 

In  1775,  Pius  VI.  ascended  the  papal  throne.  The  popu- 
lation of  the  papal  states  was  then  about  two  million  five 
hundred  thousand.  The  army  numbered  five  thousand  men. 
All  the  territory  of  the  pope  united,  consisting  of  states  of 
various  names  and  sizes,  embracing  an  area  of  seventeen  thou- 


478  ITALY 

sand  square  miles,  being  equal  to  a  little  more  than  one-half 
of  the  state  ol  Maine.  The  revenue  of  the  pope  amounted 
to  about  nine  million  of  dollars. 

"Italy,"  said  Victor  Amadeus  II.,  "is  like  an  artichoke. 
We  must  eat  it  leaf  by  leaf."  The  dukes  of  Savoy  first  ate 
Piedmont,  then  the  island  of  Sardinia,  and  thus  established 
the  kingdom  of  Sardinia.  But  their  appetite  was  not  yet 
appeased.  They  then  consumed  the  duchy  of  Montferrat, 
and  several  other  important  contiguous  territories,  to  round 
out  and  consolidate  their  prosperous  kingdom.  By  the  peace 
of  Utrecht,  in  1783,  Sardinia  gained  a  large  slice  of  the 
duchy  of  Milan.  By  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  1748, 
the  eastern  frontier  of  Sardinia  was  extended  to  lake  Mag- 
giore  and  to  the  river  Ticino.  Victor  Amadeus  II.  was  a 
very  able  man,  and  he  devoted  his  reign  of  sixteen  years 
energetically  to  the  promotion  of  the  prosperity  of  his  peo- 
ple. At  the  same  time  he  paid  especial  attention  to  the 
construction  of  fortresses,  and  to  the  discipline  of  his  army. 
He  thus,  small  as  his  kingdom  was  in  territorial  extent, 
attained  a  prominent  position  among  the  second  class  mon- 
archies of  Europe. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Charles  Emanuel  III.,  who 
was  equally  illustrious  as  a  general,  a  politician,  and  a  king. 
His  military  power  was  such  that  at  a  day's  warning  he 
could  take  the  field  with  an  army  of  forty  thousand  men, 
highly  disciplined  and  supplied  with  all  the  materials  of 
scientific  warfare.  He  could  also  promptly  call  into  mili- 
tary array  a  militia  of  fifteen  thousand  men.  Under  his 
reign  a  very  magnificent  chain  of  fortresses  was  reared 
along  the  Alpine  frontier,  to  protect  him  from  encroach- 
ments on  the  side  of  France.  Victor  Amadeus  III.  suc- 
ceeded Charles  Emanuel  III.,  and  it  was  during  his  reign 
that  the  storm  of  war,  which  the  French  revolution  origi- 
nated, burst  upon  Europe.  The  whole  area  of  the  kingdom 
of  Sardinia  amounted  to  twenty-nine  thousand  square  miles, 
being  very  nearly  of  the  same  size  with  the  state  of  Maine. 
The  united   population  of  the  three  provinces  of   Savoy, 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  479 

Piedmont,  and  the  island  of  Sardinia  was  about  four  mil- 
lions, producing  a  revenue  to  tlie  monarchy  of  fourteen 
millions  of  dollars. 

Tuscany  in  past  ages  had  been  cursed  almost  beyond 
endurance  with  miserable  dukes,  debauched  and  tyran- 
nical. Cosmo  III.  and  Giovanni  Castone  were  thoroughly 
despicable  men.  Francis,  duke  of  Lorraine,  to  whom  the 
duchy  was  assigned  by  the  peace  of  Vienna,  had  married 
Maria  Theresa,  heiress  of  the  Austrian  throne.  He  seldom 
visited  Tuscany,  assigning  the  administration  to  his  agents. 
Upon  his  death  in  1765,  he  bequeathed  the  grandduchy  to 
his  second  son,  Peter  Leopold,  a  young  man  but  eighteen 
years  of  age.  Under  his  sway  the  little  realm  was  prosper- 
ous and  happy.  He  was  a  prince  truly  devoted  to  the  wel- 
fare of  his  people,  and  history  can  speak  of  him  with  rever- 
ence and  affection.  In  1790,  after  a  reign  of  twenty-seven 
years,  he  succeeded  to  the  empire  of  Austria,  and  trans- 
ferred Tuscany,  in  a  highly  flourishing  condition,  to  his 
second  son,  Ferdinand  Joseph.  He  also,  though  reigning 
with  absolute  power,  proved  an  excellent  prince,  and  Tus- 
cany was  happy.  The  snug,  compact  duchy  contained  a 
million  of  inhabitants,  with  a  regular  army  of  six  thousand 
troops,  and  a  revenue  of  one  and  a  half  million  of  dollars. 
Its  area  was  about  equal  to  that  of  the  state  of  Massa- 
chusetts. 

The  little  duchy  of  Modena  had  been  pillaged  again  and 
again  during  the  wars  of  the  Spanish  and  Austrian  suc- 
cession. W  ith  exceedingly  varied  fortunes  Francisco  III. 
reigned  over  Modena  for  forty-three  years,  until  1780,  when 
he  died,  and  his  son,  Ercole  III.,  already  an  old  man,  suc- 
ceeded him.  His  only  daughter  had  married  one  of  the 
Austrian  archdukes,  and  he  had  married  an  elder  sister 
ot  the  unhappy  Marie  Antoinette.  Thus  he  was,  by  the 
strong  ties  of  relationship,  in  sympathy  with  Austria,  and 
prepared  to  co-operate  with  the  emperor  in  his  political 
measures.  The  duchy  embraced  about  fifteen  hundred 
square   miles,   containing   four   hundred   thousand   inhabi- 


480  ITALY 

tants.  Nearly  six  thousand  men  were  kept  constantly 
under  arms. 

Genoa  had  not  then  been  incorporated  with  Sardinia,  but 
existed  in  nominal  independence,  calling  itself  a  republic. 
The  little  realm  was  governed  by  an  oligarchy  of  hereditary 
nobles,  who,  with  vigilance  never  surpassed  by  duke  or 
king,  guarded  against  the  extension  of  political  power  to 
the  people.  In  fact,  this  world  has,  perhaps,  never  seen 
despotisms  more  absolute  and  unrelenting  than  were  the 
republics  of  Genoa  and  Venice.  The  people  were  so  crushed 
that  they  ventured  not  even  to  squirm  beneath  the  heel 
which  trampled  them. 

In  the  war  of  the  Austrian  succession,  waged  by  France 
and  Spain  with  other  allied  powers  against  Maria  Theresa, 
Genoa  joined  the  allies  against  Austria.  In  one  of  the  cam- 
paigns the  French  and  Spaniards  were  driven  out  of  Italy. 
Genoa  was  captured  by  the  Austrians,  all  her  troops  taken 
prisoners  of  war;  all  her  military  and  warlike  stores  cap- 
tured; and  the  doge  and  six  of  his  fellows  were  compelled 
to  go  to  Vienna,  in  a  body,  and  implore  the  pardon  of  the 
queen.  The  exactions  and  outrages  perpetrated  by  the  Aus- 
trians in  Genoa  exceeded  all  bounds. 

At  length,  goaded  to  utter  desperation,  the  whole  city, 
men,  women,  and  children,  rose  in  revolt.  Stones,  furniture, 
clubs,  weapons  of  every  kind  the  hand  could  seize,  were 
brought  into  action.  In  twenty-fonr  hours  eight  thousand 
Austrians  were  killed  in  the  streets;  and,  with  the  loss  of 
all  their  artillery  and  much  of  the  material  of  war,  the  rem- 
nant was  driven  from  the  territory.  The  oligarchical  re- 
public embraced  an  area  of  about  twenty-five  hundred 
square  miles,  being  a  little  larger  than  the  state  of  Dela- 
ware. Its  inhabitants  did  not  exceed  six  hundred  thou- 
sand. This  heroic  deed,  achieved  by  the  energies  of  the 
populace  alone,  immediately  brought  France  to  the  aid  of 
Genoa,  and  Austria  was  baffled  in  all  her  attempts  to  regain 
the  city — though  aided  by  the  army  of  Sardinia.  The  peace 
of  Aix-la-Chap»lle,  which  soon  followed,  left  Genoa  to  inde- 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  481 

pendence,  but  still  under  the  swaj  of  its  degraded  and  de- 
based aristocracy. 

The  island  of  Corsica  had  belonged  to  Genoa.  It  is  sit- 
uated about  one  hundred  miles  south  of  the  city,  and  con- 
tained a  population  of  nearly  thirty  thousand,  spread  over 
a  mountainous  region  one  hundred  miles  long  and  forty-four 
miles  broad.  The  tyranny  of  the  Genoese  oligarchy  had 
driven  the  Corsicans  to  insurrection.  For  many  years  a 
war  of  exceeding  barbarity  devastated  the  island.  But  the 
Corsicans,  in  campaign  after  campaign,  repelled  their  assail- 
ants with  heroism,  which  gave  them  world-wide  renown. 
At  length  Genoa  applied  to  France  for  help  and  in  the 
course  of  negotiations  agreed  to  cede  Corsica  to  France  for 
a  valuable  pecuniary  consideration.  Still  three  campaigns 
of  the  troops  of  Louis  XV.  were  found  necessary  to  bring 
the  island  in  subjection  to  France.  Paoli  was  the  illustrious 
leader  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Corsican  troops  in  their 
battles  for  independence. 

Among  the  most  distinguished  of  the  families  of  Corsica 
at  that  time  was  that  of  the  Bonapartes.  Charles  Bona- 
parte, the  father  of  Napoleon,  then  a  young  lawyer,  fought 
heroically  in  these  wars  until,  overwhelmed  by  superior 
forces,  the  island  surrendered  itself  to  the  government  of 
France.  The  Genoese  ceded  this  island  to  France  in  the 
year  1768;  but  a  few  months  after  this,  on  the  fifteenth  of 
August,  1769,  Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  born,  in  the  city 
of  Ajaccio. 

Twelve  hundred  thousand  people,  inhabiting  the  rich 
and  beautiful  plains  of  Lombardy,  had  been  organized  into 
a  duchy,  embracing  an  area  of  nearly  eight  thousand  square 
miles,  being  about  the  size  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 
Milan  was  its  enlightened  capital.  The  state  belonged  to 
Austria,  and  was  governed  by  an  archduke. 

Yenice,  despoiled  alternately  by  Turk,  Spaniard,  French- 
man, and  Austrian,  had  fallen  into  weakness  and  disgrace. 
It  was  called  a  republic,  since,  instead  of  having  one  ruler, 
it  was  governed  by  a  senate  of  hereditary  nobles,  under  the 

Italy— 21 


482  ITALY 

presidency  of  a  doge  or  duke.  Thougli  the  Venetian  terri- 
tory at  this  time  embraced  a  population  of  three  millions, 
there  were  but  twenty-five  hundred  entitled  to  rights  of 
citizenship. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Italy  when  the  French  revolu- 
tion roused  the  hopes  of  the  masses  of  the  people  all  over 
Europe  that  the  hour  had  arrived  for  throwing  off  the  yoke 
of  aristocratic  domination.  The  enslaved  Italians,  hating 
their  foreign  masters,  watched  with  peculiar  interest  the 
progress  of  events  in  France,  and  were  eager  for  an  oppor- 
tunity to  grasp  their  arms  and  strike  for  independence. 
But  disarmed,  shackled,  overawed  by  foreign  troops,  and 
watched  with  the  utmost  vigilance,  that  they  might  have  no 
opportunity  to  confer  upon  united  action,  their  case  was 
manifestly  hopeless  without  some  foreign  aid.  Nearly  the 
whole  of  the  Italian  peninsula  was  at  that  time  directly  or 
indirectly  subject  to  Austria  or  to  Spain;  not  one  state 
of  Italy  being  held  by  France. 

As  soon  as  the  French  people  had  thrown  off  the  intoler- 
able yoke  of  the  Bourbons,  and  established  a  free  govern- 
ment under  a  written  constitution,  all  the  despotisms  in 
Europe  combined  for  the  overthrow  of  that  constitutional 
liberty,  the  re-establishment  of  the  Bourbons,  and  the  re- 
enslavement  of  the  French  people.  Austria  was  naturally 
very  prominent  in  this  coalition,  for  the  reigning  emperor 
was  brother  of  Marie  Antoinette.  Naples  and  Tuscany 
were  also  eager  to  march  upon  France,  for  the  queen  of 
Naples  and  the  duchess  of  Tuscany  were  sisters  of  the 
French  queen.  Austria,  consequently,  not  only  put  all 
the  armies  of  the  empire  in  motion,  but  called  into  requi- 
sition all  her  resources  in  Italy.  The  Austrian  rulers  of 
Naples,  Tuscany,  and  Lombardy,  with  all  those  who  gather 
around  the  dispensers  of  place  and  power,  were  eager  to  put 
down  all  the  advocates  of  popular  liberty.  But  the  masses 
of  the  Italian  people  were  equally  eager  to  call  the  French 
to  their  aid,  that  they  might  drive  out  their  Austrian  oppres- 
sors, and  establish,  in  beautiful  Italy  also,  free  institutions. 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  483 

Five  separate  armies  were  soon  organized  to  force  the 
Bourbon  despotism  upon  the  French  people.  One  of  these 
was  collected  on  the  plains  of  Piedmont.  The  little  prov- 
ince of  Savoy,  cut  off  from  Piedmont  by  the  Alps,  seemed 
naturally  to  belong  to  France.  Joyfully  the  Savoyards 
availed  themselves  of  this  opportunity  of  escaping  from 
Sardinia  and  throwing  themselves  into  the  arms  of  the 
great  republic.  The  court  of  Turin,  which  was  the  capital 
of  the  Sardinian  kingdom,  cordially  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  despots  of  Europe  against  French  freedom.  The  Na- 
tional Assembly  in  Paris  welcomed  Savoy  in  a  decree  which 
forcibly  states: 

"That  all  considerations,  j)hysical,  moral,  and  political, 
call  for  the  incorporation  of  Savoy.  All  attempts  to  con- 
nect it  with  Piedmont  are  fruitless.  The  Alps  eternally 
force  it  back  into  the  domains  of  France.  The  order  of 
nature  would  be  violated  if  they  were  to  live  under  different 
laws." 

An  army  of  forty  thousand  Piedmontese  and  Austrians 
was  posted  along  the  summits  of  the  Alps,  menacing  France 
with  invasion  so  soon  as  the  Austrians  and  Prussians  on  the 
Rhine  should  so  engage  the  attention  of  the  republican 
forces  as  to  prepare  the  way  for  their  march.  A  few 
French  battalions,  poorly  organized  and  provided,  watched 
their  foe,  with  occasional  skirmishes  on  those  arid  heights. 
The  French,  however,  succeeded  in  wresting  from  Sardinia 
a  small  province  of  Piedmont,  called  Nice,  situated  on  the 
southwestern  declivity  of  the  maritime  Alps.  It  embraced 
about  thirteen  hundred  square  miles  and  contained  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thousand  inhabitants.  Gradually  the  French 
drove  the  Austrio-Sardinians  back,  and  gained  command  of 
the  ridge  of  the  Alps  and  of  the  two  renowed  passes  of  Mt. 
Cenis  and  of  the  Little  St.  Bernard.  The  counsel  of  the 
young  general.  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  led  to  these  important 
movements. 

Early  in  the  year  1795  Austria  sent  fifteen  thousand 
troops  to  strengthen  the  Piedmontese  army,  thus  raising 


484  ITALY 

an  elective  force  of  fifty  thousand  men.  The  French, 
scattered  along  the  ridges  of  the  Alps,  freezing  and  starv- 
ing, amounted  to  forty-five  thousand.  The  Austrians  were 
encamped  in  the  warm  and  fertile  valleys  which  descend 
into  the  Italian  plains.  Some  fierce  battles  were  fought,  in 
which  the  French  gradually  drove  the  Austrians  back,  and 
made  some  little  progress  toward  the  plains  of  Piedmont. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  March,  1796,  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte was  placed  in  command  of  the  army  of  Italy.  He  was 
then  in  the  twenty-sixth  year  of  his  age.  The  army  con- 
sisted of  forty-two  thousand  men,  with  sixty  pieces  of  artil- 
lery. Perched  on  the  summits  of  the  mountains,  they  were 
in  a  state  of  extreme  exhaustion,  having  for  some  time  ex- 
isted on  half  a  ration  a  day.  The  officers  were  receiving  a 
dollar  and  sixty  cents  a  month;  the  cavalry  horses  were 
nearly  all  dead,  and  the  staff  was  entirely  on  foot.  Napo- 
leon, with  beardless  cheek  and  fragile  frame,  presenting  an 
aspect  of  almost  girlish  beauty,  hastened  to  headquarters 
and  thus  addressed  his  ragged  and  starving  veterans: 

"Soldiers!  you  are  almost  naked,  half  starved.  The 
government  owes  you  much  and  can  give  you  nothing. 
Your  patience,  your  courage,  in  the  midst  of  these  rocks 
are  admirable;  but  they  reflect  no  splendor  on  your  arms. 
I  am  to  conduct  you  into  the  most  fertile  plains  on  earth. 
Fertile  provinces,  opulent  cities  will  soon  be  in  your  power. 
There  you  will  find  rich  harvests,  honor  and  glory.  Soldiers 
of  Italy!  will  you  fail  in  courage  ?" 

On  the  twelfth  of  April  he  commenced  his  triumphant 
campaign  which  still  excites  the  wonder  of  the  world.  By 
the  first  of  May  the  Austrians  were  driven  out  of  Piedmont 
and  the  king  of  Sardinia  entered  into  a  treaty,  by  which  he 
renounced  the  coalition  against  France,  surrendered,  as  an 
indemnity  for  the  war,  Nice  and  Savoy  to  France,  and 
granted  Napoleon  a  free  passage  through  his  territories, 
to  pursue  his  foes,  the  Austrians,  into  the  duchy  of  Lorn- 
bardy.  Sweeping  all  opposition  before  him,  he  marched 
through  the  duchy  of  Parma  to  Milan,  the  capital  of  Lom- 


COMMENCEMENT  OF  FRENCH  REVOLUNION         485 

bard}^  which  he  entered  on  the  fifteenth  of  May  in  triumph, 
greeted  with  the  most  enthusiastic  acclaim  of  the  people. 
The  proclamation  which  Napoleon  addressed  to  his  soldiers 
rang  like  bugle  peals  through  Europe. 

"Soldiers,"  said  he,  "you  have  descended  like  a  torrent 
from  the  Apennines.  You  have  overwhelmed  everything 
which  has  opposed  you.  Piedmont,  delivered  from  the  tyr- 
anny of  Austria,  has  felt  at  liberty  to  indulge  its  natural 
inclination  for  peace  and  for  a  French  alliance.  Milan  is 
in  your  hands,  and  the  republican  standards  wave  over  the 
whole  of  Lombardy.  The  dukes  of  Parma  and  Modena  owe 
their  existence  only  to  your  generosity.  .  .  . 

"The  hour  of  vengeance  has  struck;  but  the  people  of  all 
nations  may  rest  in  peace.  We  are  the  friends  of  every  peo- 
ple, and  especially  of  the  descendants  of  Brutus,  Scipio,  and 
the  other  great  men  whom  we  have  taken  for  examples.  To 
restore  the  capital,  to  replace  there  the  statues  of  the  heroes 
who  have  rendered  it  immortal,  to  rouse  the  Romans  from 
centuries  of  slavery — such  will  be  the  frait  of  our  victories. 
To  you  will  belong  the  glory  of  having  changed  the  face  of 
the  most  beautiful  part  of  Europe." 

The  Italian  people,  panting  for  liberty  and  independence, 
greeted  these  words  with  unbounded  Joy.  To  them  Napo- 
leon appeared  as  the  regenerator  of  Italy,  and  the  enthusi- 
asm with  which  the  patriots  from  all  parts  of  Italy  crowded 
around  him  has,  perhaps,  never  been  paralleled.  The 
Austrians  retreated  into  the  Venetian  territory  and  Napo- 
leon pursued  them. 

The  king  of  Naples,  who  had  taken  up  arms  against 
France,  alarmed  by  the  progress  of  Napoleon,  solicited  an 
armistice.  Napoleon  consented,  and  the  Neapolitan  troops 
were  withdrawn  from  the  coalition.  Naples  had  furnished 
five  sail  of  the  line,  a  large  number  of  frigates,  and  two 
thousand  four  hundred  horsemen  to  aid  in  the  iniquitous 
war  against  the  right  of  the  French  people  to  establish  their 
own  form  of  government. 

Venice,  while  assuming  neutrality,  was  in  warm  sympa- 


486  ITALY 

tliy  with  the  allies.  They  had  allowed  the  Austrians  to 
take  refuge  in  their  territory,  and  even  to  seize  the  fortress 
of  Peschiera,  which  had  exposed  the  French  army  to  the 
loss  of  a  great  number  of  valuable  lives.  They  had  even 
granted  an  asylum  in  Verona  to  the  brother  of  Louis  XVI., 
who,  assuming  the  title  of  Louis  XVIII.,  claimed  to  be 
monarch  of  France,  and  issued  his  decrees  accordingly  to 
the  army  he  was  collecting  for  the  invasion  of  the  French 
territory. 

"Venice,"  said  Napoleon  to  the  commissioners  sent  to 
implore  his  clemency,  "by  daring  to  give  an  asylum  to  the 
Count  de  Lille,  a  pretender  to  the  throne  of  France,  has  de- 
clared war  against  the  republic.  I  know  not  why  I  should 
not  reduce  Verona  to  ashes — a  town  which  has  had  pre- 
sumption to  esteem  itself  the  capital  of  France." 

The  Austrians  had  now  fled  through  the  Venetian  terri- 
tory into  the  Tyrol,  and  were  driven  out  of  Italy.  The 
Venetian  senate  professed  their  inability  to  prevent  the 
Austrians  from  taking  refuge  in  their  territory,  and,  seiz- 
ing one  of  their  fortresses,  begged  to  be  allowed  to  remain 
neutral.  Napoleon,  knowing  full  well  that  they  would  stab 
him  in  the  back  if  possible,  consented  to  their  neutrality, 
saying: 

"Be  neutral,  then.  You  ought,  however,  to  be  pleased 
to  see  us  here.  What  France  sends  me  to  do  is  entirely  for 
the  interests  of  Venice.  I  am  come  to  drive  the  Austrians 
beyond  the  Alps;  perhaps  to  constitute  Lombardy  an  inde- 
pendent state.  Can  anything  more  advantageous  be  done 
for  your  republic  ?  If  she  would  unite  with  us,  no  doubt 
she  would  be  handsomely  rewarded  for  that  service.  We 
are  not  making  war  upon  any  government.  We  are  the 
friends  of  all  those  who  shall  assist  us  to  confine  the  Aus- 
trian power  within  its  proper  limits. ' ' 


NAPOLEON   IN   ITALY  487 


CHAPTEE  XXVIII 

NAPOLEON     IN     ITALY 

FEOM  A.D.  1796  TO  A.D.  1809 

Italy  in  1796 — Measures  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte — Message  to  the  Pope 

The  Cisalpine  Republic — Troubles  in  Genoa — State  of  Southern  Italy 
— Captivity  of  Pius  VI. — Piedmont  Annexed  to  France — Atrocities  of 
Lord  Nelson — Napoleon's  Return  from  Egypt — Campaign  of  Marengo 
— Letter  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria — Letter  to  the  King  of  England — 
Imperial  France — The  Kingdom  of  Italy— The  Bourbons  of  Naples 
Dethroned — Pope  Pius  VII.  a  Captive — Napoleon's  Designs  for  Italy 

IN  a  letter  to  the  Frencli  directory,  Napoleon  thus  de- 
scribes the  political  state  of  Italy  during  his  first  Ital- 
ian campaign.     The  letter  is  dated  December,  1796: 

"At  present  there  are  in  Lombardy  three  parties:  one 
■which  allows  itself  to  be  guided  by  the  French,  another 
which  is  anxious,  and  impatiently  anxious,  to  obtain  lib- 
erty; a  third  friendly  to  the  Austrians  and  hostile  to  us. 
I  support  and  encourage  the  first.  The  second  I  keep  in 
check.     The  third  I  repress. 

"The  Cisalpine  provinces  are  likewise  divided  into  three 
parties:  the  friends  of  their  ancient  governments,  those  who 
wish  for  a  constitution,  independent,  but  a  little  aristocratic, 
and  the  partisans  of  the  French  constitution,  or  of  pure  de- 
mocracy. I  repress  the  first,  I  support  the  second,  and  I 
moderate  the  third.  I  support,  I  say,  the  second  because 
it  is  the  party  of  the  rich  landholders  and  the  priests  whom 
it  is  essential  to  rally  around  the  French  cause.  The  last 
party  is  composed  of  young  men,  literary  persons,  and  peo- 
ple who  in  France,  and  in  all  countries,  change  governments 
and  love  liberty,  with  no  other  view  than  the  mere  thirst  for 
revolution." 

The  pope  had  anathematized  republican  France,  preached 
a  crusade  against  her,  and  had  suffered  her  ambassador  to 


488  ITALY 

be  assassinated  in  the  streets  of  Home.  Tlie  English  had 
seized  Leghorn,  the  port  of  Tuscany;  had  taken  possession 
of  French  property  there,  and  had  promised  several  thou- 
sand troops  to  aid  the  pope  against  France.  It  was  neces- 
sary that  these  menaces  of  war  in  the  south  should  instantly 
be  dispersed,  for  Austria  was  already  gathering  an  over- 
whelming army  in  the  north  to  pour  down  upon  the  ex- 
hausted bands  of  Napoleon. 

The  young  conqueror  at  the  head  of  but  five  thousand 
men  commenced  his  march.  He  entered  Modena.  The 
duke  fled  to  the  Austrian  camp  with  all  the  wealth  he  could 
carry  with  him.  The  people  rallied  around  Napoleon,  im- 
ploring him  to  aid  them  in  establishing  republican  liberty. 
He  assured  them  of  his  sympathy,  but  said  that  it  was  not 
his  mission  to  revolutionize  Europe,  but  simply  to  compel 
those  who  were  unjustly  waging  war  against  France  to  con- 
sent to  peace. 

He  entered  the  papal  states.  The  people  welcomed  him 
in  almost  a  delirium  of  joy.  The  universality  with  which 
the  masses  rallied  around  Napoleon,  abjuring  the  papal 
authority,  alarmed  the  pope.  "Bonaparte,"  says  Thiers, 
"omitted  nothing  to  honor  Italy  and  to  rouse  her  pride  and 
her  patriotism.  He  was  not  a  barbarous  conqueror  come 
to  ravage,  but  a  champion  of  liberty,  come  to  rekindle  the 
torch  of  genius  in  the  ancient  land  of  civilization." 

Pressing  forward  he  entered  Tuscany  and  drove  out  the 
English.  The  grand  duke  was  friendly  to  France,  and,  re- 
joicing in  the  expulsion  of  the  British  fleet — which  had  seized 
his  port  of  Leghorn,  hoping  thus  to  compel  him  to  join  in 
the  war  against  France — he  gave  Napoleon  a  magnificent  re- 
ception in  his  palace  at  Florence.  In  twenty  days  all  the 
powers  of  central  Italy  in  sympathy  with  Austria  were  com- 
pelled to  abandon  the  alliance  against  the  French  republic. 

But  the  pope,  implacably  hostile  to  popular  liberty,  was 
watching  eagerly  for  an  opportunity  to  renew  the  struggle. 
An  immense  army  was  marching  down  the  defiles  of  the 
Tyrol  to  assail  Napoleon.     The  pope  was  secretly  making 


NAPOLEON   IN   ITALY  489 

arrangements  to  join  them  as  soon  as  thej  should  commence 
their  impetuous  assault.  Napoleon,  informed  of  these  plots, 
sent  the  following  energetic  message  to  the  pope  by  Cardinal 
Mattel: 

"The  court  of  Eome  desires  war.  It  shall  have  war. 
But  first  I  owe  it  to  my  country  and  to  humanity  to  make 
a  final  effort  to  bring  back  the  pope  to  reason.  You  are  ac- 
quainted with  the  strength  of  the  army  which  I  command. 
To  destroy  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope  I  need  but  to 
will  it.  Go  to  Eome;  see  His  Holiness;  enlighten  him 
upon  the  subject  of  his  true  interests;  rescue  him  from  the 
intriguers  by  whom  he  is  surrounded,  who  wish  for  his  ruin 
and  for  that  of  the  court  of  Rome.  The  French  govern- 
ment permits  me  still  to  listen  to  words  of  peace.  Every- 
thing may  be  arranged.  War,  so  cruel  for  nations,  has  ter- 
rible results  for  the  vanquished.  Save  the  pope  from  great 
calamities.  You  know  how  anxious  I  am  to  finish  by  peace 
a  struggle  which  war  would  terminate  for  me  without  glory 
as  without  danger." 

We  cannot  here  enter  into  the  details  of  Napoleon's  first 
Italian  campaign.  After  a  series  of  victories,  such  as  had 
never  before  been  recorded,  Austria,  thoroughly  humbled, 
was  compelled  to  assent  to  peace  on  terms  which  modified 
the  condition  of  the  Italian  states  as  follows: 

A  new  and  independent  republic  was  formed  in  the  heart 
of  Italy,  called  the  Cisalpine  Eepublic.  It  was  composed  of 
a  large  number  of  petty  states,  called  provinces,  legations 
and  duchies,  such  as  Lombardy,  Modena,  Bologna,  Ferrara, 
etc.  It  contained  sixteen  thousand  three  hundred  and  thirty- 
seven  square  miles,  being  more  than  twice  as  large  as  the 
State  of  Massachusetts,  and  embraced  a  population  of  three 
and  a  half  millions.  Every  man  who  had  attained  twenty- 
one  years,  excepting  convicts  and  paupers,  was  entitled  to 
the  rights  of  citizenship.  The  government  consisted  of  five 
directors,  and  a  legislature  consisting  of  two  bodies,  both 
elective,  a  senate  and  a  house  of  representatives.  Milan 
was  its  central  capital.     The  republic  could  not  stand  an 


490  ITALY 

hour  against  the  machinations  and  armies  of  Austria  and 
Spain,  unless  upheld  by  France.  Napoleon  promised  the 
feeble  state  the  support  of  his  strong  arm,  and  with  that  aid 
it  felt  indomitable. 

This  was  the  dawn  of  a  bright  day  for  Italy.  Napoleon 
having  thus  compelled  Austria  to  sheathe  the  sword,  and 
having  established  a  republic,  with  free  institutions,  in  the 
heart  of  Italy,  based  upon  the  principles  of  equal  rights  to 
all  men,  returned  to  Paris,  laden  with  the  gratitude  and  the 
blessings  of  those  whom  he  had  enfranchised.  As  he  took 
leave  of  the  grateful  peo^^le,  upon  whom  he  had  conferred 
the  greatest  of  all  earthly  blessings  he  thus  addressed  them: 

"We  have  given  you  liberty.  Take  care  to  preserve  it. 
To  be  worthy  of  your  destiny  make  only  discreet  and  mod- 
erate laws.  Cause  them  to  be  executed  with  energy.  Favor 
the  diffusion  of  knowledge  and  respect  religion.  Compose 
your  battalions,  not  of  disreputable  men,  but  of  citizens,  im- 
bued with  the  principles  of  the  republic  and  closely  linked 
to  its  prosperity.  You  have,  in  general,  need  to  impress 
yourselves  with  the  feeling  of  your  strength,  and  with  the 
dignity  which  befits  the  free  man.  Divided  and  bowed 
down  for  ages  by  tyranny,  you  could  not  of  yourselves 
have  conquered  your  liberty.  But  in  a  few  years,  if  you 
are  left  unmolested,  no  power  on  earth  will  be  strong 
enough  to  wrest  your  liberty  from  you.  Till  then  the 
great  nation  will  protect  you  against  the  attack  of  your 
neighbors;  its  political  system  will  be  united  with  yours. " 

The  establishment  of  the  Cisalpine  republic  excited  the 
hopes  of  the  patriots  all  over  Italy,  and  rendered  them 
more  restless  under  the  corrupt  despotisms  which  so  long 
had  oppressed  them.  Napoleon  wished  to  give  the  infant 
republic  a  more  energetic  organization,  by  increasing  the 
power  of  the  executive.  And  subsequent  events  proved 
the  wisdom  of  Napoleon's  judgment.  But  the  French  Di- 
rectory insisted  tliat  the  French  constitution  should  be  the 
model.  Napoleon  was  at  that  time  a  moderate  republican, 
yet  believing  in  the  necessity  of  a  very  energetic  govern- 


NAPOLEON   IN   ITALY  491 

ment.  He  was  well  aware  that  the  Cisalpine  republic,  sur- 
rounded by  powerful  aristocracies,  implacably  hostile,  needed 
the  most  efficient  organization  possible  to  enable  it  to  repel 
those  assaults  it  was  sure  to  encounter. 

A  stable  government  is  always  the  growth  of  time.  Na- 
poleon had  hardly  left  Italy  ere  the  infant  republic  was  dis- 
tracted by  internal  dissensions.  There  was  in  Italy,  as  in 
France,  a  Jacobin  party,  zealous  for  more  radical  democ- 
racy. There  was  an  aristocratic  party  who  were  eager  to 
escape  the  Austrian  sway,  but  who  wished  to  take  the 
power  into  their  own  hands.  There  was  also  an  Austrian 
party,  closely  allied  with  the  pope.  These  assailed  each 
other  vehemently.  Still  the  moderate  republicans  were  in 
the  great  majority,  and  the  ship  of  state,  though  often  bow- 
ing before  the  gale,  sailed  prosperously  on.  But  France 
armed  the  fortresses  of  the  young  republic,  and  supplied 
her  with  twenty-five  thousand  men  for  defence.  The  Ital- 
ians supported  these  troops,  and  entered  into  a  treaty  offen- 
sive and  defensive  with  France.  There  were  thus  two  in- 
fant republics  united  for  mutual  protection;  while  all  the 
powerful  monarchies  of  Europe  were  in  heart  banded  to- 
gether for  their  destruction,  and  were  watching  only  for  an 
opportunity  to  strike  them  an  annihilating  blow. 

In  Genoa  the  aristocratic  senate  and  the  disfranchised 
people  were  bitterly  hostile.  The  senate  had  expelled  sev- 
eral members  from  their  number,  and  banished  many  fami- 
lies from  the  republic  for  the  crime  of  sympathizing  with  the 
French  republicans.  The  victories  of  Napoleon  alarmed 
the  aristocrats,  and  inspired  the  hojoes  of  the  people.  The 
senate,  while  professing  neutrality,  had  allowed  a  French 
frigate  to  be  captured  under  the  guns  of  their  forts  by  an 
English  man-of-war,  and  had  thus  ranged  themselves  in 
the  ranks  of  the  enemies  of  France.  Conscious  that  Na- 
poleon would  pay  them  a  visit  to  avenge  these  wrongs  as 
he  returned  to  France  with  his  triumphant  army,  the  Gen- 
oese government  sent  to  France  imploring  peace.  Gener- 
ously the  Directory  agreed  to  peace,  upon  condition  that 


492  ITALY 

Genoa  should  be  strictly  neutral,  pay  an  indemnity  for  the 
frigate  which  had  been  taken,  recall  those  families,  friendly 
to  France,  which  had  been  banished,  and  reinstate  those 
who  had  been  expelled  from  the  senate.  Genoa  was  also  to 
grant  the  republic  a  loan  of  live  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

As  the  march  of  the  French  army  gave  freedom  to  the 
expression  of  liberal  opinions  in  Europe,  the  public  mind 
in  Genoa  became  more  violently  incensed  against  the  aris- 
tocracy. The  people  met  and  drew  up  a  petition  to  the 
oligarchy  demanding  reform  in  the  government.  The 
3^oung  men  formed  themselves  into  clubs  and  began  to 
arm.  The  priests  rallied  for  the  nobles,  and  summoned 
all  the  powers  of  superstition  which  the  Catholic  church 
could  wield  to  rouse  the  most  ignorant  portion  of  the  popu- 
lace against  the  advocates  for  reform.  On  the  twenty- sec- 
ond of  May,  1797,  there  was  a  bloody  insurrection  in  the 
streets  of  Genoa.  The  nobles  and  the  priests  roused  the 
populace  to  frenzy,  and  led  them  against  the  patriots. 
The  patriots  were  beaten,  and  by  the  blind  fury  of  the 
mob  were  visited  with  every  outrage.  The  French  families 
in  Genoa  were  seized  and  imprisoned.  Napoleon  immedi- 
ately interfered  in  their  behalf.  This  so  encouraged  the 
patriots  that  they  rallied  anew,  and  in  such  strength  as  to 
gain  the  ascendency,  A  republican  constitution  was  or- 
ganized. The  legislative  body  consisted  of  two  chambers, 
elected  by  the  people,  and  the  executive  was  composed  of 
twelve  directors,  or  senators,  as  they  were  called,  chosen  by 
the  two  legislative  councils.  This  little  republic,  thus  self- 
organized,  took  the  name  of  the  Ligurian  republic. 

h\  Naples  the  republican  party  was  crushed  by  chains 
and  buried  in  dungeons.  The  papal  government  in  Rome 
was  equally  malignant,  but  not  equally  powerful.  The 
pope,  an  infirm  old  man,  and  the  aged  cardinals,  had  not 
sufficient  vigor  to  silence  the  complaints  of  the  people. 
The  little  territory  of  Ancona,  incited  by  the  exanijjle  of 
the  Cisalpine  and  Ligurian  republics,  revolted,  and  estab- 
lished the  Anconitan  republic.     Alone  it  could  hardly  re- 


NAPOLEON    IN    ITALY  493 

sist  the  papal  army  even  for  a  day;  but  it  hoped  for  the  as- 
sistance of  its  sister  republics.  The  papal  government  had 
become  so  corrupt  and  imbecile  that  even  the  grandees  of 
Rome  inveighed  against  the  rule  of  ignorant  and  incapable 
monks.  The  papal  states  were,  however,  the  most  be- 
nighted portion  of  all  Italy;  and  the  number  of  intelligent 
people  was  so  small  that  Joseph  Bonaparte,  then  the  French 
minister  in  Kome,  the  brother  of  Napoleon,  did  everything 
in  his  power  to  dissuade  them  from  a  decisive  movement. 
He  urged  upon  them  that  they  would  only  ruin  themselves 
and  compromise  France,  to  no  purpose;  that  France  could 
not  undertake  to  support  them,  but  that  they  must  be  left 
to  their  own  resources.  Napoleon  at  this  time  was  anxious 
to  conciliate  monarchical  Europe  by  not  exciting  the  op- 
pressed of  other  governments  to  revolt. 

The  republicans  in  Rome,  regardless  of  this  advice,  at- 
tempted an  insurrection.  The  pope's  dragoons  dispersed 
them  with  slaughter.  Some  of  the  fugitives  sought  refuge 
under  the  piazza  of  the  Corsini  palace,  where  Joseph  Bona- 
parte resided.  Joseph,  with  several  French  officers,  has- 
tened to  place  themselves  between  the  insurgents  and  the 
troops  to  prevent  any  further  massacre.  But  the  papal 
troops,  regardless  of  the  sacred ness  of  the  ambassador's 
person,  and  of  the  sacredness  of  his  palace,  protected  by 
the  French  flag,  fired  and  killed  General  Duphot  at  Jo- 
seph's side.  This  young  officer  was  soon  to  have  been 
married  to  a  daughter  of  Joseph  Bonaparte. 

This  outrage  summoned  many  others  of  the  foreign  am- 
bassadors to  the  residence  of  the  French  embassy.  Joseph 
Bonaparte  waited  fourteen  hours  without  sending  notice  of 
the  event  to  France,  that  the  papal  government  might  have 
opportunity  to  make  explanations.  Receiving  none,  he  de- 
manded his  passports.  This  was  in  December,  1797.  The 
Directory  in  Paris  were  exceedingly  reluctant  to  array 
against  themselves  the  papal  government;  for  the  Catho- 
lic religion  was  even  then  one  of  the  mightiest  powers  in 
Europe,  and  the  pope  could  rouse  all  the  religious  fury  of 


494  ITALY 

the  fanatical  populace  against  France.  After  long  delibera- 
tion it  was  decided  to  demand  an  apology.  On  the  tenth  of 
February,  1798,  General  Berthier,  at  the  head  of  a  sufficient 
French  army,  entered  the  gates  of  Eome.  It  was  in  vain  for 
the  pope  to  attempt  any  resistance.  The  republicans  re- 
ceived Berthier  with  boundless  exultation,  and  conducted 
him,  with  the  pageantry  of  an  old  Roman  triumph,  to  the 
capitol.  In  a  tumultuous  gathering,  an  ignorant  and  fran- 
tic mass  of  people  gathered  near  the  remains  of  the  old  Ro- 
man forum,  and  adopted,  with  shouts  which  rent  the  skies, 
an  act  declaring  that  the  Roman  people  resumed  its  sover- 
eignty, and  constituted  itself  a  republic. 

The  pope  was  alone,  abandoned  and  helpless,  in  the  Vati- 
can. Messengers  were  sent  demanding  his  abdication  of  the 
temporal  sovereignty;  but  declaring  that  there  was  no  in- 
tention of  meddling  with  his  spiritual  authority.  He  per- 
sistently refused  to  abdicate.  At  night  he  was  taken  by  the 
French,  though  scrupulously  treated  with  the  respect  due  to 
his  station  and  his  age,  and  was  conveyed  from  the  Vatican 
into  Tuscany,  where  he  was  imprisoned  in  a  convent.  From 
thence  he  was  conveyed  to  France,  where  he  died,  at  Va- 
lence, in  August,  1799. 

There  was  thus  a  fourth  republic  established  in  Italy, 
called  the  Roman  Republic.  All  Europe  was  alarmed;  for 
all  Europe  was  in  danger  of  being  thus  revolutionized  step 
by  step.  Naples  was  almost  frantic  with  rage  in  seeing  the 
principles  of  the  French  revolution  advance  thus  even  to 
her  very  doors.  Austria  and  Spain  were  roused  vehemently. 
And  the  applause  with  which  the  English  people  greeted 
these  republics,  and  their  clamor  for  parliamentary  reform, 
so  thoroughly  alarmed  the  English  goveriiment,  that  they 
adopted  the  secret  resolve  that,  at  every  hazard,  the  re- 
public must  be  put  down  in  France,  and  the  Bourbons 
restored  to  their  despotic  throne.  It  was  manifest  to  the 
least  discerning  that  these  increasing  and  growing  repub- 
lics were  but  the  fruit  which  the  French  revolution  was 
bearing. 


NAPOLEON    IN    ITALY  495 

In  May,  1798,  Napoleon  had  sailed  for  Egypt.  England 
organized  a  new  coalition,  for  the  restoration  of  the  Bour- 
bons. Austria,  Eussia,  Turkey,  and  Naples  were  active 
powers  in  this  coalition.  Prussia  and  Spain  were  in  cor- 
dial sympathy,  and  were  prepared  to  join  the  allies  so  soon 
as  the  march  of  events  might  make  it  safe  to  do  so.  One  of 
the  first  objects  to  be  accomplished  in  assailing  France  was 
to  trample  down  these  confederate  Italian  republics,  and  re- 
store the  old  despotisms.  Without  any  declaration  of  war, 
Naples  commenced  operations  by  sending  an  army  to  drive 
the  French  from  the  papal  states.  With  an  army  of  sixty 
thousand  men,  and  aided  by  the  fleet  of  Lord  Nelson,  the 
Neapolitans  took  possession  of  Eome.  The  French  slowly 
retired,  that  they  might  have  time  to  rally  their  forces;  and 
then  falling  upon  the  Neapolitans,  routed  them  in  several 
battles  with  great  slaughter,  drove  them  out  of  Eome,  to 
the  great  joy  of  the  Eoman  people,  and  pursued  the  fugi- 
tive army  into  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  The  populace  of 
Naples  now  rose  madly,  like  barbarians  as  they  were,  against 
the  detested  government,  and  the  king,  in  dismay,  seizing 
the  most  valuable  movable  treasures  of  his  court,  fled  on 
board  Lord  Nelson's  squadron,  and  was  conveyed  to  the 
island  of  Sicily.  The  kingdom  was  plunged  into  a  state  of 
indescribable  anarchy.  The  French  took  possession  of  the 
city  of  Naples  and  of  the  whole  kingdom.  The  lazzaroni 
were  disarmed,  order  was  restored,  and  the  kingdom  was 
organized  into  a  republic,  called  the  Parthenopian  republic. 

The  court  of  Turin,  the  capital  of  Sardinia,  was  hostile 
to  France.  But  in  Piedmont,  as  in  every  other  state  in 
Italy,  there  was  a  strong  republican  party.  The  French, 
assailed  by  all  the  monarchies  of  Europe,  and  not  deeming 
it  safe  to  leave  a  hostile  government  in  possession  of  her 
communications  with  the  Alps,  compelled  the  king  of  Sar- 
dinia to  abdicate  the  sovereignty  of  Piedmont,  and  retire  to 
the  island  of  Sardinia  as  his  only  realm.  Thus,  all  of  con- 
tinental Italy  passed  under  French  influence;  though  all 
these  freed  states  were   nominally  independent  excepting 


496  ITALY 

Piedmont.  It  was  thought  not  expedient  to  organize  that 
province  into  a  republic,  but  it  was  declared  to  be,  until  the 
conclusion  of  the  war,  under  the  provisional  administration 
of  France.     This  event  took  place  in  December,  1798. 

Such  remained  the  state  of  affairs  in  Italy  in  the  spring 
of  1799,  when  the  Austrians  and  Rassians,  with  an  army 
more  than  one  hundred  thousand  strong,  invaded  the  plains 
of  Lombardy. 

In  the  course  of  many  and  sanguinary  battles,  the  French 
were  entirely  overpowered  and  driven  out  of  Italy.  The 
republics,  with  their  free  constitutions,  were  venomously 
destroyed,  and  the  old  despotisms  re-established.  All  the 
friends  of  republicanism  who  had  not  succeeded  in  escaping 
to  France  were  massacred  with  most  revolting  cruelty,  or 
sent  by  sentence  of  court  martial  to  the  dungeon  or  the 
scaffold.  No  tongue  can  tell  the  enormities  perpetrated  by 
the  partisans  of  the  king  and  the  court  in  Naples.  Lord 
Nelson  brought  back  from  Sicily  in  the  British  fleet,  the 
king  and  queen  of  Naples,  and  took  an  active  part  in  these 
most  horrible  scenes  of  cruelty  and  blood.  The  stain,  thus 
left  upon  his  memory,  can  never  be  effaced.  The  details  of 
the  carnage  are  too  revolting  for  recital.  Four  thousand 
persons  had  capitulated.  Nelson  declared  the  capitulation 
null. 

"Unfortunately,"  says  Alison,  "the  English  admiral, 
who  had  fallen  under  the  fascinating  influence  of  Lady 
Hamilton  (who  shared  in  all  the  feelings  of  the  court),  was 
too  much  inclined  to  adopt  the  same  principles.  He  in- 
stantly declared  the  capitulation  null,  as  not  having  ob- 
tained the  king's  authority;  and  entering  the  harbor,  at 
the  head  of  his  fleet,  made  all  those  who  had  issued  from 
the  castles,  in  virtue  of  the  capitulation,  prisoners,  and  had 
them  chained  two  and  two  on  board  his  own  fleet.  The 
king,  who  could  not  endure  the  sight  of  the  punishments 
which  were  preparing,  returned  to  Sicily,  and  left  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  in  the  hands  of  the  queen  and  Lady 
Hamilton.      Numbers    were    immediately   condemned  and 


NAPOLEON    IN   ITALY  497 

executed.  The  vengeance  of  the  populace  supplied  what 
was  wanting  in  the  celerity  of  the  criminal  tribunals; 
neither  age,  nor  sex,  nor  rank  was  spared.  Women  as 
well  as  men;  youths  of  sixteen  and  gray-headed  men  of 
seventy,  were  alike  led  out  to  the  scaffold. ' ' 

Nothing  can  more  conclusively  show  than  the  above 
the  bitterness  of  the  passions  engendered  by  this  strife  be- 
tween aristocratic  privilege  and  popular  rights.  France  was 
terror-stricken.  The  directory  had  sunk  into  utter  contempt. 
The  army  in  Italy  was  nearly  annihilated,  and  the  remnants 
of  the  battalions,  bleeding  and  starving,  were  seeking  shel- 
ter upon  the  cliffs  and  among  the  defiles  of  the  Alps. 
Armies  amounting  to  three  hundred  thousand  men  were 
assailing  France  on  the  Rhenish  frontier.  Nearly  all  Eu- 
rope was  in  arms  against  the  republic.  The  English  navy 
had  swept  French  commerce  from  every  sea,  had  wrested 
from  France  all  her  colonies,  and  was  bombarding  every 
French  port  which  could  be  brought  within  range  of  her 
guns.  France  was  threatened  with  immediate  invasion, 
both  on  the  side  of  the  Alps  and  of  the  Rhine.  The  im- 
potence of  the  directory  was  as  manifest  in  the  internal,  as 
in  the  external  administration  of  the  government.  Anarchy 
reigned  throughout  France.  The  treasury  was  hopelessly 
bankrupt.  The  soldiers,  ragged  and  starving,  were  aban- 
doning their  colors,  and  retiring  in  despair  to  their  homes. 
The  republic  was  on  the  eve  of  utter  and  remediless  ruin. 

Napoleon,  apprised  of  these  calamities,  left  Egypt,  and 
landed  in  France  on  the  ninth  of  October,  1799.  Proceed- 
ing immediately  to  Paris,  by  a  bloodless  revolution  he  over- 
threw the  directory,  and  established  the  consular  govern- 
ment. He  then  appealed  to  England  and  Austria  for  peace. 
Contemptuously  both  powers  rejected  his  proposal.  He  was 
told  that  France  could  never  hope  for  peace  until  she  abol- 
ished her  free  institutions  and  re-established  the  throne  of 
the  Bourbon. 

Napoleon,  sending  Moreau,  with  the  flower  of  the  French 
troops,  to  repel  the  invaders  on  the  Rhine,  collected  such 


498  ITALY 

an  army  as  he  could,  of  sixty-five  thousand  men,  for  the 
recovery  of  Italy.  Suddenly  concentrating  them  at  Dijon, 
he  led  them  across  the  Alpine  pass  of  the  Great  St.  Bernard, 
met  the  Austrians,  vastly  outnumbering  him,  upon  the  field 
of  Marengo,  and,  in  one  of  the  fiercest  battles  ever  fought, 
gained  one  of  the  most  decisive  victories  ever  won.  He  had 
just  appealed  to  Austria  in  vain  for  peace.  Upon  the  field 
of  his  victory,  surrounded  by  the  gory  corpses  of  the  slain, 
he  wrote  again,  in  the  following  terms: 

"Sire!  It  is  on  the  field  of  battle,  amid  the  sufferings 
of  a  multitude  of  wounded,  and  surrounded  by  fifteen  thou- 
sand corpses,  that  I  beseech  Your  Majesty  to  listen  to  the 
voice  of  humanity,  and  not  to  suffer  two  brave  nations  to 
cut  each  other's  throats  for  interests  not  their  own.  It  is 
my  part  to  press  this  upon  Your  Majesty,  being  upon  the 
very  theatre  of  war.  Your  Majesty's  heart  cannot  feel  it  so 
keenly  as  does  mine." 

The  appeal  was  long  and  earnest.  It  could  be  met  but 
by  one  answer,  and  that  was,  "The  stability  of  European 
thrones  demands  that,  cost  what  it  may,  republicanism  in 
Europe,  under  whatever  form,  must  be  put  down."  It  was 
manifest,  hence,  that  there  could  be  no  peace  but  in  the 
entire  overthrow  of  Napoleon,  or  in  his  becoming  so  strong 
as  to  render  attack  hopeless.  After  the  battle  of  Marengo, 
the  remnants  of  the  Austrian  battalions  were  entirely  at  the 
mercy  of  the  conqueror.  He,  however,  allowed  them  to  re- 
tire unmolested,  they  promising  to  abandon  Italy.  In  tri- 
umph Napoleon  entered  Milan,  where  he  was  received 
with  indescribable  rejoicings  by  the  liberated  inhabitants. 
Though  the  Austrians  refused  to  accede  to  peace,  and  con- 
tinued the  war  upon  the  Rhine,  one  decisive  battle  had 
driven  them  from  Italy.  Napoleon,  having  thus  protected 
his  Alpine  frontier  from  invasion,  reorganized  the  Cisalpine 
and  Ligurian  republics,  and  returned  to  Paris. 

Pope  Pius  VII.  now  occupied  the  pontifical  chair. 
Again  the  allied  army,  having  recruited  its  forces  among 
the  mountains  of  the  Tyrol,  invaded  Italy  by  the  vallejr 


NAPOLEON   IN    ITALY  499 

of  the  Mincio.  Ferdinand  IV.  of  Naples,  conscious  of  the 
execrations  of  his  people,  and  that  thej  would  immediately 
rise  against  him  if  the  Austrians  were  expelled  from  Italy, 
with  almost  superhuman  exertions  raised  an  army  of  eighty 
thousand  men,  and,  marching  through  the  papal  states, 
entered  Tuscany,  rallying  everywhere  the  partisans  of  the 
aristocracy  beneath  his  banners.  They  were  attacked,  over- 
whelmed, and  driven  back  like  sheep  before  the  patriots. 
Murat  was  then  sent,  by  Napoleon,  at  the  head  of  twenty- 
eight  thousand  men,  to  chastise  the  infamous  court  of 
Naples,  and  bring  it  to  terms.  The  queen  of  Naples,  terror- 
stricken,  in  widwinter,  undertook  a  journey  to  St.  Peters- 
burg, to  implore  the  Czar  of  Eussia  to  intercede  with  Napo- 
leon in  their  behalf.  He  did  so.  The  first  consul,  anxious 
to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  eccentric  yet  powerful  sov- 
ereign of  Kussia,  granted  all  his  wishes.  Paul  had  recently, 
in  disgust,  abandoned  the  alliance  against  France,  and  was 
manifesting  decided  sympathies  for  Napoleon, 

France  and  Eussia  soon  united  in  the  continental  system 
so  called,  which  was  simply  an  effort  to  exclude  all  English 
goods  from  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  to  refuse  to  have 
any  commercial  transaction  with  the  English  whatever,  until 
the  court  of  St.  James  would  consent  to  make  peace  with 
republican  France.  The  Bourbons  of  Naples  were  permitted 
to  remain  on  the  throne,  they  agreeing  that  all  the  ports  of 
Naples  and  Sicily  should  be  closed  against  English  merchan- 
dize. But  for  the  intercession  of  Eussia,  Napoleon  would 
have  driven  the  infamous  Ferdinand  lY.,  and  his  equally 
infamous  wife,  from  Italy,  and  would  have  established  a 
government  of  liberal  principles  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 
At  the  request  of  Paul  he  pardoned  them,  and  left  them  on 
the  throne  which  their  despotism  and  crimes  disgraced. 

Austria,  vanquished  on  the  Ehine,  as  well  as  in  Italy, 
was  at  length  again  compelled  to  make  peace.  By  the  treaty 
of  Luneville,  in  February,  1801,  Lombardy  was  erected  into 
an  independent  state,  with  the  Adige  for  the  boundary  be- 
tween it  and  the  Austrian  dominions.     Venice  was  left  in 


500  ITALY 

the  possession  of  Austria.  Modena  was  annexed  to  the 
Cisalpine  repablic,  and  its  eastern  boundary  was  extended 
to  the  Adige.  Austria  acknowledged  the  independence  of 
the  Cisalpine  and  Ligurian  republics,  declaring  that  their 
inhabitants  should  have  the  power  of  choosing  whatever 
form  of  government  they  preferred.  Piedmont  remained 
incorporated  with  France  as  one  of  the  departments  of  the 
republic. 

The  grandduchy  of  Tuscany  had  been  ceded  to  Spain. 
It  was  in  May,  1801,  erected  into  a  monarchy,  under  the 
title  of  the  kingdom  of  Etruria,  and  the  duke  of  Parma, 
who  had  married  the  daughter  of  Charles  IV.  of  Spain,  was 
placed  over  it  as  king.  It  was  an  independent  kingdom  in 
close  alliance  with  Spain.  This  measure  was  ado]3ted  as 
an  act  of  conciliation  to  the  Spanish  Bourbons,  and  with 
the  hope  that  it  would  disarm  them  of  their  enmity  against 
France. 

Ln  the  month  of  May,  1804,  Napoleon  was  declared  em- 
peror of  France.  It  was  thought  that  the  adoption  of  mon- 
archical forms  might  in  some  degree  reconcile  Europe  to 
France,  even  while  the  principles  of  republican  equality  were 
maintained  by  the  energies  of  the  throne.  It  was  also  said 
that  the  experiment  had  proved  that  the  people  of  France, 
with  but  little  intellectual  culture,  unskilled  in  governing, 
and  surrounded  by  hostile  monarchies,  who  were  incessantly 
assailing  them,  were  unable  to  maintain  republican  forms. 
Most  of  the  surrounding  monarchies  expressed  their  grati- 
fication. England  remained  implacable.  One  of  Napoleon's 
first  acts,  after  his  enthronement,  was  to  write  to  the  king  of 
England  in  the  following  terms: 

"Sire,  my  brother.  Called  to  the  throne  by  Providence, 
by  the  sufl'rages  of  the  senate,  of  the  people,  and  of  the 
army,  my  first  desire  is  for  peace.  France  and  England, 
abusing  their  prosperity,  may  contend  for  ages.  But  do 
their  respective  governments  fulfil  their  most  sacred  duties 
in  causing  so  much  blood  to  be  vainly  shed,  without  the 
hope  of  advantage  or  prospect  of  cessation  ?     I  do  not  con- 


NAPOLEON   IN  ITALY  501 

ceive  that  it  can  be  dislionorable  in  me  to  make  the  first 
advances.  I  believe  it  has  been  sufficiently  proved  to  the 
world  that  I  dread  none  of  the  chances  of  war,  which  in- 
deed offer  nothing  which  I  can  fear.  Though  peace  is  the 
wish  of  my  heart,  war  has  never  been  adverse  to  my  glory. 
I  conjure  Your  Majesty,  then,  not  to  refuse  the  happiness 
of  giving  peace  to  the  world.  Delay  not  that  grateful  satis- 
faction, that  it  may  be  a  legacy  for  your  children;  for  never 
have  arisen  more  favorable  circumstances,  nor  a  more  pro- 
pitious moment  for  calming  every  passion,  and  displaying 
the  best  feelings  of  humanity  and  reason. 

"That  moment  once  lost,  what  term  shall  we  set  to  a 
struggle  which  all  my  efforts  have  been  unable  to  terminate. 
In  the  space  of  ten  years  Your  Majesty  has  gained  more,  in 
wealth  and  territory,  than  the  extent  of  Europe  compre- 
hends. Your  people  have  attained  the  height  of  prosperity. 
What,  then,  has  Your  Majesty  to  hope  from  war?  The 
world  is  sufficiently  extensive  for  two  nations,  and  reason 
might  assist  us  to  discover  the  means  of  conciliating  all, 
were  both  parties  animated  by  a  spirit  of  reconcilement. 
At  all  events,  I  have  discharged  a  sacred  duty  and  one  dear 
to  my  heart.  Your  Majesty  may  rely  upon  the  sincerity  of 
the  sentiments  now  expressed,  and  on  my  desire  to  afford 
Your  Majesty  every  proof  of  that  sincerity." 

This  appeal  was  like  all  the  rest  unavailing,  and  war  still 
raged.  The  Cisalpine  republic,  influenced  by  the  same  con- 
siderations which  had  prevailed  with  the  French  republic, 
also  judged  it  best  to  adopt  monarchical  forms;  and  con- 
scious of  their  entire  inability  to  repel  their  foes,  but  by 
the  aid  of  France,  they  sent  a  deputation  to  Paris  to  consult 
Napoleon  upon  the  proposed  alteration  in  their  form  of  gov- 
ernment, and  to  solicit  him  to  accept  the  crown  of  the  king- 
dom of  Italy.     In  reply  Napoleon  said : 

"The  separation  of  the  crowns  of  France  and  Italy  will 
be  necessary  hereafter,  but  highly  dangerous  at  present, 
surrounded  as  we  are  by  powerful  enemies  and  inconstant 
friends.     The  people  of  Italy  have  always  been  dear  to  me. 


502  iTAr.Y 

For  the  love  I  bear  them,  I  consent  to  take  the  additional 
burden  and  responsibility  which  their  confidence  has  led 
them  to  impose  upon  me,  at  least  until  the  interests  of  Italy 
shall  permit  me  to  place  the  crown  on  a  younger  head. 
My  successor,  animated  by  my  spirit,  and  intent  upon 
completing  the  work  of  regeneration,  already  so  auspiciously 
commenced,  shall  be  one  who  will  be  ever  ready  to  sacrifice 
his  personal  interests,  and,  if  necessary,  his  life,  in  behalf 
of  the  nation  over  which  he  shall  be  called  by  Providence, 
the  constitution  of  the  country,  and  my  approbation,  to 
reign. ' ' 

Upon  this  occasion  Napoleon  said  to  his  secretary,  Bour- 
rienne — "In  eight  days  I  shall  set  out  to  assume  the  iron 
crown  of  Charlemagne.  That,  however,  is  but  a  stepping- 
stone  to  greater  things  which  I  design  for  Italy,  which  must 
become  a  kingdom,  comprising  all  the  transalpine  country 
from  Venice  to  the  maritime  Alps.  The  union  of  Italy  with 
France  can  be  but  transient.  For  the  present  it  is  necessary, 
in  order  to  accustom  the  Italians  to  live  under  common  laws. 
The  people  of  Genoa,  Piedmont,  Milan,  Venice,  Tuscany, 
Home  and  Naples,  cordially  detest  each  other,  and  none  of 
them  could  be  induced  to  admit  their  inferiority.  Eome, 
however,  by  her  situation  and  historical  associations,  is  the 
natural  capital  of  Italy.  To  make  it  so  in  reality  the  power 
of  the  pope  must  be  restricted  to  spiritual  affairs.  It  would 
be  impolitic  to  attempt  the  accomplishment  of  this  just  now, 
but  if  circumstances  are  favorable  there  may  be  less  difficulty 
hereafter. 

"Since  it  would  be  impossible  at  once  to  unite  Italy  into 
a  single  power  yielding  obedience  to  uniform  laws,  I  shall 
commence  by  making  her  French.  All  the  pett}'^,  worthless 
states  into  which  she  is  divided,  will  thus  acquire  a  habit  of 
living  under  the  dominion  of  the  same  laws,  and,  when  this 
habit  is  formed,  and  local  feuds  and  enmities  become  ex- 
tinct, there  will  again  be  an  Ital}'-  worthy  of  her  olden  re- 
nown. Twenty  years  are  requisite,  however,  to  accomplish 
this,  and  who  can  calculate  with  certainty  upon  the  future  ?" 


NAPOLEON   IN  ITALY  50S 

Napoleon  and  Josephine  crossed  the  Alps  together  ac- 
companied by  the  pope,  Pius  VII.  On  the  twenty-sixth  of 
May,  1805,  the  iron  crown  of  Charlemagne  was  placed  upon 
Napoleon's  brow  in  the  cathedral  at  Milan.  The  petty  jeal- 
ousies, which  were  so  strong  in  Italy,  rendered  the  Genoese 
averse  to  be  incorporated  with  the  new  Italian  kingdom. 
As  the  liliputian  Ligurian  republic  could  by  no  means 
stand  alone,  and  as  such  a  kingdom  would  be  a  mere  bur- 
lesque, the  Genoese  petitioned  to  be  annexed  to  France. 
The  incorporation  was  completed  in  October,  1805.  Eu- 
gene Beauharnais,  son  of  the  empress  Josephine,  by  her 
former  husband,  was  intrusted  with  the  vice-royalty  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy. 

In  a  new  coalition,  combined  Europe  was  soon  again  on 
the  march  to  crush  Napoleon.  An  immense  Austrian  army, 
under  the  archduke  Charles,  entered  Italy.  Napoleon,  leav- 
ing his  lieutenants  to  repel  them,  marched,  in  person,  di- 
rectly upon  Vienna,  and  in  the  renowned  campaign  of  Aus- 
terlitz  again  chastised  the  allies  into  peace.  By  the  treaty 
of  Presburg,  which  immediately  ensued,  December,  1805, 
the  emperor  Francis  of  Austria  acknowledged  the  kingdom 
of  Italy,  and  surrendered  Venice  to  be  united  with  it. 

The  perfidious  court  of  Naples,  deeming  the  destruction 
of  Napoleon  certain,  when,  in  the  wilds  of  Germany,  more 
than  a  thousand  miles  from  his  capital,  he  was  struggling 
against  his  banded  foes,  treacherously  joined  his  enemies, 
and  inviting  the  British  fleet  into  their  harbor,  contributed 
fifty  thousand  troops  to  swell  the  ranks  of  the  allies  in  as- 
sailing Napoleon  in  the  rear.  Just  after  the  battle  of  Aus- 
terlitz.  Napoleon  received  despatches  informing  him  of  this 
treachery.  In  the  following  proclamation  to  the  army,  he 
announced  the  crime  of  the  court  of  Naples  and  their  des- 
tined punishment: 

"Soldiers!  For  the  last  ten  years  I  have  done  every- 
thing in  my  power  to  save  the  king  of  Naples.  He  has  done 
everything  to  destroy  himself.  After  the  battles  of  Dego, 
Mondovi,  and  Lodi,  he  could  oppose  to  me  but  a  feeble  re- 


604  ITALY 

sistance.  I  relied  upon  the  word  of  this  prince,  and  was 
generous  toward  him.  When  the  second  coalition  was  dis- 
solved at  Marengo,  the  king  of  Naples,  who  had  been  the 
first  to  commence  this  unjust  war,  abandoned  bj  his  allies, 
remained  single-handed  and  defenceless.  He  implored  me. 
I  pardoned  him  a  second  time.  It  is  but  a  few  months  since 
you  were  at  the  gates  of  Naples.  I  had  sufficiently  power- 
ful reasons  for  suspecting  the  treason  in  contemplation.  I 
was  still  generous.  I  acknowledged  the  neutrality  of  Na- 
ples. I  ordered  you  to  evacuate  the  kingdom.  For  the 
third  time  the  house  of  Naples  was  re-established  and 
saved.  Shall  we  forgive  a  fourth  time?  Shall  we  rely 
a  fourth  time  on  a  court  without  faith,  honor,  or  reason  ? 
No!  No!  The  dynasty  of  Naples  has  ceased  to  reign.  Its 
existence  is  incompatible  with  the  honor  of  Europe  and 
the  repose  of  my  crown." 

In  January,  1806,  a  French  army,  under  Joseph  Bona- 
parte, crossed  the  frontiers  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  The 
English  immediately  spread  their  sails  and  departed,  taking 
with  them  the  impotent  king  and  his  haughty  wife.  With 
hardly  the  shadow  of  resistance,  the  Neapolitans  threw 
open  all  their  gates  to  the  French,  the  advocates  of  popu- 
lar equality  receiving  them  there,  as  everywhere  else,  with 
unbounded  enthusiasm.  Joseph  Bonaparte  was  crowned 
king  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  It  is  the  undisputed  testimony 
of  both  friend  and  foe  that  the  reign  of  Joseph  Bonaparte  in 
Naples  was  the  happiest  period  the  kingdom  had  ever  known. 

"The  brief  reign  of  Joseph,"  says  the  New  York 
"American,"  "was  a  succession  of  benefits  to  a  people 
who  had  been  long  degraded  by  a  most  oppressive  despot- 
ism. He  founded  civil  and  military  schools,  some  of  which 
yet  exist — overthrew  feudal  privilege — suppressed  the  con- 
vents— opened  new  roads — caused  the  lazzaroni  of  Naples 
to  work  and  be  paid — drained  marshes,  and  everywhere 
animated  with  new  life  and  hope  a  people  long  sunk  in  ab- 
ject servitude." 

Upon  the  dethronement  of  the  Bovirbons  of  Spain,  Jo- 


NAPOLEON    IN    ITALY  505 

seph  Bonaparte  was  transferred  to  that  throne,  greatly  to 
the  regret  of  his  Neapolitan  subjects,  and  Murat,  who  had 
married  Napoleon's  sister  Caroline,  was  declared  king  of 
Naples  and  Sicily.  "He  was  received,"  says  Alison,  "with 
universal  joy  by  the  inconstant  people,  who  seemed  equally 
delighted  with  any  sovereign  sent  to  them  by  the  great  north- 
ern conqueror.  His  entry  into  Naples  was  as  great  a  scene 
of  triumph,  felicitations,  and  enthusiasm,  as  that  of  Joseph 
had  been." 

Sir  Hudson  Lowe,  who  has  gained  unenviable  notoriety 
for  his  inhumanity  to  his  illustrious  prisoner  upon  the  isl- 
and of  St,  Helena,  was  then  with  a  British  force  holding  the 
island  of  Capri.  Murat  fitted  out  an  expedition  and  recap- 
tured the  island.  The  English  garrison  capitulated,  and 
was  sent  to  England. 

Pius  YII.,  the  Eoman  pontiff,  was  exceedingly  desirous 
for  the  restoration  of  his  temporal  power,  that  he  might  be 
recognized  as  a  temporal  prince  as  well  as  the  head  of  the 
church.  He  was  ceaseless  in  his  importunities  with  Napo- 
leon to  grant  him  territorial  aggrandizement.  But  Na- 
poleon was  decisive  and  explicit  in  refusal.  It  was  essen- 
tially the  old  quarrel  of  investitures.  Napoleon  wrote  to 
the  pope: 

"Your  situation  requires  that  you  should  pay  me  the 
same  respect  in  temporal  which  I  do  you  in  spiritual  mat- 
ters.    You  are  sovereign  of  Rome,,  but  I  am  its  emperor. " 

Pius  YIL  replied,  "Your  Majesty  lays  it  down  as  a  fun- 
damental principle  that  you  are  sovereign  of  Rome.  The 
supreme  pontiff  recognizes  no  sach  authority,  nor  any  power 
superior  in  temporal  matters  to  his  own." 

The  pope,  claiming  that  he  was  an  independent  sover- 
eign, claimed  the  right,  powerless  as  he  was,  of  throwing 
open  his  ports  to  the  enemies  of  France.  Napoleon,  wish- 
ing earnestly  to  be  on  amicable  terms  with  his  holiness,  pro- 
posed as  the  basis  of  an  arrangement  between  the  two  gov- 
ernments: 1.  That  the  ports  of  the  papal  states  should  be 
closed  against  English  ships  when  France  and  England  were 

Italy— 22 


606  ITALY 

at  war.  2.  That  when  a  hostile  force  had  landed  upon  Italy, 
or  were  menacing  the  coast,  the  papal  fortresses,  having  no 
power  in  themselves  to  resist  the  enemy,  should  be  occupied 
by  French  troops.  The  pope  peremptorily  refused  these 
terms.  Napoleon  wrote  to  Eugene  the  following  letter, 
which  he  was  requested  to  lay  before  the  pope: 

"So  the  pope  persists  in  his  refusal.  He  will  open  his 
eyes  when  it  is  too  late.  What  would  he  have?  What 
does  he  mean  to  do  ?  Will  he  place  my  kingdoms  under 
the  spiritual  interdict  ?  Is  he  ignorant  how  much  times  are 
changed?  Does  he  take  me  for  a  second  Louis  le  Debon- 
naire,  and  does  he  believe  that  his  excommunications  will 
make  the  weapons  fall  from  the  hands  of  my  soldiers  ?  What 
would  he  say  if  I  were  to  separate  from  Catholicism  the 
greater  part  of  Europe  ?  I  should  have  better  reason  for 
doing  so  than  Henry  the  Vlllth  had.  Let  the  pope  think 
well  of  it.  Do  not  let  him  force  me  to  propose,  and  to  en- 
force in  France  and  elsewhere,  a  worship  more  rational  than 
that  of  which  he  is  the  chief.  This  would  be  less  difficult 
than  he  thinks  in  the  present  state  of  men's  ideas,  and  when 
so  many  eyes  have  been  opened  for  half  a  century  to  the 
iniquities  and  follies  of  his  clergy." 

It  was  one  of  the  first  principles  of  Napoleon  that  perfect 
freedom  of  conscience  in  religious  worship  should  prevail  in 
every  state  over  which  he  had  any  control.  But  the  pope 
declared  that  the  toleration  of  dissenters  and  Jews  was  a  sin 
against  God  and  a  disgrace  to  any  Christian  state.  The 
pope  refused  to  recognize  the  new  sovereignty  in  Naples, 
affirming  that  the  kingdom  of  Naples  was  in  feudal  depen- 
dence upon  the  papal  see;  refused  to  introduce  the  code  of 
Napoleon  into  his  states;  refused  to  enter  into  an  alliance 
offensive  and  defensive  with  France;  refused  to  allow  the 
free  public  exercise  of  all  forms  of  worship.  Such  was  the 
nature  of  the  conflict.  As  the  pope  held  his  power  by 
the  permission  of  Napoleon,  the  emperor  demanded  the 
pope's  co-operation  in  repelling  his  foes  and  in  promoting 
the  regeneration  of  Europe. 


NAPOLEON   IN   ITALY  507 

In  May,  1809,  Napoleon  issued  a  decree  declaring  that 
as  the  pope  refused  an  alliance  with  France,  and  that  as  the 
safety  of  France  demanded  that  an  unfriendly  power  should 
not  be  left  in  Italy,  the  paj)al  states  were  annexed,  a  part 
to  the  kingdom  of  Italy  and  a  part  to  the  empire  of  France. 
The  pope,  thus  deprived  of  his  temporal  power,  was  granted 
an  annuity  from  France  of  four  hundred  thousand  dollars  a 
year  for  his  personal  expenses.  "The  city  of  Eome,"  said 
this  decree,  "so  interesting  from  its  recollections  as  the  first 
seat  of  Christianity,  is  declared  an  imperial  and  free  city." 

The  pope  immediately  issued  a  bull  of  excommunication 
against  the  emperor.  Napoleon  was  at  this  time  struggling 
against  his  foes  at  Wagram.  Murat  sent  from  Naples  a  bat- 
talion of  troops,  seized  the  pope,  and  conveyed  him  a  pris- 
oner first  to  Savona  and  then  to  the  palace  of  Fontainebleau 
in  France.  Here  the  pontiff  remained  in  gorgeous  captivity 
until  the  downfall  of  Napoleon  in  1814.  At  St.  Helena, 
Napoleon,  in  the  following  words,  dictated  to  Count  Mon- 
tholon  his  intentions  in  reference  to  Italy: 

"It  was  Napoleon's  desire  to  raise  up  the  Italian  nation 
and  to  reunite  the  Venetians,  Milanese,  Piedmontese,  Gen- 
oese, Tuscans,  Parmesans,  Modenese,  Romans,  Neapoli- 
tans, Sicilians,  and  Sardinians  into  one  independent  nation, 
bounded  by  the  Alps  and  the  Adriatic,  the  Ionian  and 
Mediterranean  seas.  Such  was  the  immortal  trophy  he 
was  raising  to  his  glory.  This  great  and  powerful  king- 
dom would  have  been,  by  land,  a  check  to  the  house  of 
Austria,  while,  at  sea,  its  fleets,  combined  with  those 
of  Toulon,  would  have  ruled  the  Mediterranean,  and  pro- 
tected the  old  course  of  trade  to  India  by  the  Red  Sea  and 
Suez.  Rome,  the  capital  of  this  state,  was  the  eternal  city; 
covered  by  the  three  barriers,  of  the  Alps,  the  Po,  and  the 
Apennines;  nearer  than  any  other,  to  the  three  great  islands. 
But  Napoleon  had  many  obstacles  to  surmount.  He  said, 
at  the  council  of  Lyons,  'It  will  take  me  twenty  years  to 
establish  the  Italian  nation.'  " 


508  ITALY 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

ITALY    UNDER    NAPOLEON    AND    UNDER   THE    AUSTRIANS 

FROM   A.D.   1809  TO  A.D.  1848 

French  Measures  in  Italy — Condition  of  Sicily — Of  Sardinia — Of  Naples — 
Joseph  Bonaparte — Murat — The  States  of  the  Church — The  Kingdom 
of  Italy — Eugene  Beauharnais — Encyclopedia  Americana  upon  Napo- 
leon— The  Fall  of  Napoleon — Its  Effects  upon  Italy — The  Austrian 
Sway  in  Italy — Execution  of  Murat — Insurrections — Energy  of  Austria 
— Struggles  of  the  Year  1820 — Revolution  of  1830 — Ruin  of  the  Italian 
Patriots — Accession  of  Louis  Napoleon — Revival  of  the  Italian  Struggle 

THE  establishment  of  French  power  in  Rome  wrought 
immediate  and  wonderful  results.  They  cannot  be 
better  described  than  in  the  language  of  Alison: 
"The  immediate  effects  of  the  change,"  he  says,  "were 
in  the  highest  degree  beneficial  on  the  city  of  Rome.  Vast 
was  the  difference  between  the  slumber  of  the  cardinals  and 
the  energetic  measures  of  Napoleon.  Improvements,  inter- 
esting alike  to  the  antiquary  and  the  citizen,  were  under- 
taken in  every  direction.  The  majestic  monuments  of 
ancient  Rome,  half  concealed  by  the  ruins  and  accumu- 
lations oE  fourteen  hundred  years,  stood  forth  in  renovated 
splendor;  the  stately  columns  of  the  Temple  of  Jupiter 
Tonans,  relieved  of  the  load  of  their  displaced  architrave, 
were  restored  to  the  perpendicular,  from  which  they  had 
swerved  during  their  long  decay;  the  beautiful  pillars  of 
that  Jupiter  Stator,  half  covered  up  with  fragments  of  mar- 
bles, revealed  their  exquisite  and  now  fully  discovered 
proportions;  the  huge  interior  of  the  Coliseum,  cleared  of 
the  rubbish  which  obstructed  its  base,  again  exhibited  its 
wonders  to  the  light;  the  channels  which  conducted  the 
water  for  the  aquatic  exhibitions,  the  iron  gates  which  were 
opened  to  admit  the  hundreds  of  lions  to  the  amphitheatre, 
the  dens  where  their  natural  ferocity  was  augmented  by 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      509 

artificial  stimulants,  the  bronze  rings  to  which  the  Chris- 
tian martyrs  were  chained,  again  appeared  to  the  wonder- 
ing populace;  the  houses  which  deformed  the  centre  of  the 
forum  were  cleared  away;  and  piercing  through  a  covering 
of  eighteen  feet  in  thickness,  revealed  the  pavements  of 
the  ancient  forum,  the  venerable  blocks  of  the  Via  Sacra, 
still  furrowed  by  the  chariot  marks  of  a  hundred  triumphs. 

"Nor  were  more  distant  quarters  or  modern  interests 
neglected.  The  temple  of  Vesta,  near  the  Tiber,  svas 
cleared  out.  A  hundred  workmen,  under  the  direction 
of  Canova,  prosecuted  their  searches  in  the  baths  of  Titus, 
where  the  Laocoon  had  been  discovered;  large  sums  were 
expended  on  the  Quirinal  palace,  destined  for  the  residence 
of  the  imperial  family  when  at  Rome.  Severe  laws,  and  an 
impartial  execution  of  them,  speedily  repressed  the  hideous 
practice  of  private  assassination,  so  long  the  disgrace  of  the 
papal  states.  A  double  row  of  shady  trees  led  from  the  arch 
of  Constantine  to  the  Appian  Way,  and  thence  to  the  forum. 
Surveys  were  made  with  a  view  to  the  completion  of  the 
long  neglected  drainage  of  the  Pontine  Marshes;  and  prep- 
arations commenced  for  turning  aside,  for  a  season,  the 
course  of  the  Tiber,  and  discovering  in  its  bed  the  inesti- 
mable treasures  of  art  which  were  thrown  into  it  during  the 
terrors  of  the  Grothic  invasion." 

It  is  a  curious  but  indisputable  fact  that  it  is  difficult  for 
any  one  to  suggest,  even  now,  any  measure  for  the  improve- 
ment of  Italy,  which  Napoleon  had  not  both  proposed  and 
adopted  measures  to  execute.  From  this  time  until  the  fall 
of  Napoleon,  in  1814,  the  political  divisions  of  Italy  did  not 
meet  with  any  important  change.  The  English  fleet  held 
possession  of  the  island  of  Sicily,  and  maintained  upon  the 
throne  there  the  infamous  king  and  queen  Ferdinand  and 
Caroline,  who  had  fled  from  Naples  to  Sicily  in  the  British 
fleet.  The  people  were  bitterly  hostile  to  their  detested 
sway,  and  the  British  were  hated  for  forcing,  with  their 
fleet  and  their  bayonets,  upon  the  Sicilians  this  execrable 
despotism.     It  was  the  harder  to  be  borne,  since  Naples,  re- 


510  ITALY 

generated,  was  in  the  enjoyment  of  institutions  which  were 
developing  lier  resources  as  they  had  not  been  developed 
for  a  thousand  years.  The  Sicilians  were  taxed  beyond  all 
endurance  to  sustain  the  extravagance  of  the  court.  Mat- 
ters at  length  were  in  such  a  desperate  state  that  the  British 
government,  ashamed  any  longer  to  uphold,  by  their  arms, 
such  atrocities,  compelled  the  queen  to  consent  that  her  au- 
tomaton husband  should  abdicate  the  throne  in  favor  of  his 
infant  son,  and  that  the  British  minister  at  Palermo,  Sir 
William  Bentinck,  should  be  regent.  Caroline  resisted 
furiously,  but  was  compelled  to  submit.  She,  however, 
soon  forced  her  husband  to  attempt  to  regain  his  author- 
ity; upon  which  the  British  banished  her  from  the  island, 
and  sent  her  to  her  Austrian  home  in  Vienna,  where  the 
blood-stained  and  impenitent  queen,  chafing  like  a  tigress, 
and  with  her  soul  crimsoned  with  life-long  crimes,  subse- 
quently died. 

The  wretched  Sicilians  were  still  compelled  to  support 
an  extravagant  court,  and  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  Brit- 
ish troops  who  upheld  that  court.  Discontent  and  misery 
reigned  throughout  the  island. 

The  kingdom  of  Sardinia,  having  lost  Savoy,  Nice,  and 
Piedmont,  had  dwindled  down  merely  to  the  island  of  Sar- 
dinia. The  king,  Charles  Emanuel,  weary  of  the  world, 
abdicated,  and  retired  to  monastic  life  in  Home,  where, 
supported  by  a  pension  from  Napoleon,  he  passed  the 
gloomy  remainder  of  his  days  a  Jesuit,  counting  his 
beads.  His  brother,  Victor  Emanuel,  who  succeeded  to 
the  shrivelled  crown,  was  sustained  upon  the  throne  by 
the  energies  of  the  English  fleet.  The  people,  envying  the 
new  continental  kingdoms,  which  were  in  a  high  state  of 
prosperity,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  equality  of  rights 
which  the  human  heart  ever  craves,  were  restless  and  in- 
surrectionary. 

Naples  was  nominally  an  independent  kingdom.  But  in 
that  day  there  was  no  such  thing  as  real  independence  for 
any  minor  power.     All  Europe  was  divided  into  two  par- 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      511 

ties,  deadly  hostile  to  each  other — the  friends  of  the  liberal 
principles  which  the  French  revolution  had  introduced,  and 
the  friends  of  the  old  regime.  All  of  the  one  party  fol- 
lowed the  lead  of  France,  for  with  France  they  stood  or  fell. 
All  of  the  other  party  obeyed  the  call  of  England,  Austria, 
Eussia,  and  Prussia,  for  it  was  only  by  the  combined  en- 
ergies of  all  these  courts  that  the  peoijle  of  Europe,  every- 
where clamoring  for  popular  rights,  could  be  prevented 
from  overthrowing  the  aristocratic   governments. 

Joseph  Bonaparte,  at  a  sweep,  had  annulled  all  the  feu- 
dal laws  of  Naples,  and  all  the  corrupt  tribunals  connected 
with  them.  Joachim  Murat,  following  in  his  footsteps,  and 
guided  by  the  equitable  principles  of  the  Code  Napoleon, 
which  code  is  still  the  admiration  of  enlightened  jurispru- 
dence, established  impartial  tribunals  of  justice  in  which 
the  people  had  a  fair  representation;  equalized  all  taxes; 
opened  every  post  of  emolument  or  honor  alike  to  the 
competition  of  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  high-born  and 
the  lowly-born;  suppressed  the  convents,  which  had  be- 
come nurseries  of  fanaticism,  idleness,  and  licentiousness; 
established  institutions  for  popular  education;  endowed  col- 
leges in  every  province,  and  a  university  at  Naples,  with  the 
highest  course  of  classical,  mathematical,  and  philosophical 
studies;  and  devoted  especial  attention  to  the  establishment 
in  every  province  of  seminaries  for  the  education  of  females. 
"France,"  said  Napoleon,  "needs  nothing  so  much  as  good 
mothers. ' '  This  sentiment  he  enjoined  upon  all  the  govern- 
ments over  which  he  could  exert  an  influence. 

Agricultural  societies  were  formed  in  every  province; 
charitable  institutions  founded;  a  national  institute  was  es- 
tablished, and  a  general  board  of  direction  of  public  works 
was  organized,  under  whose  vigorous  superintendence  the 
most  important  improvements  were  prosecuted  all  over  the 
kingd-om.  The  state  revenues  were  augmented,  the  public 
credit  completely  established,  and  the  enormous  national 
debt  so  far  liquidated  as  to  amount,  at  the  fall  of  Napoleon, 
to  but  six  hundred  thousand  dollars. 


512  ITALY 

The  territory  which  had  composed  the  states  of  the  church 
had  been  entirely  dismembered  and  reorganized.  Some  of 
the  provinces  had  been  annexed  to  France;  others  were  an- 
nexed to  the  Italian  kingdom,  and  others  were  organized 
into  dukedoms,  dependent  upon  and  subservient  to  France. 
The  French  provinces  in  Italy  were  united  into  one  general 
government,  and  placed  under  the  administration  of  Louis 
Napoleon,  brother  of  Napoleon  I.,  and  father  of  the  present 
emperor  of  France.  Afterward,  upon  his  transfer  to  a  more 
important  post,  the  government  was  assigned  to  Prince  Bor- 
ghese,  an  Italian  nobleman,  who  had  married  Pauline,  one 
of  the  emperor's  sisters.  These  departments  were  under  the 
same  system  of  laws  as  those  in  France,  and  governed  in 
the  same  manner.  The  people  of  the  papal  states  were  so 
intensely  hostile  to  the  ecclesiastical  government  under 
which  they  had  groaned  that  this  change  was  hailed  with 
general  and  cordial  satisfaction.  There  is  undisputed  tes- 
timony that  the  papal  states  had  never  before  been  so  pros- 
perous or  so  happy. 

The  kingdom  of  Italy,  embracing  in  general  Lombardy, 
Venice,  that  part  of  the  Tyrol  which  forms  the  valley  of  the 
Adige,  the  Vattelline,  the  duchy  of  Modena,  and  the  papal 
provinces  of  Ferrara,  Bologna,  Eomagna,  Urbino,  Macerata, 
Camerino,  and  Ancona,  embraced  a  population  of  six  mil- 
lion seven  hundred  thousand.  The  realm,  as  thus  consti- 
tuted, embraced  about  thirty-six  thousand  square  miles. 
The  constitution  was  essentially  the  same  as  that  of  France. 
Eugene  Beauharnais,  the  only  son  of  Josephine,  was  but 
twenty-five  years  of  age  when  appointed  to  the  vice-royalty 
of  tliis  kingdom.  He  was  a  man  of  much  administrative 
ability,  and  possessed  his  mother's  characteristic  magna- 
nimity and  amiability.  He  was  exceedingly  beloved  by  his 
subjects,  and  to  the  present  day  is  spoken  of  with  reverence 
and  affection. 

Nearly  all  the  prominent  offices  of  state  were  conferred 
upon  native  Italians.  The  famous  road  over  the  Simplon 
was  constructed  by  France  and  the  kingdom  of  Italy  united 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      513 

at  an  expense  of  one  million  two  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
Works  of  public  utility  were  prosecuted  vigorously  all  over 
the  kingdom;  general  education  was  encouraged,  and  pre- 
miums unceasingly  offered  for  improvements  in  the  arts. 
Energy  and  emulation  were  everywhere  diffused,  and  the 
strife  between  plebeians  and  patricians  was  broken  down, 
as  the  humblest  peasant  rejoiced  in  the  possession  of  equal 
rights  with  the  most  exalted  noble,  and  saw  all  the  avenues 
to  wealth  and  power  as  freely  open  to  the  chikl  of  the  cot- 
tage as  to  the  child  of  the  castle.  Even  to  the  j^resent  day 
the  Lombards  love  to  speak  of  the  glories  of  the  "king- 
dom," and  look  back  with  regret  to  those  days  which  they 
pronounced  to  be  the  brightest  which  have  ever  shone  upon 
Italy. 

The  "Encyclopedia  Americana,"  in  a  very  able  article 
upon  Italy,  says:  "If  the  downfall  of  Napoleon  is  regret- 
ted in  any  quarter  of  the  world  it  is  in  Italy.  This  coun- 
try had  become  destitute  of  every  element  of  national  life. 
Its  commerce  was  fettered  by  numerous  political  divisions; 
its  administration  poisoned  and  vitiated  to  a  degree  of  which 
none  can  have  an  idea  except  an  eye-witness;  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  ground  impoverished  by  the  heavy  rents  which 
they  had  to  pay  to  the  landholders ;  science  enslaved  by  the 
sway  of  the  clergy;  the  noblemen,  distrusted  by  the  foreign 
governments,  and  not  admitted  to  offices  of  importance,  had 
lost  energy  and  activity.  In  fact  hardly  anything  could  be 
said  to  flourish,  with  the  exception  of  music,  and,  to  a  cer- 
tain degree,  other  fine  arts. 

"Under  Napoleon  everything  was  changed.  Italian  ar- 
mies were  created  which  gave  birth  to  a  sense  of  military 
honor  among  the  people;  the  organization  of  the  judicial 
tribunals  was  improved,  and  justice  much  better  adminis- 
tered; industry  was  awakened  and  encouraged;  schools  re- 
ceived new  attention,  and  the  sciences  were  concentrated  in 
large  and  effective  learned  societies.  In  short,  a  new  life 
was  awakened,  and  no  Italian  or  Grerman  who  wishes  well 
to  his  country  can  read  without  deep  interest  the  passage  in 


514  ITALY 

Las  Casas'  Memorial,  in  which  Napoleon's  views  on  these 
two  countries  are  given.  His  prophecy  that  Italy  will  one 
day  be  united,  we  hope  will  be  fulfilled.  Union  has  been 
the  ardent  wish  of  reflecting  Italians  for  centuries,  and  the 
want  of  it  is  the  great  cause  of  the  suffering  of  this  beauti- 
ful and  unfortunate  country." 

In  the  winter  of  1812,  the  proudest  army  France  has  ever 
raised  perished  among  the  snows  of  Russia.  It  was  the  sig- 
nal for  all  the  old  monarchies  of  Europe  again  to  combine 
to  destroy  Napoleon,  the  disturber  of  their  thrones.  He 
struggled  against  them  with  heroism  which  has  excited  the 
wonder  of  the  world.  One  million  two  hundred  thousand 
bayonets  advanced  upon  exhausted  France,  and  Napoleon 
fell;  and  with  him  fell,  of  course,  all  those  liberal  govern- 
ments his  genius  had  created,  and  his  arm  had  upheld. 
The  French  constitution  was  trampled  into  the  bloody  mire 
by  the  squadrons  of  England,  Austria,  Eussia,  Prussia,  with 
all  their  innumerable  allies,  and  the  execrable  despotism  of 
the  Bourbons  was  re-established  over  the  subjugated  French 
people.  The  enormous  sum  of  three  hundred  and  seven 
million  five  hundred  thousand  dollars  was  extorted  from 
the  conquered  French  to  pay  the  allies  for  the  expense  of 
riveting  upon  them  anew  the  chains  of  tyranny.  One  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  foreign  troops  were  stationed  in  all 
the  most  important  fortresses  of  France  to  keep  the  French 
people  in  subjection  to  Bourbon  sway.  Earth  has  witnessed 
many  crimes,  but  never  one  on  a  more  gigantic  scale  than 
this. 

Italy  encountered  the  same  doom  as  France.  Her  con- 
stitutions were  trampled  in  the  dust,  her  liberal  govern- 
ments indignantly  demolished,  and  the  old,  worn-out  re- 
gimes of  priestly  fanaticism  and  aristocratic  tyranny 
unrelentingly  re-established.  The  triumphant  allies  met 
in  congress  at  Vienna,  to  divide  between  them  the  spoil 
and  to  map  out  Europe  anew,  in  such  a  way  that  the  people 
should  be  effectually  prevented  from  any  further  attempts 
to  establish  free  orovernments. 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      515 

The  emperor  of  Austria,  Francis  I.,  received  all  the  for- 
mer mainland  territories  of  Venice,  and  the  whole  of  Lorn- 
bardy  as  far  westward  as  the  Ticino,  and  south  to  the  Po. 
These  extended  realms  he  organized  into  a  monarchy,  which 
he  called  the  Lombardo- Venetian  kingdom.  It  contained 
seventeen  thousand  six  hundred  square  miles,  and  four 
million  one  hundred  and  seventy-six  thousand  inhabitants. 
The  emperor  of  Austria  governed  the  realm  through  a  vice- 
roy at  Milan. 

The  king  of  Sardinia,  Charles  Emanuel,  who  had  for 
some  time  possessed  only  the  island  of  Sardinia,  received 
back  Piedmont  and  Savoy ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  all  the 
provinces  of  Genoa  were  attached  to  his  throne. 

Modena,  with  some  adjoined  territory,  was  reconstructed 
into  a  dukedom,  and  was  conferred  upon  Francis,  son  of  the 
archduke  Ferdinand,  who  was  a  brother  of  the  emperor  of 
Austria.  It  contained  an  area  of  two  thousand  and  sev- 
enty-three square  miles,  and  a  population  of  about  five 
hundred  thousand.  Its  revenue  was  one  million  five  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars.  Its  standing  army  in  time  of  peace 
was  three  thousand  five  hundred;  when  upon  a  war  foot- 
ing it  consisted  of  nineteen  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
fifty- six. 

Parma,  also  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  Piacenza  and 
Guastally,  became  again  a  duchy  of  very  considerable  ex- 
tent, revenues,  and  power,  and  was  conferred  upon  Maria 
Louisa,  the  daughter  of  the  emperor  of  Austria,  whom  the 
allies  forbade  to  follow  her  husband  Napoleon  to  St.  Helena. 
The  duchy  contained  two  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
twelve  square  miles.  Its  standing  army  amounted  to  four 
thousand  men,  and  its  revenue  to  one  million  two  hundred 
thousand  dollars. 

The  grandduchy  of  Tuscany  was  assigned  to  the  Aus- 
trian archduke  Ferdinand,  whose  son  Francis  reigned  over 
the  adjoining  duchy  of  Modena.  It  contained  eight  thou- 
sand five  hundred  and  eighty-six  square  miles,  being  a 
thousand  square  miles  larger  than  Massachusetts.     Its  pop- 


516  ITALY 

ulation  was  about  one  million  five  hundred  thousand;  its 
revenue  amounted  to  about  five  million  dollars,  and  its 
standing  army  consisted  of  seventeen  thousand  men. 

The  states  of  the  church,  extending  to  the  south  as  far 
as  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  in  the  north  reaching  to  the 
Po,  and  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Mediterranean,  Tus- 
cany, and  Modena,  were  restored  to  the  pope.  These  states 
consist  of  nineteen  departments,  six  of  which  are  technically 
called  Legations,  and  the  remainder  Delegations.  Their 
total  area  consisted  of  seventeen  thousand  two  hundred 
and  ten  square  miles — being  about  as  large  as  the  Sar- 
dinian kingdom,  and  the  Lombardo- Venetian  kingdom,  and 
about  half  the  size  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  exclusive  of 
Sicily.  The  population  of  these  states  was  a  little  over 
three  million,  and  the  standing  army,  with  which  the  vicar 
of  Christ  kept  his  subjects  in  subjection,  amounted  to  fifteen 
thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty-five  infantry,  and  thirteen 
hundred  and  fifty  cavalry.  It  is  said  that  the  revenue 
wrested  from  the  subjects  of  the  pope  amounted  to  over 
fourteen  million  dollars  annually. 

The  papal  government  is  sufficiently  peculiar  to  merit  a 
few  additional  observations.  The  pope  is  an  elected  sov- 
ereign, chosen  by  the  sacred  college,  which  consists  of  the 
seventy  cardinals.  This  number  of  cardinals  is  instituted  in 
imitation  of  the  evangelists  sent  out  by  our  Saviour.  When 
any  vacancy  occurs  in  the  college  it  is  filled  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  pope,  who  acts  without  control.  When  the 
pope  dies,  for  nine  days  his  body  remains  in  state,  during 
which  time  one  of  the  cardinals,  called  the  cardinal  cham- 
berlain, officiates  as  pope.  The  body  is  then  buried,  and 
the  cardinals  meet  in  a  private  room  in  the  Vatican  to 
choose  out  of  their  number  a  successor.  A  majority  of 
two-thirds  is  essential  to  a  choice.  The  power  of  the  pope 
is  absolute.  It  is  one  of  the  leading  principles  of  his 
government  that  all  the  civil  offices  should  be  filled  by 
priests. 

Upon  one  of  the  mountains  of  the  Apennines,  surrounded 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      517 

entirely  by  the  papal  states,  there  is  a  diminutive  realm  of 
but  thirty  square  miles,  called  the  republic  of  San  Marino. 
It  is  what  we  should  call  in  America  a  township,  six  miles 
long  and  five  miles  broad.  A  stonie  mason  in  the  fifth  cen- 
tury established  a  hermitage  there.  His  followers  increased 
until  they  formed  a  community  of  some  seven  thousand 
persons,  governed  by  their  own  laws.  The  insignificance  of 
this  hamlet  has  been  its  strength.  No  government  has  been 
willing  to  trample  upon  a  people  so  sequestered,  poor,  and 
powerless,  and  thus  the  republic  of  San  Marino  has  remained 
unchanged  amid  the  storms  which  for  centuries  have  been 
desolating  Italy. 

The  allies  restored  to  Ferdinand,  the  old  and  infamous 
king  of  Naples,  the  realm  which  had  so  long  been  cursed 
by  his  tyranny.  He  reascended  the  throne  with  the  title 
of  Ferdinand  L,  king  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  the  Two 
Sicilies.  With  both  the  continental  portion  and  the  island 
of  Sicily,  it  embraced  an  area  of  about  forty-two  thousand 
square  miles,  being  about  as  large  as  the  state  of  Louisiana. 
Its  population  was  about  seven  millions. 

Such  was  the  condition  in  which  Italy  was  placed  by  the 
congress  of  the  allied  powers,  convened  after  the  overthrow 
of  Napoleon.  Every  privilege  which  the  Italian  people  had 
gained  in  the  line  of  popular  rights  was  taken  from  them; 
and  they  were  delivered  back,  bound  hand  and  foot,  to 
their  old  masters.  The  whole  peninsula  became  virtually 
but  a  province  of  Austria;  nearly  all  its  departments  gov- 
erned by  Austrian  princes,  or  by  those  who  acknowledged 
their  dependence  upon  Austrian  armies  to  hold  the  restive 
people  in  subjection. 

We  must  now  endeavor  to  describe  the  condition  of  Italy, 
province  by  province,  under  the  sway  of  these  despotisms 
imposed  upon  the  Italians  by  the  allies.  Let  us  commence 
with  Naples.  Ferdinand  I. ,  as  one  of  the  conditions  of  his 
re- enthronement,  entered  into  a  secret  treaty  with  the  em- 
peror of  Austria,  that  "he  would  not  introduce  in  his  gov- 
ernment  any  principles   irreconcilable  with  those  adopted 


618  ITALY 

by  his  imperial  majesty  in  the  government  of  his  Italian 
provinces. ' ' 

Murat  made  a  desperate  attempt  to  regain  his  kingdom, 
believing  that  the  Neapolitans,  with  whom  he  had  ever 
been  very  popular,  would  rise  luianimously  in  his  favor. 
He  landed  almost  alone  upon  the  coast  of  Calabria.  Some 
of  the  soldiers  of  Ferdinand  with  but  little  difficulty  seized 
him,  and  sent  word  of  his  arrest  to  the  court  at  Naples. 
Orders  immediately  came  back  from  Ferdinand  that  he 
should,  with  the  utmost  promptness,  be  condemned  to 
death  by  a  military  commission.  "There  shall  be  allowed 
to  the  condemned, "  said  the  despatch,  "but  one-half  hour 
to  receive  the  consolations  of  religion. "  He  was  condemned, 
and  was  informed  that  he  was  immediately  to  be  led  out  to 
his  execution.  In  the  following  touching  letter  he  took 
leave  of  his  family: 

' '  My  dear  Caroline !  My  last  hour  has  arrived.  In  a  few 
moments  I  shall  cease  to  live.  In  a  few  moments  you  will 
no  longer  have  a  husband.  Never  forget  me.  I  die  inno- 
cent. My  life  has  never  been  stained  with  any  injustice. 
Adieu,  my  Achille!  Adieu,  my  Lsetitia!  Adieu,  my  Lu- 
cien!  Adieu,  my  Louise!  Show  yourselves  to  the  world 
worthy  of  me.  I  leave  you  without  a  kingdom,  without 
fortune,  in  the  midst  of  my  numerous  enemies.  Be  con- 
stantly united!  Show  yourselves  superior  to  misfortune. 
Think  of  what  you  are  and  of  what  you  have  been,  and 
God  will  bless  you.  Never  reproach  my  memory.  Be  as- 
sured that  my  greatest  grief,  in  these  last  moments  of  my 
life,  is  to  die  far  from  my  children.  Eeceive  the  paternal 
benediction.  Receive  my  embraces  and  my  tears.  Cherish 
always  the  memory  of  your  unhappy  father." 

He  was  led  out  into  the  fosse  of  the  prison  of  Pizzo. 
Twelve  soldiers,  with  loaded  muskets,  were  drawn  up  in  a 
line  awaiting  him.  He  walked  up  to  his  position  until  the 
muzzles  of  their  guns  nearly  touched  his  breast.  Looking 
serenely  at  the  soldiers,  with  a  smile  upon  his  lips,  he 
said: 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      519 

"Mj  friends,  do  not  make  me  suffer  by  taking  bad  aim. 
The  narrowness  of  the  space  obliges  you  almost  to  rest  the 
muzzles  of  your  pieces  on  my  breast.  Do  not  tremble. 
Spare  the  face;  straight  to  the  heart." 

In  his  hand  he  held  a  little  medallion  containing  portraits 
of  his  wife,  Caroline,  and  his  four  little  children.  Grazing 
upon  it  he  gave  the  signal  and  fell,  pierced  by  twelve  balls. 
Thus  died  Joachim  Murat,  on  the  thirteenth  of  October, 
1816,  in  the  forty-eighth  year  of  his  life. 

The  king,  Ferdinand  L,  could  not  forget  the  old  princi- 
ples of  Bourbon  rule,  and  now  that  the  people  had  enjoyed 
a  short  experience  of  liberal  principles,  the  tyranny  of  the 
old  regime  seemed  doubly  execrable.  The  taxes  were 
greatly  increased;  all  the  public  works  which  the  French 
had  either  planned  or  executed,  were  neglected  or  suffered 
to  fall  into  decay;  the  education  of  the  people  was  entirely 
abandoned;  for  the  funds  which  had  been  appropriated  for 
that  measure,  were  needed  to  supply  the  voluptuousness  of 
the  court.  The  discontent  of  the  people  rapidly  increased, 
and,  in  defiance  of  dungeons  and  death,  the  murmurs  were 
so  loud  that  it  was  evident  to  attentive  observers  that 
troubles  were  at  hand.  A  secret  society  of  patriots  was 
organized,  called  the  Carbonari.  It  spread  throughout  all 
Italy,  and  soon  numbered  six  hundred  and  forty-two  thou- 
sand persons,  enrolling  in  its  ranks  nearly  the  whole  genius, 
intelligence,  and  patriotism  of  the  land. 

On  the  second  of  July,  1820,  an  insurrection  broke  out 
at  Avellino,  an  im.portant  post  about  fifty  miles  west  of 
Naples.  The  people  rose  tumultuously,  and  the  soldiers 
as  eagerly  joined  them.  The  emeute  was  spreading  like 
wildfire,  and  the  tidings  plunged  the  court  of  Naples  into 
the  utmost  consternation.  All  the  disposable  force  of  the 
court  was  ordered  to  march  immediately  upon  Avellino. 
But  Carascosa,  the  royalist  general,  found  his  own  troops 
shouting,  "The  Constitution,"  and  to  prevent  them  from 
joining  the  ranks  of  the  insurgents,  he  was  compelled  to 
lead  them  back  to  Naples.     General  Pepe,  who  was  in  com- 


620  ITALY 

mand  of  the  garrison  at  Salerno,  now  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  patriots,  who  consequently  made  Salerno  their 
headquarters.  The  court  was  powerless,  whole  regiments 
declaring  for  the  constitution.  The  students,  the  profes- 
sional men,  the  whole  intelligent  class  were  unanimous  in 
the  cry.  The  king  thus  terrified  yielded,  and  took  an  oath, 
with  all  the  solemnities  of  religion,  to  adopt  and  maintain 
a  free  constitution,  founded  upon  the  principles  of  the  Code 
Napoleon,  such  as  the  Spanish  people  had  recently  extorted 
from  their  king. 

A  new  ministry  was  organized,  and  the  authority  of  the 
kingdom,  by  this  bloodless  revolution,  passed  into  the  hands 
of  the  patriots.  Illuminations,  the  ringing  of  bells,  and 
every  demonstration  of  joy  pervaded  the  kingdom.  In 
Palermo,  on  the  island  of  Sicily,  an  Englishman,  General 
Church,  was  in  command  of  the  troops  who  supported 
the  power  of  Ferdinand.  A  bloody  fight  ensued.  But  the 
patriots  with  great  slaughter  overpowered  the  soldiers. 
The  Sicilians  made  a  feeble  effort  to  repeal  the  union  and 
secure  the  independence  of  the  island  of  Sicily.  But  the 
attempt  was  speedily  quelled,  and  the  whole  kingdom  re- 
mained united  under  one  constitution.  The  constitution 
granted  one  representative  in  the  legislature  for  every  thirty 
thousand  inhabitants. 

The  signal  success  of  this  enterprise,  roused  the  people 
of  the  papal  states.  "With  shouts  of  "long  live  the  repub- 
lic," the  populace  sprang  to  arms  in  various  places;  but 
the  troop  proved  true  to  discipline  and  mercilessly  shot 
them  down. 

In  Piedmont  the  insurrection  was  more  serious.  The 
people  there,  familiar  with  the  French  armies,  had  become 
highly  intelligent.'  All  of  the  most  respectable  portion  of 
the  community,  including  the  merchants,  the  educated 
classes,  and  the  officers  of  the  army,  were  members  of  the 
Carbonari,  and  were  anxiously  watching  for  an  opportunity 
to  overthrow  the  government  of  aristocratic  privilege,  and 
to   introduce   in   its   stead  the  Napoleonic   government  of 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIAN S      521 

equal  rights.  Some  students,  whose  ardor  and  enthusiasm 
triumphed  over  their  sense  of  prudence,  put  on  the  cap  of 
liberty  and  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion  in  the  small 
town  of  Ardenno,  in  the  district  of  Novara.  The  people 
rushed  so  eagerly  to  join  them  that  it  was  found  necessary 
to  send  four  companies  of  the  royal  guard  to  arrest  the 
movement.  The  whole  kingdom  was  soon  in  a  blaze,  there 
seeming  to  be  entire  unanimity  in  the  resolve  to  overthrow 
absolutism  and  establish  a  constitutional  monarchy.  Many 
noblemen  joined  in  the  enterprise.  On  the  tenth  of  March, 
1821,  at  a  vast  gathering  of  citizens  and  soldiers  at  Ales- 
sandria, the  same  constitution  was  adopted  which  had  been 
adopted  in  Naples. 

The  tidings  reached  Turin,  the  capital  of  the  Sardinian 
kingdom.  The  populace  crowded  the  streets  shouting, 
"Live  the  Constitution."  The  soldiers  fraternized  with 
them.  There  was  no  wish  to  overthrow  the  monarchical 
form  of  government.  They  only  wished  for  the  establish- 
ment of  free  institutions  under  this  form.  Monarchical 
England,  not  republican  America,  was  the  model  which 
they  wished  to  imitate.  Scarcely  an  intelligent  man  could 
be  found  in  Italy  who  deemed  the  Italians  prepared  for 
a  true  republic.  The  demand  was  only  for  a  constitution 
which  would  give  the  people  a  voice  in  the  government, 
and  which  should  limit  the  absolute  and  despotic  power  of 
the  king.  With  one  voice  Turin  rose  and  made  this  de- 
mand. The  Austrian  troops,  left  in  garrison  there  to  main- 
tain the  cause  of  absolutism,  fled  from  the  city.  The  tri- 
color floated  over  the  bastions  of  Turin,  and  beneath  the 
windows  of  the  palace  the  constitution  was  proclaimed 
by  the  shouts  of  the  military  and  the  people.  The  king 
was  utterly  bewildered.  While  anxiously  deliberating  with 
his  council,  three  guns  from  the  citadel  announced  that  it 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  constitutionalists.  Austria, 
in  the  meantime,  had  sent  a  demand  that  the  Piedmontese 
troops  should  be  disbanded,  and  the  fortresses  filled  with 
Austrian  troops.     The  king  sent  from  his  palace  the  prince 


522  ITALY 

of  Carignan,  heir  apparent  to  the  throne,  to  ascertain  more 
definitely  the  wishes  of  the  people,  now  triumphant. 

The  prince  was  received  with  every  demonstration  of  re- 
spect, but  the  people  were  united  and  firm  in  their  demand 
for  the  constitution.  "Our  hearts,"  said  they,  "are  faithful 
to  the  king;  but  we  must  extricate  him  from  his  fatal  coun- 
cils. The  situation  of  the  country  and  the  people  demand 
the  constitution." 

To  grant  the  constitution  was  inevitable  war  with  Aus- 
tria; for  it  was  well  known  that  war  to  the  last  extremity 
would  be  waged  by  that  despotic  government  before  it 
would  allow  free  institutions  to  be  established  so  near  its 
capital.  The  king  of  Sardinia  had  also  jjledged  himself  to 
the  emperor  to  maintain  absolutism,  and  to  crush  with  all 
the  energies  of  fire  and  sword  any  attempt  of  the  people  to 
encroach  upon  the  assumptions  of  the  crown.  Austrian 
troops  were  quartered  in  Piedmont  to  aid  the  king  in  main- 
taining his  despotic  power,  and  to  send  the  alarm  instantly 
to  Austria  should  that  power  be  menaced. 

In  this  perplexity  the  king  decided  to  abdicate.  He 
transferred  the  crown  to  his  brother  Felix,  who  was  then 
at  Modena,  and  appointing  Charles  Albert,  prince  of  Carig- 
nan, regent,  set  out  immediately  for  Nice.  On  the  evening 
of  the  same  day,  April  thirteenth,  1821,  the  prince  regent 
found  himself  compelled  to  adopt  the  constitution,  on  con- 
dition, however,  of  the  royal  assent. 

The  "holy  allies,"  Austria,  Russia,  and  Prussia,  met  in 
congress  at  Laybach  to  devise  efficient  measures  to  put 
down  this  spirit  of  liberty  in  Italy.  The  British  govern- 
ment was  in  sympathy  with  the  despots.  The  British  j^eople 
were  in  such  warm  sympathy  with  their  Italian  brethren 
struggling  for  their  rights  that  the  government  did  not  dare 
to  join  the  "holy  allies."  Lord  Castlereagh,  however,  in 
the  name  of  the  British  cabinet,  sent  a  despatch  to  the  con- 
gress, stating  that  while  England  wished  to  remain  neutral, 
it  admitted  this  was  a  case  in  which  the  intervention  of  the 
northern  monarchs  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  people  was 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      523 

justifiable.  The  sentiments  of  the  British  court  at  that  time 
are  refiected,  as  in  a  mirror,  in  the  representation  which  Sir 
Archibald  Alison  gives  of  these  events.  He  is  the  court 
historian,  and  eloquently  does  he  advocate  their  cause: 

"Such,"  says  Alison,  "was  the  revolution  of  1820.  Com- 
mencing with  military  treason,  it  ended  with  robbery,  mas- 
sacre, and  the  insurrection  of  galley  slaves.  Nothing 
durable  or  beneficial  was  to  be  expected  from  such  a 
commencement.  It  was  characterized  accordingly  through- 
out by  impassioned  conception  and  ephemeral  existence; 
violent  change,  disregard  of  former  usage,  inattention  to 
national  character,  oblivion  of  the  general  national  interests. 
Designed  and  carried  into  execution  by  an  active  and  ener- 
getic, but  limited  and  special  class  of  the  people,  it  exhib- 
ited, in  all  the  countries  where  it  was  established,  the  well 
known  features  of  class  legislation;  and  by  the  establish- 
ment of  class  legislation  of  the  very  worst  kind — universal 
suffrage — it  insured  at  no  distant  period  its  own  down- 
fall" 

Influenced  by  such  views  as  the  above,  Eussia,  Austria, 
and  Prussia  sent  their  armies  to  extinguish  the  rising  flame 
of  liberty  in  Italy.  Instructed  by  the  tremendous  energy 
with  which  France,  emancipated  from  feudalism,  had  strug- 
gled against  combined  Europe,  the  allies  sent  forces  strong 
enough  to  crush  the  Italian  patriots  at  a  blow.  Eussia  put 
in  immediate  motion  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand 
men.  Nearly  the  whole  military  strength,  of  Austria  was, 
by  forced  marches,  crowding  down  through  the  defiles  of 
the  Tyrol  upon  the  plains  of  doomed  Italy.  A  division 
of  the  Austrian  army,  amounting  to  fifty  thousand  men, 
speedily  crossed  the  Po;  and  they  were  followed  by  solid 
battalions  of  Eussian,  Prussia  a,  and  Austrian  troops,  ex- 
tending back,  in  ajDparently  interminable  lines,  even  to  the 
heart  of  Eussia.  The  storm  first  fell  upon  Naples.  It  was 
resistless  as  the  avalanche — desolating  as  the  tornado.  King 
Ferdinand  had  joined  the  allies  in  their  congress  at  Laybach, 
and  returned  to  Naples  behind  the  guns  of  their  resistless 


524  ITALY 

battalions.  The  banners  of  liberty  were  trampled  in  the 
dust — the  constitution  torn  into  shreds — the  patriots  shot, 
hanged,  and  sent  to  the  galleys.  England  and  the  Bour- 
bons of  France,  notwithstanding  their  assumed  neutrality, 
sent  fleets  to  the  harbor  of  Naples  to  protect  the  Bourbon 
monarch  there  should  he  need  their  aid.  Ferdinand  I.  is- 
sued a  decree  to  all  the  friends  of  the  old  regime  to  rally  in 
aid  of  the  allies. 

A  few  bloody  and  despairing  conflicts  terminated  the 
strife.  The  same  soldiers,  who  with  their  bayonets  had  re- 
placed the  Bourbons  on  the  throne  of  France,  now  replaced 
another  branch  of  the  Bourbons  on  the  throne  of  Naples, 
and  re-established  as  execrable  a  despotism  as  that  under 
which  any  nation  has  ever  groaned.  On  the  twelfth  of 
May  the  king  entered  his  capital,  surrounded  by  Austrian 
troops,  who  garrisoned  the  cit}'  and  silenced  every  murmur 
of  the  people.  A  court-martial  was  immediately  estab- 
lished for  the  execution  of  military  law  upon  all  the 
known  friends  of  a  representative  government.  For 
months  the  court  was  busy  in  its  sanguinary  toil.  Mul- 
titudes suffered  the  most  cruel  and  ignominious  punish- 
ments. Many  of  the  purest  spirits  of  Italy  fled  to  other 
lands,  and  with  loss  of  property  wandered  in  exile  and 
penury  until  death  came  to  their  relief. 

The  revolution  being  thus  repressed  by  Austrian  bayo- 
nets— for  the  work  was  already  accomplished  before  the 
Kussian  or  Prussian  troops  had  crossed  the  frontiers — vig- 
orous measures  were  adopted  to  prevent  the  possibility  of 
another  effort  for  popular  liberty.  A  general  disarmament 
of  the  Neapolitans  was  ordered,  and  the  fortresses  were 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Austrian  troops;  a  vigorous 
censorship  of  the  press  was  established,  and  all  the  books 
in  circulation  were  carefully  examined;  a  loan  of  five  mil- 
lion dollars  was  raised;  the  taxes  greatly  increased,  and  an 
army  of  between  fifty  and  sixty  thousand  Austrians,  includ- 
ing seven  thousand  cavalry,  remained  in  occupation  of  the 
Neapolitan  kingdom  to  hold  the  people  in  subjection.     The 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      525 

whole  expense  of  this  Austrian  army  was  borne  by  the  Ne- 
apolitans. 

The  Austrians  now  turned,  with  accumulated  strength, 
toward  the  plains  of  Piedmont.  They  were  so  strong  in 
numbers  that  they  sent  word  to  the  Eussian  troops  that 
they  might  halt  where  they  were,  as  their  co-operation 
probably  would  not  be  needed.  The  tempest  of  war  burst 
terribly  upon  the  little  realm.  The  Austrians,  in  overpow- 
ering numbers,  took  possession  of  all  the  fortresses,  and  en- 
tered Turin  in  triumph.  The  new  king,  Felix,  had  joined 
the  Austrians  at  Novara,  and,  at  the  head  of  their  columns, 
guided  the  attacks  upon  the  Piedmont  fortresses,  and  made 
his  public  entrance  into  Turin.  The  popular  cause  was 
crushed  as  effectually  as  in  Naples,  and  the  old,  absolute, 
royal  authority  re-established.  Confiscations  and  execu- 
tions followed.  Detachments  of  Austrians,  amounting  to 
twelve  thousand  men,  were  placed  in  possession  of  the  four 
most  important  fortresses  of  the  kingdom.  The  Piedmon- 
tese  were  compelled  to  support  these  foreign  troops  at  an 
expense  in  money  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  a  month, 
and  of  thirteen  thousand  rations  daily. 

The  silence  and  repose  of  the  dungeon  continued  un- 
broken in  Italy  for  several  years.  The  taxes  were  every- 
where so  enormous  that  the  people  were  generally  in  a  state 
of  extreme  misery.  On  the  fifth  of  May,  1825,  Ferdinand 
I.  of  Naples  died,  and  his  son,  Francis  I.,  ascended  the 
throne.  He  reigned  for  five  years  in  perfect  obedience  to 
the  emperor  of  Austrifi,  who  with  Austrian  troops  held  pos- 
session of  his  kingdom.  He  died  the  eighth  of  November, 
1830,  being  succeeded  by  his  son  Ferdinand  II. 

The  revolution  in  France  in  1830,  by  which  the  elder 
branch  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  was  driven  from  the  throne 
and  the  sceptre  placed  in  the  hands  of  Louis  Philippe,  con- 
vulsed Italy  from  the  Alps  to  the  extremities  of  Calabria. 
But  the  Italians  were  bound  hand  and  foot;  their  fortresses 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  Austrians,  and  the  whole  power  of 
the  Austrian  empire  was  ready,  at  a  day's  warning,  to  march 


526  ITALY 

and  quell  any  popular  rising.  There  were  a  few  desperate 
outbreaks,  but  the  vigilance  of  the  police,  and  the  presence 
everywhere  of  an  overpowering  Austrian  force,  enabled  the 
rulers  to  repress  with  rigor  every  movement  of  reform. 

For  a  few  years  after  the  fall  of  Napoleon  at  Waterloo, 
the  French  people  had  submitted  in  entire  exhaustion  and 
despair  to  the  old  regime  of  the  Bourbons,  imposed  upon 
them  by  allied  Europe.  But  in  the  year  1830  they  again 
rose  and  drove  the  Bourbons  again  from  the  throne.  The 
remains  of  the  great  emperor  were  then  mouldering  beneath 
the  sod  at  St.  Helena.  His  only  son,  the  duke  of  Reich- 
stadt,  had  pined  away  and  died  in  the  palaces  of  Austria. 
All  the  members  of  the  Napoleonic  family  had  been  ban- 
ished from  France.  There  was  no  one  of  the  name  with 
whom  the  French  people  were  acquainted,  or  to  whom  they 
could  appeal. 

Under  these  circumstances  they  reluctantly  consented  to 
place  upon  the  throne  Louis  Philippe,  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
a  member  of  the  house  of  Bourbon.  Though  it  was  known 
that  his  sympathies  would  be  mainly  with  the  nobles,  it  was 
deemed  that,  on  the  whole,  the  appointment  of  Louis  Phi- 
lippe to  the  sovereignty  was  the  best  arrangement  which 
could  then  be  made.  Eight  years  passed  away,  while  dis- 
content rapidly  increased  as  the  government  was  becoming 
less  and  less  favorable  to  popular  liberty.  Again  the  masses 
were  roused.  Louis  Philippe  was  driven  across  ths  chan- 
nel. Louis  Napoleon  presented  himself  in  the  streets  of 
Paris.  To  the  people  he  was  a  stranger.  But  he  was  the 
grandson  of  Josephine,  and  his  name  was  Bonaparte.  He 
was  the  legitimate  heir  of  that  throne  of  the  empire  which 
the  popular  voice  had  reared,  and  pronounced  hereditary  in 
the  line  of  Napoleon. 

Openly  and  earnestly  Louis  Napoleon  avowed  his  adher- 
ence to  those  principles  of  popular  sovereignty  and  of  equal 
rights  which  had  been  the  glory  and  the  strength  of  the  em- 
pire. Cautiously  he  was  received,  for  he  was  a  stranger, 
with  no  credentials,  in  the  form  of  deeds  achieved,  to  pre- 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      527 

sent  in  attestation  of  his  worth  or  ability.  He  was  first 
aiade  a  legislator,  then  president,  then  emperor.  This  as- 
tonishing revolution  in  France  shook  every  throne  in  Eu- 
rope. The  people  everywhere  were  roused  anew  to  shake 
off  the  detested  yoke  of  aristocratic  despotism.  In  every 
state  of  Italy  there  were  strong  indications  of  tumult,  and 
of  a  general  and  desperate  insurrection  against  the  estab- 
lished powers.  The  pope,  Pius  IX.,  in  his  alarm,  hoping 
to  conciliate  the  people,  adopted  the  unprecedented  reform 
of  establishing  a  new  cabinet,  composed  of  ten  laymen  and 
but  three  ecclesiastics.  He  also  promised  the  people  a  con- 
stitution, and  permission  to  organize  a  national  guard. 

In  Venice  the  agitation  was  intense  and  universal.  The 
people  all  over  the  Lombardo- Venetian  kingdom  rose  in 
such  strength  that  the  Austrian  garrisons  did  not  venture 
to  attack  them.  The  Austrian  force  at  that  time  in  Lom- 
bardy  amounted  to  eighty  thousand,  and  yet  General 
Zichy,  who  was  in  command,  wrote  to  Vienna  that  he 
should  need  at  least  seventy  thousand  more  to  enable 
him  to  make  headway  against  the  people.  The  renowned 
Austrian  general,  Joseph  Radetsky,  was  then  commander- 
in-chief  of  all  the  Austrian  forces  in  Italy. 

In  Milan,  Eadetsky  first  brought  the  Italian  troops, 
eighteen  thousand  in  number,  to  assail  the  Italian  patriots, 
or  rebels,  as  he  deemed  them.  For  six  days  the  ferocious 
conflict  raged,  almost  without  intermission,  through  the 
streets  of  the  city.  The  women  even  joined  their  hus- 
bands and  fathers  in  the  fight  against  the  detested  Aus- 
trians.  In  every  city  in  the  vicinity  the  flame  of  insurrec- 
tion was  blazing  forth.  At  length  the  Austrians  in  Milan, 
discomfited,  were  compelled  to  retreat  to  Crema.  All  Italy 
raised  a  shout  of  exultation. 

Charles  Albert,  who  was  then  the  king  of  Sardinia, 
thought  this  a  favorable  opportunity  to  deliver  his  king- 
dom from  Austrian  domination,  and  nobly  resolved  to  es- 
pouse the  popular  cause,  and  to  confer  upon  his  subjects 
the  blessings  of  a  free  constitution.     He  was  in  command 


528  ITALY 

of  an  army  highly  disciplined,  amounting  to  seventy-five 
thousand  men,  and  was  thus  prepared  to  assume  the  posi- 
tion of  leader  of  the  liberal  party  in  Italy.  He  drew  his 
sword  against  Austria,  and  throwing  away  the  scabbard, 
marched  to  join  the  patriots  at  Milan. 

The  state  of  affairs  throughout  the  whole  Neapolitan 
kingdom  was  essentially  the  same  as  in  Piedmont,  Lom- 
bardy,  and  Venice.  Ferdinand  LL  despatched  nine  ships- 
of-war  to  bombard  Palermo,  and  forty-eight  hours  the 
horrible  storm  of  ruin  and  death  fell  upon  the  city.  The 
king,  at  length  appalled  by  the  vigor  of  the  defence,  and 
by  the  insurrections  bursting  out  in  every  important  town 
of  his  kingdom,  professed  to  yield  to  the  demands  of  his 
peoplCo  He  withdrew  his  soldiers  from  the  conflict  and 
promised  his  subjects  the  constitution  of  1812.  The  an- 
nouncement was  placarded  in  the  streets  of  Naples,  ex- 
citing the  citizens  to  the  highest  transports  of  joy.  But 
it  was  soon  found  that  the  constitution  the  king  was  dis- 
posed to  grant  was  very  different  from  that  which  the  people 
expected.  As  the  basis  of  the  new  constitution  the  king 
proposed,  first,  that  the  Poman  Catholic  religion  should  be 
the  religion  of  the  state,  and  that  no  other  should  be  tolerated/ 
The  civil  war  was  speedily  renewed;  the  Sicilians  struggling 
to  obtain  entire  release  from  Naples,  and  to  establish  the 
independence  of  their  island.  In  Naples  barricades  were 
thrown  up,  and  for  eight  hours  a  sanguinary  conflict  raged 
between  the  royal  troops  and  the  citizens.  Eight  thousand 
of  the  Neapolitans  were  slain,  and  the  victory  of  the  king 
was  complete.  Martial  law  was  established,  and  the  most 
unrelenting  despotism  reigned. 

In  Sicily,  however,  the  constitutionalists  were  triumph- 
ant. A  parliament  was  summoned;  the  king  was  declared 
dethroned;  Charles  Albert,  second  son  of  the  king  of  Sar- 
dinia, was  elected  king  of  Sicily;  and  the  infant  kingdom 
joined  the  Italian  league  for  the  independence  of  Italy. 
Ferdinand  II.  sent  fourteen  thousand  troops,  with  a  power- 
ful train  of  artillery,  to  reconquer  the  island.     On  the  third 


UNDER  NAPOLEON  AND  UNDER  THE  AUSTRIANS      629 

of  September,  1848,  the  bombardment  of  Messina  com- 
menced. For  several  days  tbe  horrible  storm  of  shot  and 
shells  fell  upon  the  city  The  gutters  ran  with  blood,  and 
the  streets  were  filled  with  the  mangled  bodies  of  the  slain. 
A  large  part  of  the  city  was  in  ruins,  and  the  ammunition 
of  the  citizens  had  failed.  It  was  no  longer  a  battle,  but 
a  massacre.  Messina  fell  in  one  loud  wail  of  woe,  and  the 
banners  of  Ferdinand  II.,  of  Naples,  again  floated  over 
the  smouldering  walls. 


ITALY — 23 


530  ITALY 


CHAPTEE   XXX 

AUSTRIAN   TRIUMPHS   AND   DISCOMFITURE 

FROM  A.D.   1848  TO  A.D.   1860 

Conflict  between  Austria  and  Sardinia — Austria  Triumpliant — Concentra- 
tion of  the  Patriots  in  Rome — Ruin  of  the  Popular  Party  in  Piedmont — 
Heroism  of  Garibaldi — Renewal  of  the  War  between  Sardinia  and  Aus- 
tria— Intervention  of  France — Proclamations — Battles  of  Montebello, 
Palestro,  and  Magenta — Sardinia  and  Lombardy  Regained — Present 
State  of  Italy 

ALL  Italy  now,  from  the  Tjrolese  Alps  to  the  southern 
shores  of  Sicily,  was  in  a  blaze  of  insurrection. 
Venice  and  Lombardy  were  in  arms.  The  king  of 
Sardinia,  leading  the  hosts  of  freedom,  was  strongly  in- 
trenched on  the  banks  of  the  Mincio.  A  large  body  of  vol- 
unteers, from  the  papal  states,  asking  no  permission  of  the 
pope,  marched  and  joined  them.  The  tumult  in  Rome 
was  fearful,  the  populace  surrounding  the  palace,  and  de- 
manding that  war  should  be  declared  by  the  papal  govern- 
ment against  Austria,  and  in  favor  of  Italian  independence. 
This  sentiment  was  so  universal,  with  the  soldiers  as  well  as 
the  civilians,  that  the  pope  was  compelled  to  yield.  The 
grandduke  of  Tuscany  followed  in  the  same  line,  issuing 
a  proclamation  in  which  he  promised  his  subjects  represen- 
tative institutions. 

The  Austrian  army  was  concentrated  upon  the  Adige, 
about  twenty- five  miles  east  of  the  Mincio,  From  all  parts 
of  Italy  volunteers  were  crowding  to  the  banners  of  Charles 
Albert,  From  all  the  fortresses  of  Austria,  the  veteran 
legions  of  the  emperor  were  hastening  down  to  swell  the 
imperial  ranks  marshalled  beneath  the  walls  of  Verona. 
It  would  be  uninteresting  to  follow  the  incidents  of  the 
campaign  which    ensued,   through  sanguinary   skirmishes, 


AUSTRIAN   TRIUMPHS   AND    DISCOMFITURE        531 

weary  manoeuvres,  and  bloody  battles.  Armies  nearly  one 
hundred  and  thirty  thousand  strong,  on  either  side,  strug- 
gled month  after  month,  with  almost  equal  success.  The 
Italians  were  enthusiastic,  young  volunteers;  the  Austrians, 
veteran  soldiers.  Venetian  Lombardy  was  finally  regained 
by  the  Austrians.  As  the  imperial  banner  was  again  un- 
furled from  the  battlements  of  Milan,  the  Austrian  field 
marshal  announced,  in  an  order  of  the  day,  "There  is  no 
longer  an  enemy  on  Lombard  ground."  The  anguish  and 
dismay  of  the  Italians  were  dreadful.  The  king  of  Sardinia, 
thoroughly  disabled,  withdrew  from  the  conflict,  agreeing 
to  an  armistice  of  six  weeks,  to  negotiate  for  peace. 

Still  there  were  a  few  Italians,  who,  with  the  energies 
of  despair,  resolved  to  persevere  in  the  struggle  against  the 
overwhelming  power  of  Austria.  Mazzini,  an  illustrious 
leader  of  the  patriots,  issued  a  proclamation,  saying,  "The 
war  of  the  kings  has  terminated;  that  of  the  people  is 
about  to  commence."  Garibaldi,  another  hero  of  indomi- 
table courage,  was  gathering  volunteers  at  Grenoa.  The 
British  government  had  not  regarded  with  any  sympathy 
this  movement  of  the  Italians  to  regain  their  independence. 
Alison  expresses  their  views  in  saying  that  the  British  gov- 
ernment, "which  had  from  the  outset  disapproved  of  the 
treacherous  advantage  taken  by  the  Piedmontese  govern- 
ment of  the  revolution  at  Milan,  and  earnestly  dissuaded 
from  the  war,  was  now  earnest  in  its  endeavors  to  mediate 
between  the  contending  parties." 

Italy  was  swept  by  the  Austrians  in  all  directions;  Gari- 
baldi was  driven  into  the  Alps, and  Austrian  sway  was  estab- 
lished. Still  all  Italy  was  in  a  ferment;  and  it  was  evident 
that  there  was  a  lull  only  in  the  storm;  that  it  had  not 
ceased.  Charles  Albert,  in  the  pathetic  proclamation  he 
issued,  said: 

"The  throbs  of  my  heart  were  ever  for  Italian  indepen- 
dence; hut  Italy  has  not  yet  shown  to  the  ivorld  that  she  can 
conquer  alone.'' ^ 

The  clamor  in  Rome  for  reform  was  so  loud  and  threat- 


532  ITALY 

ening  that  the  pope,  in  the  disguise  of  a  servant,  on  the  box 
of  the  Bavarian  minister's  carriage,  escaped  from  his  capital, 
and  threw  himself  on  the  protection  of  the  king  of  Na|)les. 

Hungary  had  now  commenced  a  struggle  to  escape  from 
Austrian  thraldom.  This  reinspired  the  hopes  of  Italy,  and 
especially  of  the  Piedmontese.  The  cry  of  the  people  was 
so  earnest  for  the  renewal  of  the  war  that  Charles  Albert, 
the  king,  said  to  the  British  and  French  ministers: 

"I  must  either  declare  war  or  abdicate  the  crown,  and 
see  a  republic  established." 

On  the  twentieth  of  March,  1849,  the  war  was  renewed. 
The  Austrians,  eighty  thousand  strong,  crossed  the  Ticino, 
and  entered  Piedmont.  The  two  hosts  met  at  Novara.  In 
a  terrific  battle  the  Piedmontese  were  vanquished,  and 
there  was  witnessed  one  of  war's  wildest  scenes  of  horror 
and  woe.  Charles  Albert  had  refused  to  accede  to  those 
terms  of  subjection  to  Austria  which  the  emperor  demanded, 
and  hence  the  renewal  of  the  war.  Like  Napoleon  at  Water- 
loo, Charles  Albert,  at  Novara,  sought  in  vain  for  some  ball 
to  pierce  his  heart;  but  there  was  none  for  him.  As  he  was 
led  from  the  field  of  confusion,  dismay,  and  death,  he  said 
to  General  Durando: 

"This  is  my  last  day.  I  have  sacrificed  myself  to  the 
Italian  cause.  For  it  I  have  exposed  my  life,  that  of  my 
children,  and  my  throne.  I  have  failed  in  my  object.  I  am 
aware  that  I  am  individually  the  sole  obstacle  to  a  peace, 
now  become  necessary  to  the  state.  I  could  not  bring  my- 
self to  sign  it.  Since  I  in  vain  sought  death,  I  will  give 
myself  up  as  a  last  sacrifice  to  my  country.  I  lay  down  the 
crown  and  abdicate  in  favor  of  my  son,  the  duke  of  Savoy." 

The  unhappy  monarch  retired  to  Nice,  where,  enveloped 
in  the  gloom  of  the  most  bitter  disappointments,  he  soon 
died.  Victor  Emanuel  II.,  the  present  kiug  of  Sardinia, 
ascended  the  throne.  It  was  necessary  for  him  to  accede 
to  almost  any  terms  of  peace  which  might  be  proposed;  for 
a  triumphant  army  of  Austrians,  already  in  possession  of 
one  of  most  powerful  fortresses  of  his  realm,  was  prepared 


AUSTRIAN   TRIUMPHS   AND    DISCOMFITURE         533 

to  sweep  his  territories  in  all  directions.  Austria  was  in- 
exorable. She  demanded  fifty  millions  of  dollars  in  cash, 
permission  to  garrison  the  Sardinian  territory,  between  the 
Ticino  and  the  Sesia,  with  Austrian  troops;  the  mutual  oc- 
cupancy, with  the  Piedmontese,  of  the  fortresses  of  Ales- 
sandria, and  the  disbanding  of  nearly  all  the  Piedmontese 
troops.  The  king  was  compelled  to  submit  to  these  terms, 
slightly  modified,  while  the  people  were  in  almost  a  frenzy 
of  rage  and  despair. 

The  ruin  of  the  popular  party  in  Piedmont  was  the  signal 
for  its  overthrow  all  over  Italy.  Sicily  was  swept  as  with 
a  billow  of  blood,  and  the  infamous  Ferdinand  II.  regained 
his  whole  territory.  Mazzini  and  Graribaldi  were  still,  how- 
ever, at  the  head  of  formidable  insurrectionary  forces,  and 
after  having  performed  prodigies  of  valor,  driven  from  post 
to  post,  they  had  retreated  to  Rome,  where  they  had  been 
joined  by  the  remnants  of  the  revolutionary  bands.  Under 
these  circumstances  it  was  evident  that  Austria  would  im- 
mediately take  possession  of  Home,  and,  with  the  aid  of 
Naples,  restore  the  pope  to  his  tlirone,  and  thus  attain 
supremac}^  over  the  whole  peninsula.  France  was  alarmed 
at  this  vast  increase  of  a  power,  in  heart  as  hostile  to  French 
as  to  Italian  liberty.  Taking  advantage  of  an  invitation  ad- 
dressed to  the  cabinets  of  Paris,  St.  Petersburg,  Naples,  and 
Berlin,  to  co-operate  for  the  restoration  of  the  temporal 
power  of  the  pope,  France  sent  an  army  of  twenty-eight 
thousand  men  and  ninety  pieces  of  cannon,  under  General 
Oudinot,  and  after  a  short  siege,  which  the  defenders  con- 
ducted with  great  heroism,  took  possession  of  the  city.  It 
was  impossible  that  Rome  should  remain  independent. 
The  only  question  to  be  decided  was,  whether  France 
should  be  dominant  within  its  walls,  or  surrender  Rome, 
with  all  the  rest  of  the  Italian  peninsula,  to  the  Austrians. 

Garibaldi,  with  five  thousand  men,  escaped  from  the 
city  by  night.  Austrian  columns  pursued  him  through  the 
mountains  of  Tuscany.  His  force  was  soon  disbanded. 
His  wife,  who  had  nobly  shared  all  his  dangers,  expired 


6oi  ITALY 

of  exhaustion  in  one  of  the  passes  of  the  mountains.  After 
many  hair- breadth  escapes  and  much  suffering,  he  reached 
Genoa,  and  embarked  for  America.  The  government  of  the 
pope  was  thus  reinstated  over  the  papal  states. 

The  only  state  in  Italy  which  now  maintained  even  a  sem- 
blance of  independence  was  Sardinia.  This  kingdom  en- 
joyed a  representative  legislature;  and,  with  steady  current, 
all  its  measures  were  flowing  in  the  direction  of  popular 
rights.  England,  apprehensive  of  the  intervention  of  France 
in  behalf  of  the  Italians,  which  would  greatly  strengthen 
the  power  of  the  new  French  emperor,  by  giving  him  all 
Italy  as  an  ally,  urged  Austria  to  abandon  her  Lombardo- 
Venetian  kingdom  to  independence;  allowing  it  to  select  its 
own  sovereign;  the  Italian  kingdom  only  paying  an  annual 
tax  to  Austria  of  five  millions  of  dollars.  This  would  de- 
prive France  of  all  excuse  for  intervention.  But  Austria 
would  not  listen  to  the  proposal.  With  an  eagle  eye  the 
Austrian  emperor  watched  Sardinia,  fully  conscious  that 
a  free  constitutional  state,  existing  so  near  his  kingdoms, 
was  a  constant  protest  against  his  tyranny,  and  tended  con- 
tinually to  excite  his  subjects  to  revolt.  It  soon  became 
evident  that  Sardinia  must  be  brought  into  subjection  to 
Austria,  and  her  free  institutions  abolished,  or  Venetian 
Lombardy  would  strike  again  for  freedom.  Austria  com- 
menced her  menace  by  multiplying  her  military  resources, 
and  strengthening  her  fortresses  on  the  Sardinian  frontier. 
Large  masses  of  men,  under  the  ablest  generals,  were  poured 
into  Italy.  Sardinia,  taking  the  alarm,  began  also  to  arm. 
Austria  ordered  Sardinia  to  disband  the  corps  she  was 
raising,  and  to  place  her  army  on  a  peace  footing.  Sar- 
dinia replied: 

"Austria,  which  increases  its  army  on  our  frontiers,  and 
threatens  to  invade  our  territory,  because  liberty  here  reigns 
with  order,  because  the  cries  of  suffering,  of  oppressed  Italy 
here  find  a  hearing  —  Austria  dares  to  intimate  to  us, 
armed  only  in  defence,  that  we  are  to  lay  down  our  arms, 
and  put  ourselves  in  her  power." 


AUSTRIAN   TRIUMPHS   AND    DISCOMFITURE         535 

Sardinia  had  applied,  in  this  great  emergency,  to  France 
for  sympathy  and  aid.  Louis  Napoleon,  conscious  that  Sar- 
dinia was  the  only  kingdom  in  Europe  in  cordial  sympathy 
with  the  French  empire,  and  the  only  one  to  which  he  could 
look  for  alliance  in  case  there  should  be  another  coalition 
of  the  European  powers  against  the  rights  of  the  French 
people  to  choose  their  own  form  of  government,  informed 
Austria,  through  his  ambassador  in  Vienna,  that  he  could 
not  look  with  indifference  upon  the  invasion  of  Sardinia  by 
the  Austrian  troops.  Eegardless  of  this  menace,  Austria 
accumulated  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  soldiers  upon 
the  frontiers  of  Sardinia;  and  then  ordered  them  to  cross 
the  Ticino  and  march  directly  for  Turin. 

Louis  Napoleon  was  prepared  for  the  emergency.  He 
issued  the  following  manifesto: 

"Austria  in  causing  her  army  to  enter  the  territories  of 
the  king  of  Sardinia,  our  ally,  declares  war  against  us.  She 
thus  violates  treaties  and  justice  and  menaces  our  frontiers. 
All  the  great  powers  protested  against  this  aggression. 
Piedmont,  having  accepted  the  conditions  which  ought  to 
have  insured  peace,  one  asks  what  can  be  the  reason  of  this 
sudden  invasion  ?  Is  it  that  Austria  has  brought  matters  to 
this  extremity  that  she  must  either  rule  up  to  the  Alps,  or 
Italy  must  be  free  to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic;  for  in  this 
country  every  corner  of  territory  which  remains  independent 
endangers  her  power  ? 

"Hitherto  moderation  has  been  the  rule  of  my  conduct. 
Let  France  arm  and  resolutely  tell  Europe,  'I  desire  not 
conquest;  but  I  desire  firmly  to  maintain  my  national  and 
traditional  policy.  I  observe  the  treaties,  on  condition  that 
no  one  shall  violate  them  against  me.  I  respect  the  territo- 
ries and  rights  of  neutral  powers,  but  I  boldly  avow  my 
sympathies  with  a  people  whose  history  is  mingled  with 
my  own  and  who  groan  under  foreign  oppression.' 

' '  France  has  shown  her  hatred  of  anarchy.  She  has  been 
pleased  to  give  me  a  power  strong  enough  to  reduce  into 
nonentity   the   abettors   of   disorder,    and   the   incorrigible 


536  ITALY 

members  of  those  old  factions  whom  one  incessantly  sees 
confederating  with  our  enemies;  but  she  has  not,  for  all 
that,  abdicated  her  task  of  civilization.  Her  natural  allies 
have  always  been  those  who  desire  the  improvement  of  the 
human  race,  and  when  she  draws  the  sword,  it  is  not  to 
dominate  but  to  liberate.  The  object  of  this  war,  then,  is 
to  restore  Italy  to  herself,  not  to  impose  upon  her  a  change 
of  masters;  and  we  shall  then  have  upon  our  frontiers  a 
friendly  people  who  will  owe  to  us  their  indepen- 
dence. 

' '  We  do  not  go  into  Italy  to  foment  disorder  or  to  dis- 
turb the  power  of  the  holy  father,  whom  we  have  replaced 
upon  his  throne,  but  to  remove  from  him  this  foreign  pres- 
sure which  weighs  upon  the  whole  peninsula,  and  to  help  to 
establish  there  order,  based  upon  legitimate,  satisfied  inter- 
ests. We  are  going,  then,  to  seek  upon  this  classic  ground, 
illustrated  by  so  many  victories,  the  footsteps  of  our  fathers. 
Grod  grant  that  we  may  be  worthy  of  them!  I  am  going 
soon  to  place  myself  at  the  head  of  the  army. ' ' 

Two  hundred  thousand  French  troops  were  immediately 
on  the  march.  They  were  received  with  unbounded  enthu. 
siasni  in  Sardinia.  On  the  tenth  of  May,  1859,  Napoleon 
left  Paris.  He  embarked  at  Marseilles  and  arrived  at  Genoa 
at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  twelfth  of  May.  No 
language  can  describe  the  enthusiasm  of  his  reception. 
On  the  twentieth  the  advance  corps  of  the  French  and 
Austrians  met  at  Montebello.  The  Austrians  were  routed 
and  driven  back  again.  Again  on  the  thirtieth  strong  di- 
visions of  the  two  armies  met  at  Falestro.  Again,  after  a 
series  of  terrific  conflicts,  the  French  and  Sardinians  tri- 
umphed. The  Austrians  were  repulsed  with  great  slaugh- 
ter, and  were  driven  across  the  Ticino  out  of  the  territory 
of  Sardinia.  The  French  and  Sardinians  pursued  them. 
Again  the  Austrians  made  a  stand  upon  the  fields  of  Ma- 
genta. The  Austrians  had  here  collected  all  their  resources 
upon  a  line  of  battle  nearly  thirty  miles  in  extent.  The  bat- 
tle which  ensued  on  the  fourth  of  June  was  one  of  the  most 


AUSTRIAN    TRIUMPHS    AND    DISCOMFITURE         537 

dreadful  whicli  has  ever  afflicted  humanity.  Forty  thou- 
sand men  were  either  killed  or  wounded  during  this  long 
day  of  conflict  in  which  all  the  modern  enginery  of  war  was 
called  into  action.  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  June  the  French 
again  overtook  the  Austrians  on  the  field  of  Solferino. 

The  Austrians  were  again  beaten.  Sullenly  Francis 
Joseph  retreated  into  the  heart  of  the  Venetian  territory 
and  threw  his  army  into  the  renowned  fortresses  which 
for  ages  Austria  had  been  rearing  upon  those  subjugated 
plains.  It  was  clear  to  every  mind  that  France  was  now  in 
military  array  sufficient  to  capture  those  fortresses  and  thus 
drive  the  Austrians  out  of  Italy.  But  instead  of  this  Louis 
Napoleon  proposed  terras  of  peace,  and  the  war  was  closed 
by  the  treaty  of  Villafranca. 

Why  did  not  the  French  persevere  and  drive  the  Aus- 
trians out  of  Italy  ?  The  following  are  the  reasons  assigned. 
After  the  battles  of  Magenta  and  Solferino,  Louis  Naj)oleon 
rode  over  the  field  where  forty  thousand  men  had  been 
struck  down  in  every  form  of  mutilation  and  death.  He 
was  utterly  overwhelmed  by  the  aspect  of  misery  before 
him.  His  most  experienced  engineers  stated  that  though 
the  conquest  of  the  famous  quadrilateral  fortresses  in  Ve- 
netia  could  surely  be  effected,  it  would  require  the  lives  of 
at  least  fifty  thousand  French  soldiers  and  probably  still 
more  of  the  Austrians,  Surrounded  by  the  dying  and  the 
dead,  and  with  their  groans  filling  his  ears,  such  a  vision 
appalled  the  mind  of  the  emperor  of  France. 

Again  monarchical  Europe  contemplated  with  apprehen- 
sion this  triumph  of  the  French  arms.  It  was  affirmed  that 
France  sought  only  to  gain  Italy  for  herself,  and  that  this 
great  addition  to  the  power  of  the  empire  would  endanger 
the  rest  of  Europe.  Prussia,  especially,  with  most  of  the 
German  states,  threatened  to  join  Austria  should  Louis  Na- 
poleon push  his  victories  any  further.  Neither  could  it  be 
concealed  that  the  British  government  shared  in  these  appre- 
hensions and  was  in  sympathy  with  those  great  powers  which 
menaced   Napoleon.     The  emperor  of  France  was,  conse- 


538  ITALY 

quentlj,  compelled  to  arrest  the  march  of  his  victorious 
columns,  or  to  see  all  Europe  embroiled  in  the  most  dread- 
ful war  which  earth  had  ever  witnessed. 

The  danger  for  despotic  Europe  was  indeed  imminent. 
The  people  of  Parma,  Modena,  and  Tuscany  had  risen  as 
one  man,  expelled  their  rulers,  and  placed  themselves  under 
the  dictatorship  of  Victor  Emanuel.  The  Neapolitan  king- 
dom and  the  papal  states  were  intensely  excited,  the  people 
forming  secret  societies,  arming  and  filling  the  air  with  men- 
aces. The  young  men  by  hundreds  were  flocking  to  join  the 
ranks  of  the  Sardinians.  The  Hungarians  were  elated  with 
hope,  and  even  the  Poles  dreamed  that  the  hour  of  their  re- 
demption was  at  hand.  Every  despotic  throne  in  Europe 
was  trembling.  In  hot  haste  a  coalition  of  the  great  mon- 
archies was  being  formed  to  arrest  the  progress  of  free  insti- 
tutions. There  was  no  alternative  for  Louis  Napoleon  but 
to  go  on  and  embroil  all  Europe  in  war,  the  results  of  which 
no  human  wisdom  could  foresee;  or  to  heed  these  menaces, 
and  to  stop  where  he  was,  having  rescued  Sardinia  and  lib- 
erated Lombardy. 

With  frankness  quite  unusual  in  diplomacy,  he  stated 
these  reasons,  obvious  to  every  eye,  and  consented  to  the 
peace  of  Villafranca.  He  affected  no  concealment  of  his 
sympathy  for  all  those  who  were  struggling  for  constitu- 
tional government,  and  regretted  that  the  Venetians  could 
not  be  freed  from  oreign  domination  as  well  as  the  Lom- 
bardians.  In  his  boyhood  he  had  fought  on  the  plains  of 
Italy  for  Italian  independence,  and  in  that  struggle  his  only 
brother  had  fallen  in  exhaustion  and  death.  His  sympa- 
thies and  his  political  interests  were  alike  enlisted  in  behalf 
of  Italian  freedom.  And  though  the  Italians,  regarding 
simply  their  own  wants,  were  bitterly  disappointed  by  the 
peace  of  Villafranca,  they  recognized  fully  the  debt  of  grat- 
itude they  owed  Louis  Napoleon.  But  for  his  strong  arm 
Sardinia  would  have  been  crushed,  and  the  chains  of  Aus- 
trian despotism  would  have  been  riveted  anew  upon  Italy. 
No  other  monarch  was  willing  to  send  a  regiment  or  a  ship 


AUSTRIAN   TRIUMPHS    AND    DISCOMFITURE        539 

to  aid  the  Sardinians.  Impartial  history  must  declare  that 
Louis  Napoleon  has  been  the  libei'ator  of  Italy. 

Some  condemn  Louis  Napoleon  with  great  severity  for 
not  completing  the  expulsion  of  the  Austrians  from  Italy. 
Others  render  to  him  the  tribute  of  gratitude  and  veneration 
for  what  he  has  achieved,  and  equally  applaud  his  conduct 
for  stopping  when  he  did,  thus  saving  France  from  a  war 
against  combined  Europe.  And  there  are  others  who  re- 
proach France  alike  for  the  carnage  of  Magenta  and  Sol- 
ferino,  and  also  for  not  pressing  on  to  the  still  more  dread- 
ful carnage  which  must  have  been  experienced  beneath  the 
walls  of  the  quadrilateral  fortresses  of  Venetia,  and  which 
must  have  caused  all  Europe  to  run  red  with  blood. 

The  intervention  of  France  rescued  Sardinia  from  entire 
subjugation  by  Austria;  liberated  Lombardy  from  the  Aus- 
trian sway,  and  so  enlarged  the  kingdom  of  Sardinia  by  the 
addition  of  Lombardy,  Parma,  Modena  and  Tuscany,  as  to 
render  it  capable  in  its  own  strength  of  resisting  all  future 
encroachments  of  the  Austrian  court.  The  territory  of  Sar- 
dinia, by  these  annexations,  is  doubled,  and  its  population 
more  than  doubled,  being  increased  from  five  millions  to 
eleven  millions.  The  very  substantial  nucleus  is  thus 
formed  for  the  concentration  of  regenerated  Italy  into  one 
great  constitutional  monarchy,  which  shall  take  its  stand 
amid  the  leading  powers  of  the  earth. 

It  was  a  question  anxiously  discussed,  whether  it  were 
better  that  regenerated  Italy  should  consist  of  a  confedera- 
tion of  independent  states,  somewhat  after  the  model  of 
Germary,  or  of  a  consolidated  kingdom  like  that  of  France. 
The  French  government  took  the  ground  that  this  question 
was  to  be  left  entirely  to  the  decision  of  the  Italian  people 
without  any  foreign  interference.  Thus  far  the  decision 
has  been  emphatically  in  favor  of  consolidation  and  unity. 
The  question  of  confederated  states  or  a  united  government 
was  submitted  to  the  popular  vote  of  the  duchies  of  Tus- 
cany, Modena,  Parma,  and  the  papal  province  of  Eomagna, 
where    the    people    had    expelled    their    Austrian    rulers. 


540  ITALY 

Every  male  beyond  the  age  of  twenty-one  was  allowed 
to  vote. 

In  Tuscany  the  vote  stood  three  hundred  and  sixty-six 
thousand  five  hundred  and  seventy-one  for  united  Italy, 
and  fourteen  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-five  for  a 
confederacy  of  states.  In  Eomagna  there  were  two  hundred 
thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty-nine  for  annexation,  and 
two  hundred  and  twenty-four  for  a  separate  kingdom. 
Four-fifths  of  the  people  of  these  states  voted  for  annex- 
ation to  Sardinia,  under  Victor  Emanuel,  as  one  kingdom. 
When  the  result  of  this  vote  was  presented  to  the  Sardinian 
monarch,  he  said: 

"I  accept  the  solemn  vote,  and  henceforth  will  be  proud 
to  call  them  my  people.  In  uniting  to  my  ancestral  prov- 
inces, not  only  the  states  of  Tuscany,  Modena,  and  Parma, 
but  also  the  Romagna,  which  has  already  separated  itself 
from  the  papal  government,  I  do  not  intend  to  fail  in  my 
deep  devotedness  to  the  head  of  the  church." 

The  provinces  of  Savoy  and  Nice  both  lie  on  the  French 
side  of  the  Alps.  Their  inhabitants  speak  the  French  lan- 
guage, and  are  in  character,  as  well  as  in  geographical  posi- 
tion, French  rather  than  Italians.  The  formidable  barrier 
of  the  Alps  separates  them  from  Italy.  The  narrow  stream 
of  the  Guier,  spanned  by  the  bridge  Beauvoisin,  separates 
the  plains  of  Savoy  from  the  plains  of  France.  The  ques- 
tion was  submitted  to  these  people  with  which  nation  they 
would  prefer  to  be  incorporated.  With  great  unanimity 
they  chose  France. 

That  the  sympathies  of  the  British  government  in  this  con- 
flict was  with  the  Austrians  is  as  undeniable  as  that  the 
sympathies  of  the  people  were  with  the  Sardinians.  In  the 
celebrated  speech  made  by  Kossuth  in  the  London  tavern, 
Ma}'  20,  1859,  the  Lord  Mayor  being  in  the  chair,  he 
said : 

"Now,  my  lord,  I  do  not  remember  to  have  heard  of  one 
single  official  or  semi-official  declaration  which  has  left  the 
impression  on  my  mind,  that,  if  her  majesty's  government 


AUSTRIAN   TRIUMPHS    AND    DISCOMFITURE        541 

were  not  to  remain  neatral,  they  would  side  with  Sardinia 
and  France  against  Austria.  But  I  have  heard  of  many 
declarations,  forcibly  leading  to  the  inference  that  the  al- 
ternative was  either  neutrality  or  the   support  of  Austria. 

"We  have  been  told  that  if  a  French  fleet  should  enter 
the  Adriatic,  it  might  be  the  interest  of  England  to  oppose 
it.  We  have  been  told,  on  high  authority,  too,  that  if 
Trieste  were  to  be  attacked,  it  might  be  the  interest  of  Eng- 
land to  defend  it.  Nay,  the  inspired  ministerial  candidate 
for  the  West  Eiding  of  Yorkshire  even  told  the  electors 
that  it  might  be  the  interest  of  England  to  protect  Venice. 
From  what?  Of  course  from  the  great  misfortune  of  get- 
ting emancipated  from  Austria,  Thus,  turn  it  as  we  may, 
the  alternative  is  this — either  England  remains  neutral,  or 
else  she  will  be  brought  to  support  Austria." 

Had  England  co-operated  with  France,  Austria  might 
have  been  definitely  expelled  from  Italy,  and  the  long 
hoped  for  Italian  nationality  established.  But  the  British 
government  not  only  refused  to  co-operate,  but  menaced 
France,  with  both  fleet  and  army,  if  she  pursued  the  dis- 
comfited Austrians  into  Venetia.  Had  England  then  been 
in  sympathy  with  Sardinia,  the  Italian  question  might  have 
been  settled.  It  is  now  unsettled.  It  must  recur  again  and 
again,  until  Italy  is  emancipated  from  Austrian  domination. 
The  thorough  humiliation  of  Austria,  b}^  expulsion  from 
Italy,  would  have  opened  the  door  for  Hungarian  emanci- 
pation. One  cannot,  without  emotion,  read  Kossuth's  im- 
ploring cry  that  the  British  government  would  not  interpose 
in  behalf  of  Austria : 

"I  love,"  exclaims  the  noble  Hungarian,  "my  fatherland 
more  than  myself;  more  than  anything  on  earth.  And  in- 
spired by  this  love,  I  ask  one  boon — only  one  boon — from 
England;  and  that  is  that  she  should  not  support  Austria, 
England  has  not  interfered  for  liberty;  let  her  not  interfere 
for  the  worst  of  despotisms — that  of  Austria." 

The  cabinet  of  St.  James  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  this  cry. 
The  armies  of  France  and  Sardinia  were  arrested  in  their 


642  ITALY 

career  of  liberation.  Venetians  and  Hungarians,  plunged 
in  despair,  still  gnawed  their  chains. 

Italy  now  consisted  of  essentially  four  portions.  There 
is  Sardinia,  free  and  independent,  with  a  government  founded 
upon  the  basis  of  equal  rights  for  all  men,  and  leading  for- 
ward nobly  in  the  cause  of  education  and  all  national  im- 
provements. The  eyes  of  all  Italians  are  now  directed  to 
this  state,  as  the  nucleus  around  which  Italy  is  to  rally  in 
the  organization  of  one  great  constitutional  monarchy.  In 
a  letter  from  Father  Gavazzi,  dated  August  4,  1860,  he  says: 

"We  fight  now  for  the  sole  purpose  of  uniting  all  Italy 
under  tbe  constitutional  sceptre  of  Victor  Emanuel.  Let 
Englishmen  repudiate  the  idea  that  there  is  anything  repub- 
lican in  the  present  movement;  since  even  the  most  ardent 
advocates  of  republicanism  have  sacrificed  their  views  to  the 
great  cause  of  our  independence,  unity,  and  constitutional 
liberties.  Be  sure  that  if  there  is  no  intervention  in  our 
fighting  we  shall  arrive  to  crown  in  the  capital  our  dear 
Victor  Emanuel  as  the  constitutional  king  of  one  Italy." 

Venetia  remained  in  the  hands  of  Austria.  France  was 
compelled  to  leave  her  there,  notwithstanding  the  expressed 
wish  of  the  emperor  that  "Italy  might  be  free  to  the  Adri- 
atic." The  anguish  of  disappointment  which  the  Vene- 
tians felt  in  being  thus  abandoned  to  their  enemies,  after 
the  emancipation  of  their  brethren  of  Lombardy,  can  never 
be  told.  This  anguish,  so  intense,  would  not  admit  of  re- 
pose. The  Venetians  were  watching  for  an  opportunity  to 
strike  again  for  freedom.  When  that  hour  should  come,  it 
could  not  be  doubted  that  their  brethren  of  Lombardy  and 
Piedmont,  now  in  such  cordial  sympathy  with  them,  would 
rush  to  their  aid. 

The  pope  was  truly  a  "sick  man."  Europe  had  out- 
grown the  temporal  papacy.  The  papal  government,  like 
the  Turkish,  was  rapidly  crumbling  to  pieces.  It  had  no 
vital  energies  of  its  own.  The  moment  the  foreign  troops 
should  abandon  the  "eternal  city"  the  temporal  sway  of  the 
pope  would  cease.     Whether  the  inhabitants  of  the  Papal 


AUSTRIAN    TRIUMPHS   AND    DISCOMFITURE         543 

States  were  sufficiently  intelligent  to  lay  aside  local  preju- 
dices in  favor  of  united  Italy  time  alone  could  tell.  But 
the  current  of  events  was  now  manifestly  in  that  direction. 

There  remained  only  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  Ferdi- 
nand II.  had  died  a  few  months  before  universally  exe- 
crated. He  had  acquired  the  sobriquet  of  Bomba,  from 
the  eagerness  and  mercilessness  with  which  he  bombarded 
the  insurgent  cities  of  his  empire.  Francis  II.,  who  suc- 
ceeded him,  had  not  developed  a  single  good  quality;  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  he  had  secured  the  contempt  and  detes- 
tation not  only  of  his  own  subjects  but  of  all  Europe.  Mod- 
ern Christendom  has  witnessed  no  government  so  unmitigat- 
edly  bad  as  that  of  Naples.  The  history  of  the  kingdom 
for  the  last  half  century  is  but  the  history  of  its  insurrec- 
tions— of  the  desperate  struggles  of  a  people  goaded  to 
madness. 

It  would  require  a  volume  to  record  the  insurrections 
which  have  agitated  the  island  of  Sicily  during  the  last  half 
century.  Four  times  within  that  period  have  the  Sicilians 
made  the  most  heroic  efforts  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  the 
king  of  Naples.  In  IS'IS,  the  populace  rose  in  Palermo. 
Ten  thousand  peasants  crowded  into  the  city  to  join  them. 
Even  the  priests  and  the  capuchins  from  the  convents 
blessed  the  banners  of  the  patriots,  distributing  among 
them  arms  and  ammunition.  Messina  and  all  the  other 
large  towns  speedily  united  in  the  movement.  The  Ne- 
apolitan troops  were  driven  from  all  the  central  points. 
A  provisional  goverament  was  formed,  headed  by  Rug- 
giero  Settimo,  a  distinguished  military  officer,  and  by  the 
duke  of  Serra  di  Falco,  an  illustrious  scholar  and  antiquary. 

Lord  Minto  was  then  in  Italy  on  a  mission  from  the  Brit- 
ish government.  He  endeavored  to  mediate  between  the 
contending  parties;  and  induced  the  king  to  make  impor- 
tant concessions  to  his  revolted  subjects.  But  the  Sicil- 
ians, familiar  with  the  perfidy  of  the  king  of  Naples,  re- 
fused to  listen  to  his  terms,  though  Lord  Palmerston  urged 
them  to  do  so. 


64i  ITALY 

"Sicily,"  said  Lord  Palmerston,  "though  a  fine  island, 
full  of  natural  resources,  and  inhabited  by  a  highly  gifted 
people,  is,  nevertheless,  not  large  enough  to  be,  in  the  pres- 
ent state  of  the  world,  a  really  independent  country;  and 
were  it  entirely  separated  from  Naples  it  would  run  the 
risk  of  becoming  an  object  of  contest  for  foreign  influence, 
and  of  sinking  at  last  into  the  condition  of  satellite  to  some 
of  the  more  powerful  states  of  Europe." 

The  Sicilians,  urged  by  England,  at  last  consented  to  ac- 
cept the  constitution  and  parliamentary  representation  prof- 
fered by  the  king.  They,  however,  insisted  upon  the  con- 
dition that  the  Neapolitan  troops  should  be  withdrawn  from 
the  island.  To  this  the  king  refused  his  consent,  declaring 
that  the  English  were  only  intriguing  to  secure  the  island 
for  themselves,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  keep  an  army 
in  Sicily  to  guard  against  the  English.  The  Sicilian  par- 
liament, summoned  by  the  provisional  government,  was  in 
session  when  the  tidings  came  of  the  overthrow  of  Louis 
Philippe  and  of  the  establishment  of  the  French  republic. 
The  parliament,  with  enthusiasm,  decreed  the  deposition  of 
Ferdinand  of  Bourbon.  England  promptly  recognized  the 
independence  of  Sicily,  and  advised  the  election  of  the  duke 
of  Genoa,  a  Sardinian  prince,  to  the  throne. 

Ferdinand,  in  a  rage,  sent  an  army  of  twenty-four  thou- 
sand men  to  reduce  the  island.  Messina,  after  a  frightful 
bombardment,  was  taken  by  storm.  City  after  city  was 
thus  bombarded  and  taken;  and  the  scene  of  horror  and 
cruelty  became  so  revolting  that  the  English  and  French 
admirals  imperatively  demanded  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
and  interposed  so  effectually  that  Ferdinand  was  compelled 
to  grant  the  island  a  separate  legislature,  though  he  garri- 
soned it  strongly  with  mercenary  troops.  Then,  utterly  re- 
gardless of  his  pledge,  he  treated  the  island  as  a  conquered 
province,  and  re-established,  in  all  its  rigor,  the  ancient  des- 
potism. The  promised  constitution  was  thrown  aside;  new 
burdens  were  imposed;  fifteen  hundred  patriots  were  either 
shot  or  immured  in  dungeons;    a  police,  composed  of  the 


AUSTRIAN    TRIUMPHS    AND    DISCOMFITURE        545 

vilest  of  mankind,  was  instituted,  from  whom  accusation 
was  deemed  proof  of  guilt,  and  no  man  was  safe.  Thus, 
under  the  form  of  law,  the  most  atrocious  crimes  which 
ever  sullied  any  government  were  daily  committed. 

This  state  of  things  existed  but  little  more  than  a  year, 
when,  stung  to  madness,  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  January, 
1850,  the  citizens  of  Palermo  again  grasped  their  arms. 
They  were  shot  down  without  mercy.  Awful  vengeance 
was  taken  by  the  king,  and  again  the  Sicilians,  with  their 
fetters  riveted  anew,  bowed  down  beneath  the  yoke. 

"It  is  a  strange  and  touching  fact,"  remarks  a  lady  trav- 
elling in  Italy,  "that  every  peasant's  song  is  in  the  minor 
key.  One  never  hears  an  exception;  and  their  voices  are 
so  sonorous,  subdued,  and  patient,  that  the  sound  comes 
forth  like  that  of  a  soul  complaining  to  itself  of  something 
it  is  determined  to  bear." 

On  the  eleventh  of  May,  1860,  the  heroic  Garibaldi, 
who,  on  the  plains  of  Lombardy,  had  performed  deeds  of 
romantic  valor  in  the  war  for  Sardinian  independence, 
landed  on  the  shores  of  Sicily.  With  two  small  steam- 
ers, under  the  Sardinian  flag,  he  entered  the  harbor  of  Mar- 
sala, on  the  extreme  western  coast  of  the  island.  Quietly 
fourteen  hundred  men,  well  armed,  stepped  from  their  boats 
upon  the  beach,  and,  forming  into  line,  marched  unresisted 
into  the  town.  Garibaldi  immediately  raised  the  banner  of 
Sicilian  independence,  and  in  the  name  of  Victor  Emanuel, 
"King  of  Italy,"  took  possession  of  the  island. 

The  people  of  Sicily,  in  a  frenzy  of  enthusiasm,  rushed 
to  the  standard  of  the  liberator.  The  next  morning,  at  five 
o'clock.  Garibaldi  marched  in  the  direction  of  Palermo, 
where  there  was  a  royalist  fleet,  and  also  a  strong  garrison 
of  royalist  troops.  The  mountaineers  and  the  peasantry 
rallied  around  him  so  rapidly  that  he  soon  found  himself 
at  the  head  of  an  army  four  thousand  strong.  On  the  fif- 
teenth of  May  he  encountered  thirty-five  hundred  royalist 
troops  sent  to  oppose  him.  Garibaldi  fell  upon  them  im- 
petuously.     They  broke  and  fled.      He  pursued  them  to 


546  ITALY 

Palermo,  and  on  the  twenty-seventli  took  the  city  by 
storm.  All  the  energies  of  war  were  called  into  requisi- 
tion in  this  short,  bloody,  decisive  battle.  The  populace 
of  Palermo  within  the  walls  joined  their  friends  without, 
hurling  down  upon  the  royalists  from  the  roofs  of  the  houses 
furniture  and  missiles  of  every  kind.  The  city  was  compelled 
to  capitulate,  and  Garibaldi  remained  master  of  Palermo. 

The  patriots,  with  accumulated  numbers,  marched  upon 
Messina.  The  troops  of  Francis  II.  did  not  venture  to 
await  their  attack,  but  abandoned  the  island  and  retired 
to  the  mainland. 

Sicily  was  now  free.  Garibaldi,  with  his  heroic  army  of 
patriots,  was  about  to  land  on  the  Neapolitan  shores.  The 
king  trembled  in  the  midst  of  the  mercenary  bayonets  with 
which  he  was  surrounded.  Thousands  of  the  Neapolitans 
were  anxiously  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  liberators  to  join 
their  standards. 

The  patriots  o£  the  Papal  States  were  impatient,  and 
could  scarcely  be  restrained  as  they  grasped  their  arms 
and  listened  to  the  blast  of  Garibaldi's  bugles.  The  eyes 
of  all  Europe  and  America  were  turned  to  Italy.  The 
popular  sympathies  all  over  the  world  were  with  the  Ital- 
ian patriots. 

After  many  severe  conflicts,  Garibaldi,  on  the  eighth  of 
September,  1860,  at  the  head  of  his  staff,  entered  Naples  in 
triumph.  The  whole  population  rose  en  masse  to  welcome 
him.  His  army  of  thirty  thousand  troops  followed  him  in 
easy  marches,  everywhere  welcomed  by  the  most  hearty  ac- 
claim of  the  Neapolitan  population. 

The  king,  Francis  U.,  upon  the  approach  of  Garibaldi, 
fled,  taking  with  him  thirty  thousand  mercenary  troops,  to 
Gaeta,  a  seaport  about  sixty  miles  northwest  of  Naples. 
Nearly  the  whole  Neapolitan  fleet,  with  an  immense 
amount  of  military  stores,  and  a  large  quantity  of  money 
in  the  treasury,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Garibaldi.  He  im- 
mediately organized  a  provisional  government,  and  pro- 
claimed Victor  Emanuel  king  of  Italy. 


AUSTRIAN    TRIUMPHS   AND    DISCOMFITURE         547 

The  greatest  panic  prevailed  at  Kome.  Insurrections 
were  everywhere  developing  themselves  throughout  the 
Papal  States.  The  pope  had  enlisted  in  his  army  a  large 
number  of  foreign  soldiers  to  hold  the  native  Italians  in 
subjection.  But  there  were  French  troops  in  Eome  protect- 
ing the  pope.     This  French  intervention  requires  a  chapter. 


548  ITALY 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

FRENCH     INTERVENTION 

FROM  A.D.  1860  TO  A.D.  1870 

Birth  and  Early  Historj^  of  the  Pope — His  Spirit  of  Reform — Assassination 
of  Count  Rossi — Insurrection  in  Rome — Fhght  of  the  Pope — Interven- 
tion of  Austria,  Naples,  and  Spain — Recklessness  of  the  Insurgents — 
Frencli  Intervention — The  Moderate  Republicans  and  the  Reds — Views 
of  the  French  Government — The  Capture  of  Rome — Insurrection  in 
Paris — Disappointment  of  the  French  Government 

IN  this  chapter  it  will  be  necessary  to  turn  back  a  few 
pages  in  the  volume  of  history  that  we  may  give  our 
readers  a  consecutive  narrative  of  the  causes  and  re- 
sults of  the  intervention  of  France  in  behalf  of  the  States 
of  the  Church.  It  is  a  question  upon  which  the  minds  of 
men  are  greatly  divided;  the  Catholic  community  being 
with  great  unanimity  on  one  side,  the  Protestant  on  the 
other.  The  writer  will  content  himself  in  giving  simply 
the  historical  facts — facts  which  well-informed  men  of  both 
parties  will  admit  to  be  true.  From  these  facts,  each  reader 
can  deduce  such  conclusions  as  may  be  in  accordance  with 
his  predilections. 

The  pope,  Giovanni  Mastai,  was  the  second  son  of  Count 
Mastai  Ferretti.  His  parents  were  wealthy,  and  resided  in 
the  ancient  town  of  Sinigallia,  on  the  Adriatic,  where  Gio- 
vanni was  born  in  the  13th  of  May,  1792.  As  his  elder 
brother  inherited  the  title  and  the  estate,  Giovanni  entered 
the  army,  and  became  a  member  of  the  Pope's  Guard.  At 
Rome  he  fell  in  love  with  a  beautiful  girl  named  Chiara 
Colonna.  She  refused  his  addresses.  His  chagrin  was  so 
great  that  he  renounced  the  world  and  entered  the  church. 
He  soon  became  distinguished  for  his  apostolic  virtues,  his 
gentleness,  and  his  unbounded  charities. ' 

>  Italy  and  the  War  of  1859,  p.  266. 


FRENCH   INTERVENTION  549 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  pope,  upon  the  commence- 
ment of  his  reign  in  1846,  was  to  issue  an  act  of  general 
amnesty  for  all  political  offences.  This  opened  the  prison- 
doors  to  nearly  three  thousand  captives,  many  of  whom 
were  of  distinguished  rank.  These  released  captives,  in  a 
dense  crowd,  with  their  friends,  repaired  to  the  Palace  of 
the  Quirinal  to  express  their  gratitude.  The  pope  appeared 
upon  the  balcony  to  give  his  blessing  to  the  multitude. 
Illuminations  blazed,  and  rejoicings  were  diffused,  through- 
out the  whole  city.     This  was  on  the  18th  of  July,  1846. 

Count  Rossi,  a  man  distinguished  for  his  virtues  and 
abilities,  was  prime-minister  of  the  pope.  On  the  15th  of 
November,  1848,  as  he  was  on  his  way  to  the  Chamber, 
a  band  of  assassins,  belonging  to  the  Revolutionary  party, 
in  broad  day,  surrounded  him,  and  plunged  their  daggers 
into  his  heart.  The  papal  government  was  so  weak  that 
this  one  assassination  seems  to  have  annihilated  it.  The 
deputies  in  the  Chamber,  each  thinking  that  he  was  marked 
for  assassination,  fled  in  dismay.  The  triumphant  revolu- 
tionary clubs  in  Rome,  taking  advantage  of  the  consterna- 
tion, prepared  to  force  a  revolutionary  government  upon 
the  pope. 

The  pontifical  territory  then  consisted  of  nineteen  States, 
embracing  seventeen  thousand  square  miles,  and  a  popula- 
tion of  about  three  millions.  A  few  hundred  adventurers  in 
Rome,  armed  to  the  teeth,  without  consulting  these  millions, 
endeavored  to  force  their  views  of  government  upon  them. 

The  day  after  the,  assassination,  several  hundred  of  these 
desperadoes,  followed  by  an  immense  crowd,  marched  to 
the  Palace  of  the  Quirinal  with  a  list  of  several  of  their 
partisans,  whom  they  demanded  that  the  pope  should  ap- 
point as  his  ministers.  The  Swiss  Guard,  one  hundred  in 
number,  closed  the  gates  against  them.  With  cannon  and 
musketry  the  gates  were  blown  open,  and  a  prelate  was  shot 
in  the  ante-chamber  of  the  pope.  The  delegation  broke  into 
the  chamber  of  the  pontifl:,  and,  with  loud  menaces,  com- 
pelled him  to  sign  their  appointments. 


560  ITALY 

The  pope  was  now  a  prisoner  in  his  palace,  and  power- 
less. Through  th^  assistance  of  the  Bavarian  minister, 
Count  Spaur,  he  effected  his  escape.  The  count  obtained 
passports  for  two  fictitious  personages — Dr.  Kann  and  lady 
from  Munich.  The  pope  represented  the  doctor;  the  count- 
ess assumed  to  be  the  doctor's  wife;  while  the  count  him- 
self mounted  the  box  as  a  servant.  Under  this  guise,  in  the 
carriage  of  the  Bavarian  minister,  the  fugitives  reached 
Gaeta,  the  first  town  on  the  Neapolitan  frontier,  Eome 
was  thus  left  in  the  hands  of  the  revolutionists.  Tliese 
events  took  place  in  November,  1848,  one  month  before 
the  election  of  Louis  Napoleon  as  President  of  the  French 
Republic.  General  Cavaignac  was  at  that  time  dictator 
of  France. 

It  was  manifest  to  all  reflecting  men  that  the  revolu- 
tionists were  acting  insanely,  even  upon  the  admission  that 
their  motives  were  right,  and  that  the  results  at  which  they 
aimed  would  be  beneficial  if  accomplished.  Count  Eossi, 
whom  they  had  assassinated,  was  the  sincere  friend  of  re- 
form. He  knew  perfectly  well  that,  even  if  there  were 
entire  unanimity  in  the  Papal  States  in  favor  of  reform, 
Austria  would  instantly  send  in  an  army,  and  crush  out 
every  vestige  of  revolution.  What  could  three  millions  do 
to  resist  thirty  millions  ?  Moreover,  it  was  not  improbable 
that  the  friends  of  revolution,  even  in  Italy,  were  decidedly 
in  the  minority.  In  an  earnest  appeal  to  the  insurgents, 
Count  Kossi  had  said — 

"What  do  you  propose  to  yourselves  by  your  incessant 
provocations  against  Austria  ?  It  is  not  threatening  you. 
It  confines  itself  to  the  limits  which  the  treaties  have  as- 
signed. Is  it  a  war  of  independence  which  you  would 
invoke  ?  Let  us,  then,  calculate  your  forces.  You  have 
sixty  thousand  regular  troops  in  Piedmont, '  and  not  a  man 
more.     You  speak  of  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Italian  popu- 

'  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  this  was  before  the  emancipation  of  Sardinia 
by  the  aid  of  France.  The  insurgents  probably  hoped  the  patriots  all  over 
Italy  would  rise  against  Austria. 


FRENCH   INTERVENTION  551 

lations.  I  know  them.  Traverse  the  provinces  from  end 
to  end;  see  if  a  heart  beats,  if  a  man  moves,  if  an  arm  is 
ready  to  commence  the  fight.  The  Piedmontese  once 
beaten,  the  Austrians  may  go  from  Eeggio  to  Calabria 
without  meeting  a  single  Italian. 

"I  understand  you:  you  will  apply  to  France!  A  fine 
result,  truly,  of  the  war  of  independence — to  bring  foreign 
armies  upon  your  soil!  The  Austrians  and  the  French 
fighting  on  Italian  soil! — is  not  that  your  eternal,  your 
lamentable  history  ?  You  would  be  independent?  France 
is  so  already.  France  is  not  a  corporal  in  the  service  of 
Italy.  She  makes  war  when  and  for  whom  she  pleases. 
She  neither  puts  her  standards  nor  her  battalions  at  the 
disposal  of  any  one  else."  ' 

The  impulsive  revolutionists  did  not  need  this  warning. 
It  was  alarmingly  manifest  to  Greneral  Cavaignac  and  dic- 
tatorial government  in  France  that  Austria  would  instantly 
intervene,  not  to  aid  the  Romans  in  the  establishment  of  a 
republic,  but  to  reseat  the  pope  upon  his  throne,  and  to 
surround  him  with  such  influences  as  to  render  any  essential 
popular  reform  hereafter  impossible.  The  pope,  being  thus 
under  supreme  obligation  to  the  Austrians,  regaining  and 
holding  his  power  under  the  protection  of  the  Austrian 
armies,  would  be  the  intimate  ally  of  Austria  in  enforcing 
absolutist  principles  throughout  Europe,  and  in  frowning 
down  every  movement  for  popular  reform. 

Thus  the  papal  power,  which  is  decidedly  the  greatest 
moral  power  in  the  world,  controlling  the  consciences  of 
two  hundred  millions  of  people,  would  be  held  in  entire 
subservience  to  Austria.  France,  struggling  to  throw  off 
the  fetters  of  the  old  regimes,  could  not  but  regard  this 
immense  ascendency  of  Austria  with  alarm.  It  was  certain 
that  Austria  would  thus  move.  She  was  already  marshal- 
ling her  armies  with  that  intent.  All  the  Catholics  in  Eome, 
friends  of  the  pope,  would  welcome  these  troops  as  deliver- 
ers.    The  result  could  not  be  doubtful. 

'  D'Haussonville,  vol.  ii.  p.  521. 


552  ITALY 

Under  these  circumstances,  General  Cavaignac,  as  dic- 
tator, acting  in  behalf  of  Catholic  France,  immediately 
despatched  three  steam  frigates  to  Civita  Vecchia  to  take 
the  holy  father  under  the  protection  of  the  French  govern- 
ment. It  was  a  political  movement,  in  order  that  the  papal 
government  might  be  brought  under  the  influence  of  the 
liberal  policy  of  France,  rather  than  under  the  domination 
of  the  absolutism  of  Austria.  The  commander  of  the  expe- 
dition was  left  much  to  his  own  discretion  in  reference  to 
the  detail  of  operations;  while  he  was  authorized  to  rescue 
the  pope,  and  to  convey  him  to  France  if  he  would  accept 
French  hospitality. 

Though  Greneral  Cavaignac  was  at  this  time  dictator, 
France  was  nominally  a  republic,  and  measures  were  in 
progress  for  the  organization  of  a  new  government  on  the 
principles  of  republicanism.  Still,  in  the  republican  ranks 
there  were  two  parties — the  Moderates,  and  the  Radicals  or 
Beds — who  were  bitterly  hostile  to  each  other.  The  Reds 
hoped  that  this  military  expedition  would  exert  all  its  in- 
fluence to  establish  a  republic  in  Rome.  The  Moderates 
feared  that  this  decisive  action  would  alarm  all  ube  courts 
in  Europe;  that  it  would  be  regarded  as  a  proclamation  that 
the  French  republic  was  devoting  itself  to  the  propagation 
of  revolutionary  principles,  seeking  the  overthrow  of  every 
throne;  and  that  this  would  array,  as  in  the  days  of  Napo- 
leon I.,  all  the  monarchies  of  Europe  against  republican 
France.  On  a  debate  upon  this  question  in  the  French 
Chambers,   M.  Barrot  said: 

"If  we  allow  Austria  time  to  go  to  the  Eternal  City,  it 
will  be,  in  the  first  place,  a  very  serious  injury  to  French 
influence  in  Italy.  It  will  also  insure  the  re-establishment 
of  absolutism  at  Rome  as  in  the  time  of  Gregory  XVI. 
Let  us,  then,  intervene  ourselves,  that  the  cabinet  of  Vienna 
may  not  acquire  an  undue  influence  in  Italy,  and  that  we 
may  prove  a  safeguard  to  Roman  liberty. ' '  ' 

Protestants  generally  are  not  aware  of  the  degrees  of 

'  MM.  Gallix  et  Guy,  p.  197. 


FRENCH  INTERVENTION  553 

veneration  with  wTaicli  the  pope  is  regarded  by  members  of 
the  Roman-Catholic  Church.   The  Abb^  J.  H.  Mignon  writes: 

"There  is  one  name  which  my  lips  never  pronounce  but 
with  profound  veneration.  It  recalls  to  me  in  my  mature 
years,  as  in  my  more  tender  youth,  the  power  and  the  good- 
ness of  Christ  visibly  represented  on  earth;  and  the  day  in 
which  that  name  shall  fall  upon  my  ear,  without  awakening 
in  me  filial  respect,  I  shall  believe  that  an  impious  thought 
has  come  to  succeed  in  the  depths  of  my  soul  that  pure  faith 
which  I  have  imbibed  with  my  mother's  milk.  This  name 
is  that  of  the  pope."  ' 

It  is  estimated  that  the  Catholic  communion  in  Europe 
numbers  over  two  hundred  millions.  The  government  of 
a  Catholic  country  which  should  ignore  a  sentiment  so  pro- 
found and  so  widely  disseminated  would  be  insane. 

Soon  after  this,  France,  with  great  unanimity,  elected 
Louis  Napoleon — the  grandson  of  Josephine,  and  the  sou  of 
Louis  Bonaparte  and  of  Hortense — president  of  the  newly- 
formed  republic.  The  difficulties  and  embarrassments  which 
surrounded  the  new  government  were  of  the  most  formi- 
dable kind. 

"It  was  true  that  Louis  Napoleon  had  many  a  stormy 
element  to  encounter;  had  to  pass  all  the  quicksands  and 
shoals  of  Parisian  capriciousness;  to  set  upon  and  subdue 
the  boisterous,  bloody  mountain ;  to  bring  order  out  of  the 
chaos  of  revolution;  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people  of 
France,  and  reassure  them  that  there  was  sufficient  stabil- 
ity, conservatism,  and  virtue  in  society  to  preserve  it.  He 
managed  this  so  steadily  as  to  elicit  confidence,  excite  hope, 
and  rally  around  himself  those  who  desired  domestic  peace, 
the  preservation  of  property,  and  the  protection  of  life. 
His  name,  amid  all  the  wild  tumults  of  his  two-years'  presi- 
dency, loomed  up  as  a  landmark  of  safety,  a  breakwater 
against  the  angry  waves  of  discord,  a  symbol  of  future 
solidity  and  rest."  ' 

'  Projet  de  Solution  de  la  Question  Romaine,  par  I'Abbe  J.  H.  Mignon. 
2  Italj'  and  the  War  of  1859,  p.  89. 
Italy — 24 


654  ITALY 

At  the  time  that  Louis  Napoleon  was  elected  president, 
the  pope  was  still  a  fugitive  at  Gaeta,  and  the  French 
steamers  had  accomplished  nothing.  The  pope  had  trans- 
ferred his  court  from  Eome  to  Graeta.  The  pontifical  gov- 
ernment was  still  recognized  by  all  Europe,  and  the  ambas- 
sadors of  all  the  foreign  courts  had  followed  the  pontiff  to 
his  retreat.  The  leaders  of  the  insurrection  in  Rome  were 
generally  avowed  unbelievers  in  Christianity,  revilers  of  all 
religion.  As  such,  they  were  very  obnoxious  to  the  Cath- 
olics throughout  Europe.  It  was  denied  that  they  repre- 
sented the  opinions  of  the  Eoman  people,  but  that  they 
and  their  followers  were  desperate  men,  who  from  all  parts 
of  Europe  had  flocked  to  Rome,  allured  by  the  attractions 
of  that  license  and  plunder  which  revolutions  ever  afford. 
Austria  had  already  gathered  a  powerful  army,  which  was 
just  ready  to  move  to  replace  the  pope  upon  his  throne  in 
the  Vatican. 

The  president  of  the  French  republic  immediately  sent 
General  Oudinot,  with  a  detachment  of  three  thousand  five 
hundred  men,  to  Civita  Vecchia.  The  expedition  sailed 
from  Toulon,  and  entered  the  harbor  of  Civita  Vecchia 
on  the  25th  of  April,  1849.  As  the  troops  disembarked, 
General  Oudinot  issued  the  following  proclamation: 

"Inhabitants  of  the  Roman  States!  a  French  army  corps 
has  landed  upon  your  territory.  It  is  not  its  object  to  exer- 
cise an  oppressive  influence,  or  to  impose  upon  you  a  gov- 
ernment not  conformed  to  your  wishes.  The  corps  comes 
only  to  preserve  you  from  the  greatest  misfortunes,  and  to 
facilitate,  if  it  can,  the  establishment  of  a  regime  equally 
separated  from  the  abuses  forever  destroyed  by  the  illus- 
trious Pius  IX.,  and  from  the  anarchy  of  these  last  times." 

The  revolutionary  assembly  at  Rome  feared  that  the  ex- 
pedition imperilled  the  revolutionary  government  which  it 
had  adopted,  and  that  the  restoration  of  the  pope  would 
prove  the  overthrow  of  the  republic.  It  called  that  govern- 
ment a  republic  which  was  established  without  any  appeal 
to  the  suffrages  of  the  people  of  the  Roman  States,  and 


FRENCH   INTERVENTION  555 

probably  in  opposition  to  their  wishes.  The  revolutionary 
government  accordingly  closed  the  gates  of  Rome,  manned 
the  forts  and  ramparts,  and  opened  fire  upon  the  approach- 
ing columns  of  Oudinot.  After  a  pretty  severe  battle,  the 
French  were  driven  back  with  considerable  loss.  Ke-enforce- 
ments  were  immediately  despatched  to  General  Oudinot; 
and  in  a  letter  to  him,  dated  the  8th  of  May,  1849,  the 
president  wrote: 

"The  intelligence  announcing  the  unforeseen  resistance 
you  have  met  under  the  walls  of  Rome  has  given  me  much 
pain.  I  had  expected  that  the  inhabitants  of  Rome,  open- 
ing their  eyes  to  evident  reason,  would  receive  with  joy  an 
army  that  came  among  them  to  accomplish  a  benevolent 
and  disinterested  mission." 

In  the  first  message  of  the  president  of  the  French  repub- 
lic to  the  Corps  Legislatif  we  find  the  following  statement  of 
the  motives  which  led  to  the  intervention: 

"At  Rome,  a  revolution  has  been  effected  which  deeply 
moved  the  Catholic  and  the  liberal  world.  During  the  last 
two  years,  we  have  seen  in  the  Holy  See  a  pontiff  who  has 
taken  the  initiative  in  useful  reforms,  and  whose  name, 
repeated  in  hymns  of  gratitude  from  one  end  of  Italy  to 
another,  was  the  symbol  of  liberty,  and  the  pledge  of  all 
hopes;  when  suddenly  it  was  heard  with  astonishment,  that 
that  sovereign,  lately  the  idol  of  his  people,  had  been  con- 
strained to  fly  furtively  from  his  capitol. 

"The  acts  of  aggression  which  compelled  Pius  IX.  to 
leave  Rome,  appear,  in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  to  be  the  work 
of  a  conspiracy  rather  than  the  spontaneous  movement  of  a 
people  who  could  not,  in  a  moment,  have  passed  from  the 
most  lively  enthusiasm  to  the  most  afflictive  ingratitude. 
The  Catholic  powers  sent  ambassadors  to  Gaeta  to  deliber- 
ate upon  the  important  interests  of  the  papacy.  France  was 
represented  there.  She  listened  to  all  parties  without  tak- 
ing sides.  Austria,  in  concert  with  Naples,  responding  to 
an  appeal  from  the  Holy  Father,  notified  the  French  gov- 
ernment that  these  two  powers  had  decided  to  march  upon 


556  ITALY 

Eome  to  re-establish  there  unconditionally  the  authority  of 
the  pope. 

"Being  thus  obliged  to  take  some  action,  there  were  but 
three  courses  which  we  could  pursue — either  to  oppose  by 
arms  all  intervention  (and  in  that  case  we  should  break  with 
all  Catholic  Europe)  for  the  sole  interest  of  the  Eoman  re- 
public, which  we  have  not  recognized ;  or  to  leave  the  three 
coalesced  powers  '  to  re-establish  at  their  pleasure,  and  un- 
conditionally, the  papal  authority;  or  to  exercise,  of  our 
own  accord,  direct  and  independent  action. 

"The  government  of  the  republic  adopted  the  latter 
course.  It  seemed  to  us  easy  to  satisfy  the  Eomans  that, 
pressed  on  all  sides,  they  had  no  chance  of  safety  but  from 
us;  that,  if  our  presence  had  for  its  result  the  return  of  Pius 
IX.,  that  sovereign,  faithful  to  himself,  would  take  back 
with  him  reconciliation  and  liberty;  that  we,  being  once 
at  Rome,  would  guarantee  the  integrity  of  the  territory  by 
taking  away  from  Austria  all  pretext  for  entering  Romagna. 
We  even  hoped  that  our  flag,  planted  without  resistance  in 
the  centre  of  Italy,  would  have  extended  its  protective  in- 
fluence over  the  whole  of  the  peninsula,  to  none  of  whose 
griefs  can  we  ever  be  indifferent. 

"Our  expeditionary  corps,  small  in  numbers,  since  seri- 
ous resistance  had  not  been  anticipated,  disembarked  at 
Civita  Vecchia;  and  the  government  is  instructed  that  if, 
on  the  same  day,  it  could  have  arrived  at  Rome  the  gates 
would  have  been  thrown  open  with  joy.  But,  while  Gen- 
eral Oudinot  was  notifying  the  government  at  Rome  of  his 
arrival.  Garibaldi  entered  there  at  the  head  of  troops  formed 
of  refugees  from  all  parts  of  Italy,  and  even  from  the  rest  of 
Europe.  His  presence,  as  may  be  imagined,  increased  sud- 
denly the  force  of  the  party  of  resistance. 

"On  the  30th  of  April  six  thousand  of  our  soldiers  pre- 
sented themselves  before  the  walls  of  Rome.  They  were 
received  with  cannon-shot.     Some  even,  drawn  into  a  snare, 

'  Austria,  Naples,  and  Spain,  which  liad  also  joined  the  coaliiion. 


FRENCH   INTERVENTION  557 

were  taken  prisoners.  We  all  must  mourn  over  the  blood 
shed  on  that  sad  day.'  That  unexpected  confliict,  without 
changing  the  final  accomplishment  of  our  enterprise,  has 
paralyzed  our  kind  intentions,  and  rendered  vain  the  efforts 
of  our  negotiators. ' ' 

Greneral  Oudinot  repaired  to  Palos  to  await  re-enforce- 
ments. Soon  eight  regiments  of  infantry,  one  of  cavalry, 
and  a  train  of  artillery  reached  him.  In  the  meantime  a 
united  army  of  Austrians,  Neapolitans,  and  Spaniards,  fif- 
teen thousand  in  number,  were  advancing  upon  Rome.  Gen- 
eral Oudinot  declining  any  co-operation  with  these  forces, 
and  being  then  at  the  head  of  twenty-eight  thousand  men 
with  ninety  pieces  of  artillery,  marched  to  Rome,  and,  on 
the  2d  of  June,  commenced  the  siege  of  the  city.  The  as- 
sault was  conducted  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  imperil  the 
inestimable  treasures  of  art  with  which  the  city  abounded. 
In  the  instructions  sent  to  General  Oudinot,  there  was 
written: 

"The  President  wishes  that  the  monuments  of  Rome, 
which  are  the  admiration  of  all  civilized  people,  should  be 
honored  and  protected.  Act  so  that  art  and  history  may 
not  have  occasion  to  deplore  the  ravages  inseparable  from 
a  siege.  If  you  are  forced  to  carry  the  city  by  assault,  re- 
mind your  soldiers  that  they  are  not  at  war  with  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Rome,  but  with  their  oppressors  and  their  enemies. 
Barn  more  powder  if  necessary.  Put  off  the  capture  of  the 
city  a  day  or  two  to  spare  the  blood  of  our  brave  soldiers." 

The  executive  government  at  Rome  consisted  essentially 
of  three  men — Mazzini,  Annelini,  and  Saifi.  Before  com- 
mencing the  siege  the  French  government  sent  a  commis- 
sion to  the  triumvirate,  stating  that,  should  France  with- 
draw, Austria  would    inevitably  and   immediately   occupy 


'  "In  this  untoward  aSair,  the  French  lost  four  officers  and  one  hundred 
and  eighty  men  killed,  eleven  officers  and  four  hundred  men  wounded,  and 
eleven  officers  and  five  hundred  and  sixty  men  made  prisoners;  while  the  entire 
loss  on  the  side  of  the  Romans  was  only  three  hundred  and  twenty." — Ann. 
Hist,  1849,  p.  623. 


558  ITALY 

Home;  that  French  protection  would  secure  equal  rights 
for  all,  and  that  Austrian  domination  would  inevitably 
doom  Italy  to  civil  and   ecclesiastical  absolutism. 

These  representations  produced  no  apparent  effect  upon 
the  revolutionary  party  at  Kome.  They  strengthened  the 
fortifications,  mounted  heavy  pieces  of  artillery,  and  pre- 
pared for  a  vigorous  defence.  There  were  twenty  thousand 
armed  men  within  the  walls,  with  two  hundred  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery and  an  ample  supply  of  ammunition.  It  was  hoped 
that,  by  prolonging  the  defence  until  fall,  the  malaria  of  the 
Campagna  would  prove  more  fatal  than  bullet  or  sword,  and 
would  either  destroy  the  besiegers  or  put  them  to  flight. 

Early  in  June,  General  Oudinot,  at  the  head  of  twenty- 
eight  thousand  men,  and  with  ninety  pieces  of  artillery, 
again  approached  the  walls  of  Rome.  The  siege  and  the 
defence  were  conducted  alike  with  great  energy.  The 
French  were  embarrassed  in  their  operations  by  their  great 
desire  to  avoid  injuring  any  of  the  monuments  of  antiquity 
with  which  the  city  abounded.  The  siege  commenced  on 
the  2d  of  June.  On  the  2d  of  July  a  practical  breach  was 
made.  At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  an  advance  bastion 
was  carried  by  assault,  and  the  French  were  in  possession  of 
the  city.  They  immediately  proclaimed  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  papal  authority  under  the  protection  of  France. 
The  triumvirate,  with  five  thousand  men,  fled  from  the  city 
at  midnight,  after  having  issued  the  following  proclamation: 

"Eomans!  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  by  means  of  trea- 
son, the  enemy  has  set  foot  on  the  breach.  Arise,  ye  peo- 
ple, in  your  might!  Destroy  him!  Fill  the  breach  with 
his  carcasses!  Blast  the  enemy,  the  accursed  of  God,  who 
dare  touch  the  sacred  walls  of  Rome!  While  Oudinot  re- 
sorts to  this  infamous  act,  France  rises  up  and  recalls  its 
troops  from  this  work  of  invasion.  One  more  effort,  Ro- 
mans, and  your  country  is  saved  forever.  Rome,  by  its 
constancy,  regenerates  all  Europe.  In  the  name  of  your 
fathers,  in  the  name  of  your  future  hopes,  arise  and  give 
battle!     Arise,   and  conquer!     One  prayer  to  the  God  of 


FRENCH   INTERVENTION'  559 

battles,  one  thought  to  your  faithful  brethren,  one  hand 
to  your  arms!  Every  man  becomes  a  hero.  This  day  de- 
cides the  fate  of  Rome  and  of  the  republic. 

"Mazzini,  Annelini,  Saffi." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  in  this  spirited  proclamation, 
scarcely  appropriate,  indeed,  for  men  under  full  flight, 
there  was  the  declaration  that  "France  rises  up  and  re- 
calls her  troops  from  this  invasion."  Though  the  republic 
was  established  in  France,  there  was  a  class,  more  radically 
democratic,  who  were  violently  opposed  to  its  moderate 
measures;  who  insisted  upon  a  government  more  thoroughly 
democratic;  and  that  France,  with  her  armies,  should  imme- 
diately proclaim  war  against  every  throne  and  engage  in 
the  propagandism  of  revolutionary  principles  throughout 
all  Europe.  In  the  preamble  to  the  French  constitution 
which  the  Assembly  had  drawn  up,  it  was  declared: 

"The  republic  respects  all  foreign  nationalities  in  the 
same  manner  as  she  expects  her  own  to  be  respected.  She 
undertakes  no  war  with  the  idea  of  personal  aggrandize- 
ment, and  will  never  employ  her  strength  against  the  lib- 
erty of  any  nation. ' ' 

This  declaration  was  exceedingly  offensive  to  the  "Red 
Republicans,"  as  they  were  called.  They  endeavored  in 
every  way  to  promote  insurrection  in  Paris,  hoping  to  over- 
throw the  republic,  to  establish  the  reign  of  radical  democ- 
racy in  France,  and  then  to  aid  vigorously  in  establishing 
a  similar  government  in  Rome  and  in  all  the  capitals  of 
Europe.  These  radical  democrats  were  divided  into  many 
antagonistic  parties,  but  all  united  in  a  common  sentiment 
of  hostility  to  the  existing  republic.  The  clubs  and  the  op- 
position newspapers  in  Paris  were  loud  in  their  condemna- 
tion of  French  intervention  in  favor  of  the  reigning  pontiff. 

"The  minister,"  exclaimed  Ledru-Rollin  in  the  Assem- 
bly, "who  ordered  an  expedition  to  Rome,  and  who  did  not 
direct  it  to  act  for  the  interest  of  the  Roman  republic,  shall 
henceforth  bear  a  mark  of  blood  on  his  forehead." 


560  ITALY 

While  the  leaders  of  the  clubs  were  striving  to  excite  in- 
surrection in  the  streets  of  Paris,  M.  Ledru-Rollin  presented 
in  the  Assembly,  on  the  10th  of  June,  an  act  of  accusation 
against  the  president  and  the  ministry.  But  this  very  As- 
sembly had  voted  to  send  the  expedition  to  Eome  and  to 
furnish  the  supplies.  The  act  was  promptly  rejected  by  a 
large  majority.  The  conspirators  then  resorted  to  the  ter- 
rors of  insurrection. 

On  the  morning  of  the  13th  of  June,  1849,  an  immense 
concourse,  composed  of  the  lowest  classes  and  the  most  des- 
perate characters  in  Paris,  began  to  gather  on  the  boulevard 
near  the  Chateau  d'Eau.  The  throng  soon  assumed  so  men- 
acing an  aspect  that  all  Paris  was  thrown  into  a  state  of 
alarm.  It  was  observed  that  the  whole  body  of  the  social- 
ists, marching  from  their  various  clubs,  were  in  the  ranks. 
As  in  a  tumultuous  throng,  armed  with  all  sorts  of  weap- 
ons, they  advanced  toward  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  they 
shouted,  "We  are  going  to  finish  with  Bonaparte  and  the 
National  Assembly!"  The  following  placard  was  posted 
throughout  the  streets: 

"The  president  of  the  republic  and  the  ministers  are 
without  the  pale  of  the  constitution.  That  part  of  the  As- 
sembly which,  by  voting,  has  rendered  itself  their  accom- 
plice, is  also  without  the  pale  of  the  constitution.  National 
Guards,  arise !  Let  the  workshops  be  closed !  Our  brethren 
of  the  army  remember  that  you  are  citizens,  and,  as  such, 
that  your  first  duty  is  to  defend  the  constitution.  Let  the 
entire  people  rise!"  ' 

General  Changarnier,  who  was  in  command  of  the  mili- 
tary force  of  Paris,  quietly  took  his  station  with  five  regi- 
ments of  infantry  and  cavalry  in  the  Rue  de  Richelieu. 
When  about  one-half  of  the  column  of  the  insurgents  had 
passed  along  the  boulevards,  he  issued  from  his  retreat, 
and,  falling  upon  the  flank  of  the  struggling  mass,  easily 
cut  it  in  two.     Then  wheeling  to  the  right  and  left,  with 

'  Histoire  Politique  et  Populaire  du  Prince  Louis  Napoleon,  par  fimile 
Marco  de  St.  Hilaire,  p.  280. 


FRENCH    INTERVENTION  561 

his  troops  rapidly  coming  up  from  the  rear,  he  advanced  in 
both  directions  at  the  pas  de  charge.  The  insurgents,  terror- 
stricken,  fled  in  all  directions.  Not  a  bullet  was  fired;  not 
a  sabre  was  crimsoned  with  blood.  In  a  few  moments  the 
streets  were  cleared.  It  was  so  adroitly  done  that  shouts 
of  derisive  laughter  echoed  through  the  streets  of  Paris  at 
the  expense  of  the  discomfited  insurgents. 

The  conspirators  were  so  sure  that  they  should  succeed 
in  dispersing  the  Assembly,  and  in  overthrowing  the  gov- 
ernment, that  their  leaders  had  met,  twenty-five  in  number, 
with  Ledru-Rollin  at  their  head,  in  the  Conservatoire  des 
Arts  et  des  Metiers,  in  the  Rue  St.  Martin,  to  organize  a 
provisional  government.  When  they  learned  that  the  mob 
was  dispersed,  and  that  the  troops  were  near  the  door,  they 
leaped  from  the  windows  and  fled  in  all  directions.  Ledru- 
Rollin  succeeded  in  escaping  to  England.' 

At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  no  vestiges  of  the  emeute 
could  anywhere  be  found.  The  president,  with  his  staff, 
rode  along  the  whole  length  of  the  boulevards,  loudly 
cheered  by  the  people,  who  were  rejoiced  in  being  thus 
easily  rescued  from  the  horrors  of  insurrection. 

This  utter  failure  of  the  socialistic  and  radical  democratic 
factions  to  overthrow  the  government  greatly  strengthened 
the  arm  of  legitimate  power.  Though  the  success  of  the 
French  army  at  Rome  re-established  the  authority  of  Pius 
IX.,  he  did  not  immediately  return  to  the  city,  but  intrusted 
the  government  to  three  cardinals.  These  ecclesiastics  were 
all  strong  advocates  of  the  old  civil  and  religious  despotism. 
With  their  passions  roused  by  the  outrages  committed  by 
the  insurgents,  they  immediately  introduced  measures  of 
antagonism  to  all  those  reforms  which  the  pope  had  inau- 
gurated. When  the  president  of  the  French  republic  was 
informed  of  this,  he  sent  the  following  despatch  to  Colonel 
Ney,  his  orderly- ofiicer  at  Rome: 

"The  French  republic  has  not  sent  an  army  to  Rome  to 
smother  Italian  liberty,  but,  on  the  contrary,  to  regulate  it 

'  Moniteur,  June  14,  1849. 


562  ITALY 

by  defending  it  from  its  own  excesses,  and  to  give  it  a  solid 
basis  by  restoring  to  tlie  pontifical  throne  tbe  prince  who 
had  boldly  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  all  useful  reform. 
I  learn  with  pain  that  the  intentions  of  the  holy  father,  and 
our  own  action,  remain  sterile  in  the  presence  of  hostile 
passions  and  influences.  As  a  basis  for  the  pope's  return 
there  are  those  who  wish  for  proscription  and  tyranny.  Say 
to  General  Rostolan  from  me  that  he  is  to  allow  no  action 
to  be  performed  under  the  shadow  of  the  tricolor  that  could 
distort  the  nature  of  our  intervention.  I  thus  sum  up  the 
re-establishment  of  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope — general 
amnesty,  secular ization  of  the  administration,  Code  Napoleon^ 
and  liberal  government.^ ^ 

The  pope,  Pius  IX.,  exasperated  by  the  rude  treatment 
he  had  received  from  the  Revolutionary  party,  many  of 
whom  were  the  open  revilers  of  all  religion,  had  thoroughly 
renounced  the  liberal  opinions  which  he  had  formerly  advo- 
cated and  was  turning  to  Austrian  despotism  for  sympathy 
and  support. 

The  pontiff  was,  by  universal  admission,  naturally  a 
sincere,  kind-hearted  man,  honestly  seeking  to  promote 
the  welfare  of  his  realms.  "Mild  and  affectionate  in  dis- 
position, averse  to  violence,  having  a  horror  of  blood,  he 
aspired  only  to  make  himself  loved;  and  he  thought  that 
all  the  objects  of  social  reform  might  be  attained  by  this 
blessed  influence. 

"His  information,  both  in  regard  to  his  own  and  neigh- 
boring countries,  was  considerable;  and  he  was  animated 
with  a  sincere  desire  to  bring  up  Italy,  by  pacific  means, 
to  a  level  with  those  countries  which  had  recently  so  much 
outstripped  it  in  liberty,  literature,  and  social  progress. 
Unfortunately,  he  wanted  one  quality  which  rendered  all 
the  rest  of  no  avail,  or  rather  rendered  them  the  instru- 
ments of  evil:  he  was  destitute  of  firmness,  and,  like  most 
ecclesiastics,  had  no  acquaintance  with  mankind. 

"He  thought  he  would  succeed  in  ruling  men,  and  di- 
recting the  social  movement  which  he  saw  was  inevitable, 


FRENCH  INTERVENTION  563 

by  appealing  only  to  the  humane  and  generous  feeling;  for- 
getting that  the  violent  and  selfish  are  incessantly  acting, 
and  that,  unless  they  are  firmly  restrained,  the  movement 
will  soon  be  perverted  to  objects  of  rapine  and  spoliation. 
Experience  soon  taught  him  this;  and,  in  consequence,  he 
was  forced  into  the  hands  of  the  other  party,  became  the 
opponent  of  progress,  and  acquired  the  character  of  vacil- 
lation and  inconsistency.  Kind  and  benevolent,  but  weak 
and  inexperienced,  he  was  the  man  of  all  others  best  fitted 
to  inaugurate,  and  least  to  direct  or  restrain,  a  revolution."  * 

The  emperor  of  the  French,  having  rescued  the  pope 
from  revolutionary  violence,  and  replaced  him  upon  his 
throne,  was  much  disappointed  to  find  him  turning  against 
those  reforms  for  the  promotion  of  which  France  had  inter- 
posed in  his  favor.  The  emperor  wrote  to  the  pope,  urging 
him  to  grant  those  reforms  which  the  welfare  of  his  States  so 
imperiously  demanded. 

"I  entreat  Your  Holiness,"  wrote  the  emperor,  "to  lis- 
ten to  the  voice  of  a  devoted  son  of  the  church,  but  who 
comprehends  the  necessities  of  his  epoch,  and  who  perceives 
that  brutal  force  is  not  sufficient  to  resolve  questions  and  to 
remove  difficulties.  I  see  in  the  decisions  of  Your  Holiness 
either  the  germ  of  a  future  of  glory  and  of  tranquillity,  or 
the  sure  continuance  of  violence  and  calamity." 

The  priestly  court  of  Eome  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  co- 
operate with  the  emperor  of  the  French  in  his  endeavors  to 
popularize  the  papal  government.  It  opposed  all  reform. 
The  Austrian  princes,  whom  the  treaties  of  1815  had  im- 
posed upon  the  people  of  the  dismembered  Italian  States, 
had  fled  before  the  uprising  of  the  people.  The  question 
of  Italian  confederacy,  or  of  Italian  unity,  was  everywhere 
agitated.  The  pope  still  retained  his  throne.  He  was  main- 
tained there  by  French  troops.  All  the  Catholic  powers, 
and  apparently  all  the  leading  Catholic  laymen,  in  Europe, 
like  Thiers,  were  agreed  in  the  opinion  that  it  would  not 

'  History  of  Europe,  by  Sir  Archibald  Alison,  vol.  viii,  p.  206. 


564  ITALY 

be  consistent  with  the  interests  of  Europe  that  Victor 
Emanuel,  or  Francis  Joseph,  or  any  other  sovereign, 
should  be  permitted  to  annex  the  papal  territory  to  his 
dominions,  and  thus  compel  the  Holy  Father  to  become 
his  subject. 

"The  only  possible  security  for  the  independence  of  the 
pope,"  said  M.  Thiers,  "is  the  temporal  sovereignty." 

A  very  able  writer,  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  "Le  Pape  et 
le  Congr^s,"  says,  "In  a  political  point  of  view,  it  is  neces- 
sary that  the  chief  of  two  hundred  millions  of  Catholics 
should  not  belong  to  any  person;  that  he  should  not  be 
subordinate  to  any  power;  and  that  the  august  hand  which 
governs  souls,  not  being  bound  by  any  dependence,  should 
be  able  to  raise  itself  above  all  human  passions. 

"If  the  pope  were  not  an  independent  sovereign,  he 
would  be  a  Frenchman,  an  Austrian,  a  Spaniard,  an  Ital- 
ian; and  the  title  of  his  nationality  would  take  from  him 
his  character  of  universal  pontiff.  The  Holy  See  would  be 
nothing  but  the  support  of  a  throne  at  Paris,  at  Vienna,  at 
Madrid." 

Thus,  the  Koman  question  became  one  of  the  most  em- 
barrassing which  had  as  yet  arisen  in  Europe.  How  could 
there  be  a  united  Italy,  cut  in  two  by  the  Papal  States, 
with  Eome,  the  natural  capital  of  Italy,  the  metropolis  of 
the  realms  of  the  pope?  By  what  right  could  Sardinia, 
Naples,  and  Venetia  seize  upon  the  realms  of  the  pope  and 
annex  them  to  their  united  realms  ?  The  possessions  of  the 
pope  were  sanctified  by  centuries.  No  one  denied  that  he 
had  as  good  a  title  to  his  throne  as  any  sovereign  whatever. 
The  fact  that  he  was  the  head  of  the  Catholic  Church  no 
more  interfered  with  his  temporal  rights  as  a  sovereign,  it 
was  said,  than  Queen  Victoria's  rights  are  annulled  by  her 
being  the  head  of  the  Church  of  England,  or  than  the  rights 
of  the  Czar  of  Russia  are  impaired  by  his  being  the  recognized 
head  of  the  Greek  Church.  And  again  it  was  asked,  "How 
is  it  possible  to  deprive  the  pope  of  his  possessions,  and  thus 
of  his  legitimate  revenues,  without  sinking  him  into  subser- 


ITALIAN    UNITY  565 

viency  to  a  master,  and  thus  destroying  all  possibility  of  in- 
dependent action?"  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Roman 
question  became  one  of  exceeding  difficulty  and  delicacy. 


CHAPTER  XXXIL 

ITALIAN    UNITY 

Striking  Views  of  Napoleon  I. — Object  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna — The 
Carbonari — Letter  to  tlie  Pope — Louis  Napoleon  in  Italy — His  Narrow 
Escape — Letter  from  Mr.  Morse — Insurrections  Quelled — Magenta  and 
SoLferino — Peace  of  Villafranca — Venetia  not  Liberated;  and  why — 
Views  of  M.  Thiers — Fidelity  of  Louis  Napoleon  to  the  Italians — Ad- 
dress to  the  Corps  Legislatif — The  Papal  States — Difficulty  of  the 
Question — Speech  of  Prince  Napoleon — Views  of  the  Emperor — Im- 
portant Letter  from  the  Emperor. 

THE  following  record  of  historical  facts  will  give  the 
reader  an  idea  of  the  complications  and  perplexities 
with  which  the  question  of  Italian  unity  has  been 
surrounded;  a  question  which  still  agitates  Catholics  and 
Protestants  alike,  and  which  threatens  the  peace  of  Eu- 
rope. The  writer  will  endeavor  to  make  an  impartial 
presentation  of  facts,  sustained  beyond  all  doubt  by  docu- 
mentary evidence. 

Las  Casas  reports  the  Emperor  Napoleon  I.  as  saying  to 
him  at  St.  Helena  on  the  eleventh  day  of  November,  1816, 
"One  of  my  great  plans  was  the  rejoining,  the  concentra- 
tion, of  those  same  geographical  nations  which  have  been 
disunited  and  parcelled  out  by  revolution  and  policy. 
There  are  dispersed  m  Europe  upward  of  thirty  millions 
of  French,  fifteen  millions  of  Spaniards,  fifteen  millions  of 
Italians,  and  thirty  millions  of  Germans.  It  was  my  inten- 
tion to  incorporate  these  several  millions  of  peoples  each 
into  one  nation.  It  would  have  been  a  noble  thing  to  have 
advanced  into  posterity  with  such  a  train,  and  attended  by 
the  blessings  of  future  ages.  I  felt  myself  worthy  of  this 
glory. 

"In  this  state  of  things,  there  would  have  been  some 


566  ITALY 

chance  of  establishing  in  every  country  a  unity  of  codes  of 
principles,  of  opinions,  of  sentiments,  of  views  and  inter- 
ests. Then  perhaps,  by  the  universal  diffusion  of  knowl- 
edge, one  might  have  thought  of  attempting,  in  the  great 
European  family,  the  application  of  the  American  Con- 
gress, or  of  the  Amphictyons  of  Greece.  What  a  per- 
spective of  power,  grandeur,  happiness,  and  prosperity 
would  thus   have  appeared! 

"The  concentration  of  thirty  or  forty  million  of  French- 
men was  completed  and  perfected;  that  of  fifteen  millions 
of  Spaniards  was  nearly  accomplished.  Three  or  four 
years  would  have  restored  the  Spaniards  to  profound 
peace  and  brilliant  prosperity.  They  would  have  be- 
come a  com.pact  nation:  and  I  should  have  well  deserved 
their  gratitude;  for  I  should  have  saved  them  from  the 
tyranny  with  which  they  are  now  oppressed,  and  from  the 
terrible  agitations  which  await  them. 

"With  regard  to  the  fifteen  millions  of  Italians,  their 
concentration  was  already  far  advanced.  We  only  wanted 
maturity.  The  people  were  daily  becoming  more  estab- 
lished in  the  unity  of  principles  and  of  legislation,  and  also 
in  the  unity  of  thought  and  feeling,  that  certain  and  infal- 
lible cement  of  human  concentration.  The  union  of  Pied- 
mont to  France,  and  the  Junction  of  Parma,  Tuscany,  and 
Eome,  were,  in  my  mind,  only  temporary  measures,  in- 
tended merely  to  guarantee  and  promote  the  national  edu- 
cation of  the  Italians. 

"All  the  south  of  Europe  would  soon  have  been  ren- 
dered compact  in  point  of  locality,  views,  opinions,  senti- 
ments, and  interests.  The  concentration  of  the  Germans 
must  have  been  effected  more  gradually;  and  therefore  I 
had  done  no  more  than  simplify  their  monstrous  complica- 
tion. How  happens  it  that  no  German  prince  has  yet  formed 
a  just  notion  of  the  spirit  of  his  nation,  and  turned  it  to  good 
account?  Certainly,  if  Heaven  had  made  me  a  prince  of 
Germany,  I  should  infallibly  have  governed  the  thirty  mil- 
lions of  Germans  combined. 


ITALIAN    UNITY  567 

*^At  all  events,  this  concentration  will  certainly  he  brought 
about,  sooner  or  later,  by  the  very  force  of  events.  The  im- 
pulse is  given;  and  I  think  that  since  my  fall,  and  the  de- 
struction of  my  system,  no  grand  equilibrium  can  possibly 
be  established  in  Europe,  except  by  the  concentration  of 
the  principal  nationalities.  The  sovereign  who,  in  the  first 
great  conflict,  shall  sincerely  embrace  the  cause  of  the 
people  will  find  himself  at  the  head  of  all  Europe,  and 
may  attempt  whatever  he  pleases."  ' 

The  great  object  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  upon  the 
downfall  of  Napoleon  in  1815,  was  so  to  dismember  and 
reconstruct  Europe  as  to  hold  its  peoples  in  entire  subjec- 
tion to  the  feudal  kings.  Italy  was,  therefore,  by  the  allies, 
cut  up  into  fragments,  and  so  parcelled  out  as  to  render  any 
rising  of  the  people  in  favor  of  popular  rights  almost  impos- 
sible. 

I  have  already  given  an  account  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  kingdom  of  Italy,  as  organized  by  the  first  Napoleon, 
was  dismembered  by  the  allies  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 
and  parcelled  out  among  the  princes  of  Austria. 

The  whole  of  Italy,  with  the  exception  of  Sardinia,  was 
virtually  cut  up  into  provinces  of  the  Austrian  empire. 

The  Italian  people  were  exasperated  at  being  thus  handed 
over,  bound  hand  and  foot,  to  Austria.  A  secret  society 
was  organized,  called  the  Carbonari,  to  rescue  Italy  from 
Austrian  sway.  The  society  spread  with  unprecedented 
rapidity.  It  is  said  that  during  the  month  of  March,  1820, 
six  hundred  and  iifty  thousand  members  were  admitted.' 
In  the  month  of  Jaly,  1820,  the  insurrection  burst  forth  in 
Naples,  and  almost  simultaneously  in  the  Papal  States,  in 
Sardinia,  and  in  other  parts  of  Italy. 

Austria,  Russia,  and  Prussia  had  entered  into  a  "holy 
alliance"  to  march  their  armies  to  crush  any  uprising  of  the 
people  in  either  of  their  realms — "a  convention,"   writes 

>  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena,  by  John  S.  C.  Abbott,  pp.  272,  273. 
2  See  Enc.  Am.,  article  "Carbonari";  also  Alison's  Hist   of  Bu.,  vol.  ii.  p. 
183. 


568  ITALY 

Lord  Brougham,  "for  the  enslavement  of  mankind  under 
the  mask  of  piety  and  religion." 

The  whole  military  force  of  these  three  monarchies  was 
immediately  put  in  motion  for  the  re-enslavement  of  Italy. 
The  tempest  of  war  burst  first  upon  Naples.  The  banners 
of  liberty  were  speedily  trampled  in  the  dust;  the  bands  of 
freedom  were  bloodily  annihilated;  and  the  leading  patriots 
were  sent  to  the  galleys,  shot,  or  hanged.  In  Sardinia,  the 
same  scenes  of  blood  and  woe  were  enacted.  Throughout 
Italy,  the  popular  cause  was  utterly  crushed.  Terrible 
scenes  of  coniiscations  and  executions  ensued.  Forty  thou- 
sand Austrian  troops  were  garrisoned  in  Sardinia  to  liold 
the  little  realm  in  subjection. 

Still  the  members  of  the  Carbonari  were  active.  For 
ten  years  the  volcanic  fires  were  gathering  for  a  new  irrup- 
tion. The  overthrow  of  Charles  X.,  and  the  enthronement 
of  Louis  Philippe,  aroused  the  popular  party  all  over  Eu- 
rope. Louis  Napoleon,  then  a  young  man  twenty-two  years 
of  age,  residing  with  his  mother  at  Aarenberg,  in  Switzer- 
land, had,  with  his  elder  brother,  joined  the  Carbonari. 
He  attended  a  secret  meeting  in  Home  to  consult  for  the 
liberation  of  Italy.  The  pontifical  government,  dreading 
his  name  and  influence,  arrested  him,  and  sent  him,  under 
an  escort  of  mounted  troojDS,  out  of  the  papal  dominions. 

He  repaired  to  Florence,  where  he  met  his  elder  brother, 
who  was  residing  with  his  father  there.  Both  of  the  young 
men  joined  the  patriots.  Hortense,  well  aware  of  the  power 
of  Austria,  and  trembling  for  the  safety  of  her  sons,  wrote 
to  them,  entreating  them  not  to  engage  in  so  hopeless  a 
cause.     In  Louis  Napoleon's  reply  to  his  mother,  he  wrote: 

"Your  affectionate  heart  will  understand  our  determina- 
tion. We  have  contracted  engagements  which  we  cannot 
break.  Can  we  remain  deaf  to  the  voice  of  the  unfortunate 
who  call  to  us  ?    We  bear  a  name  which  obliges  us  to  listen. " 

The  armies  of  Austria,  Eussia,  and  Prussia,  were  imme- 
diately on  the  move.  The  name  which  Louis  Napoleon 
bore,  his  rank,  and  the  reputation  he  had  already  acquired 


ITALIAN    UNITY  569 

as  a  man  of  ability,  gave  him  a  commanding  position  in  the 
patriot  ranks.  Under  these  circumstances,  he  wrote  a  letter 
to  the  pope. 

The  importance  of  this  letter — the  light  which  it  throws 
upon  the  nature  of  the  conflict  at  that  time,  and  upon  the 
views  of  the  writer,  whose  subsequent  career  has  arrested 
the  attention  of  the  whole  civilized  world — demands  its  in- 
sertion in  full.  This  letter  was  written  from  the  camp  of 
the  revolted  States,  at  Terni,  in  the  spring  of  1831.  It  was 
sent  to  the  then  reigning  pontiff,  Gregory  XVI.,  by  the 
hands  of  M.  le  Baron  de  Stocking.  The  baron  was  return- 
ing to  Rome,  having  brought  the  young  prince  a  letter  from 
his  uncle  Jerome,  then  residing  in  the  Holy  City,  and  who 
had  endeavored  to  persuade  his  nephews  to  withdraw  from 
the  conflict. 

"Very  Holy  Father — M.  the  Baron  of  Stoelting,  who 
has  brought  to  me  at  Terni  a  letter  from  my  uncle,  Prince 
Jerome,  will  inform  your  holiness  of  the  true  situation  of 
things  here.  He  has  told  me  that  you  were  grieved  to  learn 
that  we  were  in  the  midst  of  those  who  have  revolted  against 
the  temporal  power  of  the  court  of  Rome.  I  take  the  liberty 
to  write  a  word  to  your  holiness  to  open  to  him  my  heart, 
and  to  enable  him  to  hear  language  to  which  he  is  Dot  ac- 
customed; for  I  am  sure  that  the  true  state  of  things  is  con- 
cealed from  him.  Since  I  have  found  myself  in  the  midst 
of  the  revolted  States,  I  have  been  able  to  assure  myself  of 
the  feeling  which  animates  all  hearts.  The  people  desire 
laws  and  a  national  representation;  they  desire  to  be  on  a 
level  with  the  other  nations  of  Europe — to  be  equal  to 
the  epoch. 

"They  fear  anarchy,  and  it  will  not  appear;  for  every 
one,  even  to  the  humblest  workman,  is  fully  persuaded  that 
there  is  no  more  happiness  for  men  under  the  reign  of 
anarchy  than  under  the  reign  of  despotism  and  oppression. 

"If  all  the  sovereign  pontiffs  had  been  animated  with  the 
evangelical  spirit  which  they  assure  me  would  have  guided 


570  ITALY 

your  holiness  if  he  had  been  elected  in  a  tranquil  period, 
the  people,  less  oppressed,  less  sufiering,  would  not,  per- 
haps, have  been  united  with  those  enlightened  parties,  who, 
for  a  long  time,  have  cast  eyes  of  envy  upon  the  condition 
of  France  and  England. 

"Religion  is  everywhere  respected.  The  priests,  the 
monks  even,  have  nothing  to  fear^  The  Romagnols  espe- 
cially are  intoxicated  with  liberty.  They  arrived  this  even- 
ing at  Terni;  and  I  render  them  this  justice,  that  in  the 
cries  which  they  continually  raise  there  is  never  one  against 
the  person  of  the  chief  of  religion.  This  is  due  to  the  chiefs, 
who  are  everywhere  men  the  most  highly  esteemed,  and  who 
on  all  occasions  express  their  attachment  for  religion  with 
as  much  force  as  their  desire  for  a  change  in  the  temporal 
government. 

"The  kindness  of  your  holiness  to  my  family  constrains 
me  to  inform  him,  and  I  can  assure  him  upon  my  honor, 
that  the  forces  organized,  which  are  advancing  upon  Rome, 
are  invincible.'  The  chiefs  and  soldiers  are  well  appointed; 
but  they  are  far  from  wishing  to  do  anything  which  is  dis- 
honorable. I  shall  be  too  bappy  if  your  holiness  will  deign 
to  reply  to  me. 

"It  is  bold  in  me,  since  I  am  nothing,  to  dare  to  write  to 
your  holiness;  but  I  hope  to  be  useful  to  him.  It  is  the 
manifest  and  decided  wish  that  the  temporal  power  should 
be  separated  from  the  spiritual.  But  your  holiness  is  be- 
loved; and  it  is  generally  believed  that  your  holiness  would 
consent  to  remain  at  Rome,  with  his  riches,  his  Swiss,  the 
Vatican,  and  permit  a  provisional  government  to  be  formed 
for  temporal  affairs. 

"I  declare  the  truth  upon  my  oath;  and  I  entreat  your 
holiness  to  believe  that  I  have  no  ambitious  view.  My  heart 
could  not  remain  insensible  in  view  of  the  people,  in  view 
of  the  prisoners  released  from  Civita  Castellana,  who  were 

'  This  was  true  so  far  as  the  papal  government  had  any  powers  of  resistance; 
but  the  armies  of  the  Holy  Alliance  poured  into  Italy,  sweeping  all  opposition 
before  them. 


ITALIAN    UNITY  571 

everywhere  embraced  and  covered  with  tears  of  joy.  The 
■unhappy  creatures!  Many  of  them  almost  died  of  joy,  so 
much  were  they  enfeebled,  so  much  have  they  been  mal- 
treated; but  that  was  not  under  the  pontificate  of  your 
holiness. 

"It  only  remains  for  me  to  assure  your  holiness  that  all 
my  efforts  are  directed  toward  the  general  good.  I  know 
not  what  reports  have  been  made  to  your  holiness;  but  I  can 
give  the  assurance  that  I  have  heard  nearly  all  the  young 
people  say,  even  the  least  moderate,  that,  if  Gregory  XVI. 
would  renounce  the  temporal  sovereignty,  they  would  adore 
him;  that  they  would  themselves  become  the  most  firm  sup- 
porters of  a  religion  purified  by  a  great  hope,  and  which  has 
for  its  foundation  the  book,  the  most  liberal  that  exists — the 
Divine  Gospel. 

"Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte.'" 

The  Austrian  armies,  with  the  armies  of  Russia  and 
Prussia  hastening  to  re-enforce  them,  again  swept  resist- 
lessly  over  Italy;  and  the  patriot  bands  were  slaughtered 
mercilessly.  The  Austrian  authorities  eagerly  sought  for 
the  two  princes  who  bore  the  name  of  Bonaparte.  A  price 
was  placed  upon  their  heads.  Hortense,  with  a  mother's 
love,  hastened  to  the  rescue  of  her  sons.  She  found  the 
eldest  dead  at  Forli  from  the  fatigues  of  the  campaign. 
Louis  Napoleon  was  also  dangerously  sick  with  a  burning 
fever.  Hortense,  disguising  her  only  surviving  son  as  a 
servant,  succeeded  in  effecting  his  escape  through  a  thou- 
sand perils  to  France,  and  thence  to  England.  Thus  termi- 
nated the  second  attempt  for  the  emancipation  of  Italy. 

Our  distinguished  fellow-countryman,  Samuel  F.  B. 
Morse,  chanced  to  be  in  Italy  at  this  time.  He  has  kindly 
furnished  me  with  the  following  account  of  his  personal 
acquaintance  with  some  of  those  scenes  which  I  am  here 
recording : 

'  Le  Gouvernement  Temporal  des  Papes,  juge  par  la  Diplomatie  Frangaise 
pp.  151,  152. 


572  ITALY 

"It  was  in  the  spring  of  1831  that  I  left  Rome  for  Flor- 
ence, in  the  midst  of  the  attempted  Italian  revolution  of 
that  year.  My  companions,  besides  two  English  gentlemen, 
were  two  Americans — Lieutenant  Williams  of  the  army, 
afterward  an  aide  to  General  Scott,  and  killed  at  Monterey 
in  our  war  with  Mexico;  and  Mr.  Crauch,  son  of  Judge 
Cranch  of  Washington.  Both  of  them,  as  well  as  I,  had 
been  students  of  art  in  Rome. 

"The  day  we  left  Rome  was  an  exciting  and  eventful  one 
to  us.  In  the  morning,  we  were  at  the  headquarters  of  the 
papal  army  at  Civita  Castellana;  and  in  the  evening,  having 
passed  over  the  interval  between  the  two  armies,  we  arrived 
at  the  headquarters  of  the  Bolognese  or  Revolutionary  army 
at  Terni.  We  arrived  at  dark  at  the  post-house,  which  was 
the  headquarters  of  General  Cercognani,  who,  being  ap- 
prised that  a  party  of  Americans  had  arrived  from  Rome, 
invited  us  to  share  the  accommodations  of  the  post-house 
with  him  and  his  staff. 

"While  at  supper,  the  general  introduced  us  to  a  cour- 
teous gentleman  as  the  Baron  Stettin,  who,  speaking  Eng- 
lish fluently,  and  having  travelled  extensively  in  the  United 
States,  made  our  evening  pass  very  pleasantly.  After  con- 
versing on  a  great  variety  of  subjects,  he  said  to  me — 

"  '  You  are  perhaps  surprised  to  find  me  here  at  the  head- 
quarters of  a  revolutionary  general. ' 

"I  replied,  that,  knowing  his  antecedents,  there  certainly 
was  some  mystery  in  the  fact. 

"  'Well,'  said  he,  'I  will  tell  you  why  I  am  here.  The 
two  sons  of  the  late  king  of  Holland,  Louis  Bonaparte,  are 
here;  and  their  friends,  anxious  lest  they  should  compromise 
their  position,  have  sent  me  to  persuade  them  to  return. ' 

"I,  of  course,  manifested  the  surprise  I  felt  in  common 
with  my  companions.  We  could  not  but  applaud  the  devo- 
tion and  daring  of  the  noble  young  men  for  a  cause  which 
appealed  so  strongly  to  all  our  sympathies  for  the  long- 
oppressed  Italians;  and  we  could  not  but  secretly  hope  that 
our  courteous  friend  the  baron  might  not  be  successful  in 


ITALIAN    UNITY  573 

his  mission.  So  strongly  were  our  sympathies  aroused 
in  favor  of  the  Italian  uprising,  that  our  enthusiastic 
military  companion,  Lieutenant  Williams,  proposed  to 
leave  us  to  pursue  our  journey  to  Florence  alone,  while 
he  offered  his  services  to  the  commanding-general;  audit 
was  with  difficulty  that  he  was  reasoned  out  of  his  determi- 
nation, so  suddenly  formed  from  the  impulse  of  a  brave  and 
generous  heart. 

"We  left  in  the  morning;  and,  on  our  arrival  at  Flor- 
ence, we  found  that  our  intercourse  at  the  headquarters  at 
Terni  had  compromised  us  with  the  authorities,  and  we  were 
peremptorily  ordered  to  quit  Florence  in  twenty-four  hours. 
After  much  vexatious  negotiation  with  our  consul,  we  were 
found  to  be  harmless  artists,  intent  on  study  and  the  arts  of 
peace,  and  not  on  revolution.  We  were  then  permitted  to 
stay  some  months  under  close  surveillance.  It  is  needless 
to  say  that  this  attempt  at  revolution  very  speedily  suc- 
cumbed to  the  overwhelming  force  of  Austrian  inter- 
vention. 

"While  in  Florence,  passing  one  day  by  the  Church  of 
the  Trinity,  I  was  attracted  by  the  funeral  decorations  of  the 
exterior  of  the  church,  and,  entering,  found  a  lofty  and 
splendid  catafalco,  upon  which  were  the  mortal  remains  of 
some  distinguished  person.  On  inquiry,  I  learned  that  the 
funeral  solemnities  were  in  honor  of  one  of  the  noble 
brothers — the  young  Bonapartes.  The  other  lives  to  see 
his  earliest  efforts  for  oppressed  Italy  crowned  with  success, 
and  he  himself  occupying  the  most  brilliant  throne  in  Eu- 
rope, justly  admired  for  his  largeness  of  soul,  and  the  un- 
surpassed wisdom  of  his  prosperous  administration."  ' 

Queen  Hortense,  on  her  heroic  journey  for  the  rescue  of 
her  sons,  met  Greneral  Amandi,  minister  of  war  of  the  Italian 
provisional  government.     He  said  to  her: 

"Your  majesty  has  indeed  reason  to  be  proud  of  being 
the  mother  of  two  such  sons.     Their  whole  conduct  under 

'  This  communication  was  written  three  years  before  the  disasters  of  the 
Pranco-Prussiaa  War. 


574  ITALY 

these   sad   circumstances   lias  been  a  series   of   noble  and 
courageous  actions;  and  history  will  remember  it." 

Eighteen  years  more  of  grinding  oppression  passed  sadly 
away  until  1848,  when  the  French  again  rose,  and,  driving 
Louis  Philippe  from  the  throne  and  the  kingdom,  estab- 
lished the  republic.  These  events  roused  anew  the  liberal 
party  throughout  all  Europe.  Charles  Albert,  then  king  of 
Sardinia,  was  the  only  ruler  in  Italy  who  had  even  the  sem- 
blance of  independence  of  Austria.  Emboldened  by  the 
example  of  France,  which  had  constituted  a  republic  on 
the  basis  of  universal  suffrage  and  of  equal  rights  for  all, 
he  ventured  cautiously  to  commence  introducing  popular 
reforms  into  his  kingdom.  All  over  Italy  the  revolutionary 
movement  burst  forth.  Again  the  armies  of  Austria  were 
on  the  move,  and,  in  a  series  of  terrible  battles,  swept  the 
whole  peninsula  with  billows  of  fire  and  blood.  Charles 
Albert,  as  he  fled  from  the  disastrous  field  of  No  vara,  where 
his  forces  had  been  utterly  routed  on  the  22d  of  March, 
1849,  said  to  General  Durando — 

"This  is  my  last  day.  I  have  sacrificed  myself  to  the 
Italian  cause.  For  it  I  have  exposed  my  life,  that  of  my 
children,  and  my  throne.  I  have  failed  in  my  object. 
Since  I  in  vain  sought  death,  I  will  give  myself  up  as  a  last 
sacrifice  to  my  country.  I  lay  down  my  crown,  and  abdi- 
cate in  favor  of  Victor  Emanuel." 

Thus  ended  the  third  attempt  at  a  popular  uprising  in 
Italy.  Charles  Albert  soon  died  of  a  broken  heart.  Two 
more  years  passed  away,  when  the  empire  was  re-established 
in  France,  and  became  a  power  which  all  Europe  was  con- 
strained to  respect.  Count  Cavour  was  prime-minister  of 
Victor  Emanuel. 

The  Sardinian  court,  after  a  few  years,  applied  to  the 
imperial  government  in  France  to  learn  if  France  would  aid 
Sardinia  against  Austria,  should  Sardinia  enter  upon  the 
work  of  popular  reform.  The  pledge  was  promptly  given. 
Sardinia  cautiously  commenced  introducing  enactments  of 
liberty.     Austria  remonstrated,   declaring  that   liberty   in 


ITALIAN    UNITY  575 

Sardinia  would  excite  discontent  in  other  parts  of  Italy. 
Two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  Austrian  troops  were 
moved  to  the  Sardinian  frontier.  The  ambassador  of  im- 
perial France  immediately  informed  the  Austrian  court 
that  "France  could  not  look  with  indifference  upon  the 
invasion  of  Sardinia." 

Unintimidated  by  this  menace,  the  Austrian  army,  in 
April,  1859,  crossed  the  Ticino,  and  commenced  its  march 
upon  Turin. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances,  as  we  have  already 
described,  that  the  armies  of  France  were  sent  to  the  aid 
of  the  Italians.  In  the  great  victories  of  Magenta  and  Sol- 
ferino,  the  Austrians  were  driven  from  Sardinia  and  from 
Lombardy.  And  here  will  the  reader  pardon  me  for  a  little 
repetition,  as  1  endeavor  to  present  in  chronological  sequence 
the  efforts  which  have  been  made  for  the  emancipation 
of  Italy  ? 

All  Italy,  in  one  general  burst  of  enthusiasm,  rose 
against  the  Austrians,  and  were  flocking  to  the  banners 
of  France  and  Sardinia. 

Dynastic  Europe  was  alarmed.  The  spirit  of  the  French. 
Eevolution  of  1789  had  risen  from  its  grave.  Hungarians 
and  Polanders  were  grasping  their  arms.  Ireland  was  ex- 
ultant that  her  hour  of  opportunity  had  come.  Sardinia 
and  France  were  now  pushing  triumphantly  forward  for 
the  liberation  of  Yenetia,  that  Italy  might  be  free  to  the 
Adriatic,  that  united  Italy  might  be  organized  into  a  king- 
dom upon  the  basis  oi  universal  suffrage  and  of  equal  rights 
for  all  men. 

Under  these  circumstances,  England  joined  Prussia,  as 
we  have  mentioned,  in  an  alliance  with  Austria,  to  prevent 
the  liberation  of  Yenetia  and  the  unification  of  Italy. 
France  and  Sardinia  were  informed  that  unless  they  im- 
mediately arrested  the  march  of  their  victorious  armies, 
and  left  Yenetia  in  the  hands  of  Austria  in  accordance  with 
the  treaties  of  1815,  all  the  military  power  of  both  Prussia 
and  England  should  be  brought  forward  to  the  aid  of  Aus- 


576  ITALY 

tria.  This  was  an  appalling  menace.  It  was  certain  that 
all  Europe  would  thus  be  involved  in  the  most  sanguinary 
of  wars.  Thus  the  liberating  army  was  arrested.  The 
peace  of  Villafranca,  which  recognized  the  liberation  of 
all  the  rest  of  Italy,  left  Venetia  in  chains. 

This  intervention  and  coalition  of  the  dynasties  against 
Italian  liberation  compelled  the  French  army  to  return 
across  the  Alps,  leaving  its  work  but  partially  accom- 
plished. We  have  already  given  the  glowing  protest  of 
Kossuth  against  this  action  on  the  part  of  the  British 
government. 

The  leaders  in  this  Italian  revolution  were  willing,  in 
order  that  they  might  disarm  monarchical  Europe  of  its 
hostility,  to  relinquish  the  idea  of  a  republic,  and  to  accept 
monarchical  forms  imbued  with  republican  institutions. 
Father  Gavazzi,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  British  cabi- 
net, dated  August  4,  1860,  wrote: 

"We  fight  for  the  sole  purpose  of  uniting  all  Italy  under 
the  constitutional  sceptre  of  Victor  Emanuel.  Let  English- 
men repudiate  the  idea  that  there  is  anything  republican  in 
the  present  movement,  since  the  most  ardent  advocates  of 
republicanism  have  sacrificed  their  views  to  the  great  cause 
of  our  independence,  unity,  and  constitutional  liberties.  Be 
sure  that,  if  there  is  no  intervention  in  our  fightings,  we 
shall  arrive  to  crown  in  our  capital  our  dear  Victor  Emanuel 
king  of  Italy." 

M.  Thiers,  and  the  party  which  he  led  in  France  in  op- 
position to  the  imperial  government,  were  bitterly  opposed 
to  the  sympathy  which  the  emperor  manifested  for  strug- 
gling Italy.  In  the  celebrated  speech  of  M.  Thiers  in  oppo- 
sition to  both  Italian  and  German  unification,  before  the 
Corps  Legislatif,  in  March,  1867,  he  said: 

"As  for  me,  when  distinguished  Italians  have  spoken  to 
me  of  unity,  I  have  said  to  them,  'No,  no,  never!  for  my 
part,  I  will  never  consent  to  it':  and  if,  at  the  time  when 
that  question  came  up,  I  had  had  the  honor  to  hold  in  my 
hands  the  affairs  of  France,  I  would  not  have  consented  to 


ITALIAN    UNITY  577 

it.  I  will  saj  to  you  even,  that,  upon  that  question  (pardon 
me  for  being  personal),  the  friendship,  very  ardent  and  sin- 
cere, which  existed  between  Monsieur  Cavour  and  me,  has 
been  interrupted."  ' 

In  reference  to  this  subject,  an  editorial  in  "The  London 
Times"  of  December,  1866,  says — 

"The  Italians  have  been  often  unjust  to  the  emperor  of 
the  French.  They  have  been  hard  of  belief,  impatient,  un- 
charitable. They  may  henceforth  be  better  disposed  to  do 
him  justice.  They  must  acknowledge  in  him  their  greatest, 
most  unwearied,  most  generous  benefactor.  Whatever  he 
may  have  been  to  other  nations,  and  to  the  French  them- 
selves, to  the  Italians  the  emperor  has  always  been  that 
Louis  Napoleon  who  took  up  arms  for  Italy,  and  against 
the  temporal  power,  five-and-thirty  years  ago.  It  seems  as 
if  some  vow  made  at  the  bedside  of  his  brother,  dying  in 
his  arms  at  Forli  at  that  juncture,  swayed  Napoleon's  mind 
through  life,  and  bade  him  go  firmly,  however  slowly,  to  his 
goal.  In  all  other  measures,  in  any  other  home  or  foreign 
policy,  the  emperor  had  friends  and  opponents.  Of  any 
other  good  or  evil  that  he  may  have  done,  others  may  share 
the  praise  or  blame;  but  the  Italian  game  was  played  by 
him  single-handed,  and  the  game  is  won.  Throughout  all 
France,  in  the  emperor's  cabinet,  in  his  household,  Italy 
had  only  one  friend — a  friend  in  need,  and  a  friend  indeed." 

By  the  peace  of  Villafranca,  which  took  place  in  the 
summer  of  1859,  all  the  fragmentary  provinces  of  Italy,  ex- 
cepting Venetia  and  the  States  of  the  Church,  were  united 
in  one  kingdom  under  Victor  Emanuel.  The  emperor  of 
France  had  been  absent  from  St.  Cloud,  upon  this  Italian 
campaign,  but  sixty-seven  days.  By  the  general  voice  of 
Europe,  Napoleon  was  recognized  at  the  liberator  of  Italy. 
Bnt  for  his  aid,  Sardinia  would  have  been  inevitably  crushed 
by  the  Austrians.  The  emperor  was  greatly  disappointed 
in  being  compelled  to  leave  Venetia  still  in  the  hands  of 

'  Moniteur,  March  16,  1867. 
Italy — 25 


578  ITALY 

her  oppressor.  Two  days  after  his  return  to  France,  the 
emperor  said,  in  an  address  to  the  great  bodies  of  the  state: 

"When,  after  a  prosperous  campaign  of  two  months,  the 
French  and  Sardinian  army  arrived  beneath  the  walls  of 
Verona,  the  struggle  had  inevitably  changed  its  nature, 
both  in  its  military  and  its  political  aspects.  I  was  fatally 
obliged  to  attack  in  front  an  enemy  intrenched  behind  great 
fortresses,  protected  against  diversion  upon  his  flanks  by  the 
neutrality  of  the  territories  which  surrounded  him.  And, 
in  commencing  the  long  and  sterile  war  of  sieges,  I  found 
Europe  before  me  in  arms,  ready,  it  might  be,  to  dispute  our 
success;  it  might  be  to  aggravate  our  reverses. 

"Nevertheless  the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise  would  not 
have  shaken  my  resolution  if  the  efforts  required  had  not 
been  out  of  proportion  with  the  results  to  be  expected. 
It  would  have  been  necessary  to  resolve  boldly  to  break 
through  the  barriers  presented  by  neutral  territories,  and 
then  to  accept  the  struggle  upon  the  Rhine  as  well  as  upon 
the  Adige.  It  would  have  been  necessary  for  us  to  avail 
ourselves  everywhere,  openly,  of  the  resources  of  revolu- 
tion. It  would  have  been  necessary  to  shed  still  more  of 
that  precious  blood  which  had  already  too  freely  flown. 
In  a  word,  to  triumph,  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  risk 
that  which  it  is  not  permitted  for  a  sovereign  to  put  at 
hazard,  except  for  the  independence  of  his  country. 

"If  I  arrested  my  steps,  it  was  not  in  consequence  of 
weariness  or  exhaustion,  nor  from  an  abandonment  of  the 
noble  cause  which  I  wished  to  »«rve,  but  because  in  my 
heart  something  spoke  louder  still — the  interests  of  France. 

"Can  you,  then,  believe  that  it  did  not  cost  me  some- 
thing to  strike  off  openly,  before  Europe,  from  my  pro- 
gramme, the  territory  which  extends  from  the  Mincio  to 
the  Adriatic  ? 

"Can  you  believe  that  it  did  not  cost  me  something  to 
see  in  honest  hearts  noble  illusions  destroyed,  patriotic 
hopes  dispelled  ? 

"In  order  to  serve  Italian  independence,  I  have  made 


ITALIAN    UNITY  579 

war  against  the  will  of  Europe.  As  soon  as  the  destinies 
of  my  country  were  imperilled  I  made  peace. 

"Can  it  now  be  said  that  our  efforts  and  our  sacrifices 
have  been  in  mere  waste  ?  No !  As  I  said  adieu  to  my 
soldiers,  we  have  right  to  be  proud  of  our  short  cam- 
paign. In  four  combats  and  two  battles,  a  numerous  army, 
which  yields  not  to  any  organization  in  bravery,  has  been 
vanquished.  The  king  of  Piedmont,  of  old  called  the 
'Guardian  of  the  Alps,'  has  seen  his  country  delivered 
from  invasion,  and  the  frontiers  of  his  States  extended 
from  the  Ticino  to  the  Mincio.  The  idea  of  Italian  na- 
tionality has  been  admitted  by  those  who  have  most  stren- 
uously contended  against  it.  All  the  sovereigns  of  the 
Peninsula  comprehend,  at  length,  the  imperious  necessity 
for  salutary  reforms. 

"Thus,  after  having  given  a  new  proof  of  the  military 
power  of  France,  the  peace  which  I  have  concluded  will  be 
fruitful  in  happy  results  (the  future  will  more  fully  reveal 
them  every  day)  for  the  happiness  of  Italy,  the  influence  of 
France,  the  repose  of  Europe. ' '  ' 

When  the  shrewd  Bismarck  had  matured  his  ambitious 
plan  of  creating  in  the  heart  of  Europe  an  immense  Grerman 
empire,  with  the  sceptre  in  the  hands  of  the  king  of  Prussia, 
it  was  essential  that  German  territory  should  be  wrested  by 
war  from  the  dominion  of  Austria.  But  this  power  was 
stronger  in  arms  than  Prussia.  Bismarck  needed  help. 
Though,  under  a  different  policy,  he  had  previously  pre- 
vented the  liberation  of  Venetia,  he  now  informed  Victor 
Emanuel  that  if  he  would  attack  Austria  upon  the  south, 
while  Prussia  attacked  her  on  the  north,  Venetia  might 
easily  be  wrested  from  Austria  and  annexed  to  Italy.  It 
was  purely  a  selfish  policy.  It  did  not  pretend  to  be  any- 
thing else.     Italy  so  understood  it. 

Austria,  attacked  so  fiercely  by  Prussia  in  the  campaign 

*  La  Politique  Imperiale,  p.  304. 


580  ITALY 

which  was  terminated  by  the  awful  defeat  of  Sadowa,  found 
it  necessary  to  withdraw  her  troops  from  Venetia.  She  sur- 
rendered the  province  to  France,  by  whom  it  was  immedi- 
ately transferred  to  Italy,  which  was  now  free  to  the  Adri- 
atic, with  the  exception  of  the  States  of  the  Church. 

The  question  was  earnestly  discussed  whether  it  were 
better  for  Italy  to  be  united  in  a  centralized  government 
like  that  of  England  and  France,  or  in  a  confederacy  of 
States,  each  independent  in  its  local  affairs,  but  with  a  na- 
tional bond  of  union  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the  United 
States  or  of  the  German  confederation.  The  emperor,  while 
willing  to  leave  the  decision  of  this  question  entirely  to  the 
Italians  themselves,  freely  expressed  his  opinion  that  a  con- 
federacy would  be  better  for  Italy  for  a  time,  until  the 
States  should  be  somewhat  accustomed  to  acting  together, 
and  until  local  jealousies  and  rivalries  should  be  appeased. 
Lamartine  also  earnestly  advocated  this  view.' 

The  princes  whom  the  treaties  of  1815  had  placed  over 
the  several  States  of  dismembered  Italy  had  fled  before  the 
uprising  of  the  people,  who  were  now  preparing  for  the 
new  organization  of  United  Italy,  either  as  a  confederacy  of 
States,  or  as  a  consolidated,  centralized  kingdom. 

The  question  respecting  the  Papal  States  now  became 
exceedingly  embarrassing  and  difficult  of  solution.  There 
was  no  monarch  in  Europe  who  was  better  entitled  to  his 
realms  than  the  pope.  There  was  no  sovereignty  more  sol- 
emnly hallowed  by  time,  and  by  the  recognition,  for  centu- 
ries, of  all  the  courts  in  Europe,  than  the  papal  sovereignty. 
Neither  Victoria  nor  Alexander  nor  Francis  Joseph  could 
present  a  more  indubitable  claim  to  the  crown  which  each  of 
them  wore.  The  question  arose,  "What  right  have  Sardinia 
and  Lombardy  and  Naples  and  Tuscany  and  other  minor 
States  to  unite,  and,  by  the  power  of  their  combined  armies, 
seize  upon  the  possessions  of  the  pope  and  annex  them  to 
their  realms  ?     The  pope  had  neither  made  nor  menaced  any 

'  Le  Cabinet  Anglais,  I'ltalie  et  le  Congres,  par  Lord  Normanby,  p.  29. 


ITALIAN    UNITY  581 

aggression  against  them.  He  had  done  nothing  whatever  to 
warrant  the  hostile  invasion  of  his  territory." 

And  again:  the  enormous  wealth  expended  in  rearing 
the  magnificent  Cathedral  of  St.  Peter,  innumerable  other 
churches,  the  gorgeous  pile  of  the  Vatican,  and  in  tilling 
them  with  the  treasures  of  art,  belonged,  not  to  the  city  of 
Rome,  but  to  the  universal  Catholic  Church,  of  which  the 
pope  was  the  recognized  head.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
count  the  money-value  of  these  treasures  of  architecture 
and  of  art.  The  sum  amounted  to  millions  upon  millions, 
obtained  by  gifts  from  devout  Catholics  through  many  cen- 
turies, and  from  all  the  Catholic  world.  "What  right,"  it 
was  asked,  "have  surrounding  kingdoms  and  duchies  to 
unite,  and,  by  the  might  of  their  resistless  armies,  to  grasp 
these  treasures  ?"  The  pope  was  the  recognized  spiritual 
head  of  two  hundred  millions  of  subjects  in  Europe.  This 
was  their  property,  which  they  had  intrusted  to  the  keeping 
of  the  temporal  and  spiritual  sovereign  of  the  States  in  the 
midst  of  which  this  property  was  deposited. 

Again:  it  was  asserted  that  it  was  essential  to  the  welfare 
of  Europe  that  the  pope  should  enjoy  so  much  of  temporal 
sovereignty  as  should  render  him  independent.  The  moral 
power,  swayed  by  the  pope,  was  immense  almost  beyond 
comprehension.  It  was  not  consistent  with  the  safety  of 
Europe  that  the  king  of  Italy,  or  the  king  of  Austria,  or 
any  other  sovereign,  should  be  permitted  to  annex  the  Papal 
States  to  his  dominions,  and  thus  compel  the  holy  father  to 
become  his  subject. 

There  was  still  another  obstacle  to  be  encountered. 
While  the  radical  reformers  of  Paris  and  Eome  would  gladly 
see  the  pope  driven  from  his  throne  and  his  territory  an- 
nexed to  Italy,  there  was  another  party,  not  small  in  num- 
bers or  powerless  in  influence,  who  were  radical  absolutist 
friends  of  the  old  regime.  These  were  found  in  France  and 
all  over  Europe.  They  consisted  of  most  of  the  crowned 
heads,  the  ancient  nobility,  the  dukes  and  princes,  with 
their  families  and  adherents.     These  men  were  bitterly  hos- 


582  ITALY 

tile  to  the  liberal  policy  of  the  French  emperor,  and  they 
urged  the  pope  to  persevere  in  arresting  the  progress  of  that 
democracy  which  they  both  hated  and  feared. 

Numerous  deputations  from  France,  composed  of  noble- 
men of  the  highest  rank  and  other  distinguished  men  de- 
voted to  the  ancient  regime,  visited  the  pope  with  expres- 
sions of  sympathy  and  words  of  encouragement,  assuring 
him  that  they  regarded  their  allegiance  to  the  holy  father  as 
superior  to  that  which  they  owed  to  their  own  government. 

Thus  there  arose  one  of  the  most  perplexing  questions 
which  ever  embarrassed  diplomacy.  The  pope  exercised 
almost  supernatural  power  over  the  consciences  of  two  hun- 
dred millions  of  men.  No  statesman  could  ignore  that  fact. 
It  was  essential  to  the  repose  of  Europe  that  the  pope  should 
be  independent,  not  the  subject  of  any  king.  "There  is  no 
possible  independence  for  the  pope,"  says  M.  Thiers,  "but 
in  the  temporal  sovereignty."  And  yet,  if  the  pope,  as  a 
temporal  king,  held  the  States  of  the  Church,  and  the  city 
of  Eome,  the  natural  capital  of  Italy,  it  seemed  fatally  to 
destroy  the  idea  of  Italian  unity.  The  apparently  insoluble 
question  was,  "How  can  the  independence  of  the  pope  be 
preserved  when  he  is  shorn  of  his  temporal  sovereignty, 
and  sinks  down  to  a  mere  subject?" 

Prince  Napoleon  made  a  very  able  speech  upon  this 
subject  before  the  French  Senate  on  the  1st  of  March,  1861. 
This  speech  probably  expressed  the  views  of  the  imperial 
government;  and,  as  Prince  Napoleon  is  son-in-law  of  Victor 
Emanuel,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  his  opinions  were 
in  harmony  with  those  of  the  Italian  court. 

"There  remains,"  said  the  prince,  "the  question  of  the 
abdication  of  the  papal  power.  I  recognize  the  necessity  of 
a  certain  independence  in  the  spiritual  chief;  that  he  ought 
not  to  be  the  subject  of  any  sovereign  whatever.  Hence  the 
difficulty  in  settling  the  question  in  respect  to  Rome.  Still 
it  does  not  appear  to  me  insoluble.  We  can  here  only 
sketch  the  great  features  of  the  solution. 

"Home! — this  is  the  question.     It  is  to  leave  the  pope  an 


ITALIAN    UNITY  583 

incontestable  spiritual  sovereign,  with  that  liberty  of  action 
which  assures  his  temporal  independence.  This  does  not 
appear  to  me  impossible. 

"Cast  your  eyes  upon  a  plan  of  Eome.  The  Tiber  di- 
viding that  city,  you  see  upon  the  right  bank  the  Catholic 
city,  the  Vatican,  St.  Peter's.  Upon  the  left  you  see  the 
city  of  the  ancient  Caesars;  you  see  Mount  Aventine;  in- 
deed, all  the  grand  souvenirs  of  imperial  Rome.  On  the 
right  bank  is  the  Rome  in  which  the  most  vital  part  of 
Catholicism  has  in  modern  times  taken  refuge.  There 
might  be  a  possibility,  I  will  not  say  to  force  the  pope, 
but  to  induce  him  to  comprehend  the  necessity  of  restrict- 
ing him  there.  There  may  be  a  possibility  of  guaranteeing 
to  him  his  temporal  independence  in  those  limits.  Catholic 
countries  might  assure  him  an  income  suitable  to  the  splen- 
dor of  religion,  and  might  furnish  him  with  a  garrison. 

"You  cannot  make  anything  human  immutable.  But  it 
is  evident  that  an  income  from  the  Catholic  community, 
when  guaranteed  by  all  the  Catholic  powers,  would  be  as 
secure  as  anything  can  be.  It  would  be  ever,  more  than 
now,  the  revenue  of  the  Holy  See.  I  think  that  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  pope  might  thus  exist,  surrounded  by 
higher  and  more  honorable  sanctions.  There  might  be 
left  to  him  a  mixed  and  contested  jurisdiction  in  special 
cases.  He  could  have  his  flag.  All  the  houses  in  that 
part  of  the  city  could  be  assigned  to  him  in  property  [en 
ioute  propriete). 

"History  gives  us  an  example  of  this  neutrality  in  Wash- 
ington, that  federal  city  which  has  so  long  been  the  object  of 
the  respect  of  the  whole  American  continent.  You  will 
thus  have  an  oasis  of  Catholicism  in  the  midst  of  the  tem- 
pests of  the  world.  This  may  be  regarded  as  a  chimera. 
But  how  many  things,  treated  at  first  as  chimeras,  have 
been  realized!"  ' 

There  were  at  this  time,  and  still  are,  three  parties  upon 

'  Question   Italienne:   Discours  prononce  au  Senat  par  S.  A.  I.  le  Prince 
Napoleon  dans  le  Seance  du  1*^  mai,  1861,  pp.  151,  152. 


584  ITALY 

this  Koman  question,  quite  distinctly  defined.  The  first 
represented  tlie  old  absolutist  party,  opposed  to  all  reforms 
or  innovations,  adhering  to  civil  and  ecclesiastical  absolut- 
ism. This  party  included  the  ancient  nobility,  the  cardi- 
nals, the  ecclesiastics  generally,  and  the  most  ignorant  and 
fanatic  of  the  people.  The  second  consisted  of  those  who 
revered  Catholicism  as  one  of  the  most  ancient  and  vener- 
able branches  of  the  Christian  Church.  They  were  sincere 
Catholics;  but  they  wished  to  see  Catholicism  conform  to 
the  progressive  spirit  of  the  times,  to  contribute  to  popular 
enlightenment,  and  to  welcome  the  approaches  of  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  liberty.  Then  came  the  third  party  of  ultra 
democrats  and  infidels,  the  revilers  of  all  religion.  They 
would  pay  no  respect  to  any  prescriptive  rights,  but  would 
gladly  drive  pope  and  priest  alike  out  of  Europe,  confiscate 
all  church-property,  and  establish  revolutionary  govern- 
ment, to  be  controlled  by  the  most  violent  and  reckless 
of  men. 

The  preceding  pages  show  that  the  emperor  of  the 
French  belonged  to  the  intermediate  party.  He  had  been 
born  and  educated  a  Catholic;  he  was  a  sincere  believer  in 
the  Christian  religion  as  held  by  that  branch  of  the  church: 
but  he  was  also  an  advocate  of  entire  freedom  of  conscience 
and  of  worship ;  and  the  two  fundamental  principles  of  his 
political  creed  were  that  government  should  be  founded  on 
the  will  of  the  peo]3le  as  expressed  by  universal  suffrage,  and 
should  maintain  equal  rights  for  all  men. 

Still  the  years  passed  away,  during  which  the  Homan 
question  continued  to  agitate  all  Europe.  The  emperor  of 
the  French,  ever  anxious  to  avoid  war,  and  yet  conscious 
that  the  spirit  of  the  times  imperatively  demanded  some 
modification  of  the  assumptions  of  the  papacy,  presented 
various  measures  to  Yictor  Emanuel  and  to  the  pope  for 
the  reconstruction  of  Italy  under  a  federation,  with  the 
pope  elected  as  president;  which  proposition  was  scorn- 
fully rejected  by  the  Vatican,  He  then  urged,  but  in 
vain,  the  assembling  of  a  congress  of  the  European  sover- 


ITALIAN    UNITY  585 

eigns  to  settle  in  friendly  deliberation  this  and  other  ques- 
tions then  threatening  to  deluge  Europe  in  those  surges  of 
blood  which  have  now  swept  over  the  continent.' 

The  views  of  the  emperor  upon  this  question  were  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  expressed  opinions  of  Lord  Brougham. 
In  opposition  to  the  attempt  to  consolidate  Italy  into  one  na- 
tion, he  wrote,  "Italy  has  never  been  one  country,  one 
nation.  In  reality,  the  unity  of  its  different  States  has 
never  continued  for  the  space  of  a  single  hour." 

Lamartine,  unfriendly  as  he  was  to  the  emperor,  earn- 
estly advocated  this  proposal.  Lord  Normanby,  in  a  very 
able  pamphlet  upon  this  subject,  writes: 

"It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and 
M.  de  Lamartine  stood  upon  the  same  platform  as  to  the  fu- 
ture of  Italy.  When  two  eminent  men,  who  were  but  little 
accustomed  to  act  in  harmony,  were  of  the  same  opinion,  it 
is  well  to  recall  to  mind  that  these  two  men  understood  Italy 
better  than  any  one  else ;  and  they  have  neither  flattered  nor 
cajoled  her."  ^ 

The  following  admirable  letter  from  the  emperor  to  his 
minister  of  foreign  affairs  is  full  of  interest.  It  contains 
more  information  upon  this  all-important  subject  than  can 
anywhere  else  be  found  within  the  same  compass.  It  was 
dated : 

"TuiLERiES,  May  20,  1862. 

"Monsieur  le  Ministre— Since  I  have  been  at  the 
head  of  the  government  in  France,  my  policy  has  always 
been  the  same  in  reference  to  Italy — to  favor  the  national 
aspirations,  and  to  induce  the  pope  to  become  the  support 


'  "The  emperor  proposed  a  federation  of  all  the  independent  States,  of 
which  Rome  should  be  the  centre,  and  the  pope  the  chief.  We,  wlio  have 
had  the  honor  to  exhibit  this  programme,  know  better  than  any  one  else  with 
what  sarcasms  and  abuse  it  was  received  by  the  party  whose  influence  di- 
rected the  Vatican.  Subsequently,  eyes  were  opened;  and  the  idea  of  Italian 
federation,  under  the  presidency  of  the  pope,  commanded  the  support  of  those 
who  had  repelled  it  with  the  most  energy  and  the  least  reflection. " — La  France, 
Some,  et  Vltalie,  par  A.  de  la  Gueronniere,  p.  31. 

'■^  Le  Cabinet  Anglais,  I'ltalie  et  le  Congres,  par  Lord  Normanby,  p.  29. 


586  ITALY 

of  them  rather  than  the  adversary;  in  a  word,  to  consecrate 
the  alliance  of  religion  and  liberty. 

"Since  the  year  1849,  in  which  the  expedition  to  Eome 
was  decided  upon,  all  my  letters,  all  my  discourses,  all  my 
despatches  to  the  ministers,  have  invariably  manifested  this 
tendency.  My  efforts,  I  confess,  are  now  broken  to  pieces 
against  resistances  of  all  kinds,  in  presence  of  two  parties 
diametrically  opposed,  absolute  in  their  hatreds  as  in  their 
convictions,  deaf  to  counsels  inspired  by  the  single  desire  of 
good.  Is  this  a  reason  no  longer  to  persevere,  and  to  aban- 
don a  cause  great  in  the  eyes  of  all,  and  which  ought  to  be 
useful  in  benefits  for  humanity  ? 

"It  is  important  that  the  Eoman  question  should  receive 
a  definite  solution:  for  it  is  not  only  in  Italy  that  it  troubles 
the  mind;  everywhere  it  produces  the  same  moral  disorder, 
because  it  relates  to  that  which  man  has  most  at  heart — re- 
ligion and  political  faith. 

"Each  party  substitutes  for  the  true  principles  of  equity 
and  justice  its  exclusive  oj^inion.  Thus  some,  forgetting 
the  recognized  rights  of  a  power  which  has  continued  for 
ten  centuries,  proclaim,  without  regard  to  a  consecration  so 
ancient,  the  forfeiture  of  the  pope.  Others,  careless  of  the 
claims  of  the  legitimate  rights  of  the  people,  condemn  with- 
out scruple  a  part  of  Italy  to  immobility  and  eternal  oppres- 
sion. Thus  the  one  party  disposes  of  a  power  still  existing, 
as  if  it  were  overthrown;  and  the  other  party  disposes  of 
people  who  demand  to  live,  as  if  they  were  dead. 

"Still  it  is  the  duty  of  statesmen  to  stady  the  means  of 
reconciling  two  causes,  which  passions  alone  present  as  ir- 
reconcilable. Even  in  case  of  failure,  the  attempt  will  not 
be  without  a  certain  glory.  And,  in  any  event,  there  is  an 
advantage  in  declaring  loudly  the  end  toward  which  we 
tend.  That  end  is,  to  arrive  at  a  combination  by  which 
the  pope  will  adopt  that  which  is  grand  in  the  thought  of 
a  people  who  aspire  to  become  a  nation;  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  that  the  people  should  recognize  that  which  is  salutary 
in  a  power  whose  influence  extends  over  the  whole  world. 


ITALIAN    UNITY  587 

"At  the  first  view,  in  considering  the  prejudices  and  the 
animosities  equally,  one  despairs  of  a  favorable  result.  But 
if,  after  having  examined  to  the  bottom  of  affairs,  we  appeal 
to  reason  and  common-sense,  we  love  to  persuade  ourselves 
that  truth,  that  divine  light,  will,  in  the  end,  pervade  all 
minds,  and  show  clearly  the  supreme  and  vital  interest 
which  invites,  which  obliges,  the  parties  of  the  two  op- 
posing causes  to  listen  to  each  other,  and  to  be  reconciled, 

"Italy,  as  a  new  State,  has  against  her  all  those  who  cling 
to  the  traditions  of  the  past.  As  a  State  which  has  called 
revolution  to  her  aid,  she  inspires  with  suspicion  all  the  men 
of  order.  They  doubt  her  ability  to  repress  anarchical  ten- 
dencies, and  hesitate  to  believe  that  a  society  can  strengthen 
itself  with  the  same  elements  which  have  overturned  so  many 
others.  In  fine,  she  has  at  her  gates  a  formidable  enemy, 
•whose  arms  and  ill-will,  easy  to  be  understood,  will  still  for 
a  long  time  constitute  an  imminent  danger. 

"These  antagonisms,  already  so  serious,  will  become  still 
more  so  in  supporting  themselves  upon  the  interests  of  the 
Catholic  faith.  The  religious  question  aggravates  the  situa- 
tion very  much,  and  multiplies  the  adversaries  of  the  new 
order  of  things  established  beyond  the  Alps.  A  little  while 
ago,  it  was  the  absolutist  party  alone  which  was  opposed  to 
it.  To-day  the  greater  part  of  the  Catholic  populations  of 
Europe  are  its  enemies;  and  this  hostility  embarrasses  not 
only  the  benevolent  intentions  of  governments  attached  by 
their  faith  to  the  Holy  See,  but  it  arrests  the  favorable  dis- 
positions of  Protestant  or  schismatic  governments,  who  have 
also  a  considerable  portion  of  their  subjects  of  the  same  faith. 
Tims  everywhere  it  is  the  religious  idea  which  chills  the 
public  sentiment  for  Italy.  Her  reconciliation  with  the 
pope  would  greatly  smooth  down  these  obstacles,  and  re- 
lieve her  of  millions  of  adversaries, 

"On  the  other  hand,  the  Holy  See  has  an  equal  interest, 
if  not  a  stronger  one,  in  this  reconciliation;  for,  if  the  Holy 
See  has  zealous  supporters  among  all  fervent  Catholics,  it 
has  against  it  all  the  liberal  party  in  Europe,    It  is  regarded 


588  ITALY 

as  in  politics  the  representative  of  the  prejudices  of  the  an- 
cient regime ;  and  by  Italy  it  is  deemed  the  enemy  of  her  in- 
dependence— the  most  devoted  partisan  of  reaction.  Thus 
the  Holy  See  is  surrounded  by  the  most  excited  adherents 
of  the  fallen  dynasties;  and  this  support  is  not  calculated 
to  augment  in  its  favor  the  sympathies  of  the  peoples  who 
have  overthrown  these  dynasties. 

"Nevertheless,  this  state  of  things  injures  less  the  sover- 
eign than  the  chief  of  religion.  In  those  Catholic  countries 
where  modern  ideas  have  great  influence,  men  even  the  most 
sincerely  attached  to  their  faith  find  their  consciences  trou- 
bled, and  doubts  entering  their  minds,  uncertain  whether  they 
can  reconcile  their  political  convictions  with  those  religious 
principles  which  seem  to  condemn  modern  civilization.  If 
this  situation,  full  of  perils,  should  be  prolonged,  political 
dissent  would  be  in  danger  of  introducing  regrettable  dissent 
into  the  Christian  faith. 

"The  interests  of  the  Holy  See,  as  also  those  of  religion, 
require,  then,  that  the  pope  should  be  reconciled  with  Italy; 
for  that  will  be  to  be  reconciled  with  modern  ideas,  to  retain 
within  the  bosom  of  the  Church  two  hundred  millions  of 
Catholics,  and  to  give  to  religion  a  new  lustre  in  exhibiting 
the  faith  as  favoring  the  progress  of  humanity. 

"But  upon  what  foundation  can  a  work  so  desirable  be 
established  ?  The  pope,  brought  back  to  a  correct  appre- 
ciation of  the  true  state  of  afiairs,  will  comprehend  the  ne- 
cessity of  accepting  all  that  which  connects  him  again  with 
Italy;  and  Italy,  yielding  to  the  counsels  of  a  wise  policy, 
will  not  refuse  to  adopt  those  guarantees  which  are  neces- 
sary for  the  independence  of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  and  for 
the  free  exercise  of  his  power. 

"This  double  end  will  be  attained  by  a  combination, 
which,  maintaining  the  pope  master  of  himself,  shall  break 
down  the  barriers  which  now  separate  his  States  from  the 
rest  of  Italy.  That  he  may  be  master  of  himself,  indepen- 
dence must  be  assured  to  him,  and  his  power  must  be  ac- 
cepted freely  by  his  subjects.     It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this 


ITALIAN    UNITY  589 

will  be  so  on  the  one  side,  when  the  Italian  government 
shall  engage  in  co-operation  with  France  to  recognize  the 
States  of  the  Church  and  their  admitted  boundaries;  and, 
on  the  other,  when  the  government  of  the  Holy  See,  coming 
back  from  ancient  traditions,  shall  consecrate  the  privileges 
of  the  municipalities  and  the  provinces  in  such  a  manner 
that  they  shall,  so  to  speak,  administer  themselves;  for  then 
the  power  of  the  pope,  soaring  in  a  sphere  elevated  above 
the  secondary  interests  of  society,  shall  extricate  itself  from 
that  responsibility,  always  weighty,  and  which  a  strong 
government  alone  can  support. 

"These  general  indications  are  not  an  ultimatum  which 
I  have  the  pretension  to  impose  upon  the  two  parties  at  dis- 
agreement, but  the  basis  of  a  policy  which  I  think  it  a  duty 
to  seek  to  promote  by  our  legitimate  influence  and  our  dis- 
interested counsels. 

"Whereupon  I  pray  that  Grod  may  have  you  in  his  holy 
keeping.  Napoleon."  ' 

>  La  Politique  Imperiale  Exposee        ^es  Discours  et  Proclamation  de  TEm- 
pereur  Napoleon,  iii.  pp.  367-373. 


690  ITALY 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 

THE   SEIZURE   OF   ROME 

Nice  and  Savoy — The  Deputation  and  the  Emperor — The  States  of  the 
Church — The  Embarrassing  Question — Parties  in  Italy — Results  of 
Sedan — Agitation  in  Italy — Diplomatic  Measures — Message  to  the 
Pope — The  Reply — Proclamation  of  Victor  Emanuel — The  Military 
Movement — The  Capture  of  Rome — The  Leonine  City — Remonstrance 
of  the  Catholics 


M 


UCH  has  been  said  respecting  the  annexation  of  Nice 
and  Savoy  to  France.  These  were  two  small  coun- 
tries upon  the  French  side  of  the  Alps;  the  one  con- 
taining about  one  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  and  the 
other  five  hundred  thousand.  They  spoke  the  French  lan- 
guage, and  were  French  in  all  their  tastes,  manners,  and 
customs,  industrial  pursuits,  ard  commercial  relations.  By 
the  treaties  of  1815,  Savoy  and  Nice  were  taken  from  France, 
and  annexed  to  Sardinia.  As  Italy  was  now  being  reorgan- 
ized by  the  absorption  of  all  its  fragmentary  provinces  into 
one  kingdom,  the  inhabitants  of  Nice  and  Savoy  were  anx- 
ious to  return  to  France.  As  they  geographically  belonged 
to  France  (being  on  the  French  side  of  the  Alps,  and  ethno- 
logically  were  Frenchmen),  Victor  Emanuel,  respecting  the 
doctrine  of  nationalities,  gave  his  ready  assent.  Napoleon 
III.,  true  to  his  principle  of  popular  suffrage,  had  the  ques- 
tion submitted  to  the  vote  of  the  people,  whether  they  would 
remain  with  Italy,  or  return  to  France.  The  question  was 
decided  by  an  overwhelming  majority  in  favor  of  reunion 
with  France. 

On  the  21st  of  March,  1860,  a  deputation  from  Savoy  and 
Nice  had  an  interview  with  the  emperor  in  the  Palace  of  the 
Tuileries.     In  reply  to  their  address,  the  emperor  said: 

"I  thank  you  for  the  sentiments  which  you  have  ex- 
pressed to  me,  and  I  receive  you  with  pleasure.     The  king 


THE   SEIZURE    OF   ROME  591 

of  Sardinia  having  acceded  to  the  principle  of  the  union  of 
Savoy  and  of  the  county  of  Nice  to  France,  I  can,  without 
failing  in  any  international  duty,  testify  to  you  my  sym- 
pathy, and  accept  the  expression  of  your  wishes.  The  cir- 
cumstances under  which  this  rectification  of  our  frontiers 
has  been  effected  are  so  unusual,  that,  in  responding  to 
legitimate  interests,  no  principle  is  wounded,  and  conse- 
quently no  dangerous  precedent  is  established. 

"Indeed,  it  is  neither  by  conquest  nor  insurrection  that 
Savoy  and  Nice  will  be  reunited  to  France,  but  by  the  free 
consent  of  the  legitimate  sovereign,  supported  by  popular 
adhesion.  Thus  all  that  there  is  in  Europe  which  does  not 
cling  to  the  antagonistic  spirit  of  another  epoch  regards  as 
natural  and  equitable  this  annexation  of  territory.  The 
response  made  to  the  communications  addressed  by  my 
government  to  the  powers  represented  in  the  Congress  of 
Verona  authorizes  a  reasonable  hope  that  the  subject  will- 
receive  from  them  a  favorable  examination. ' '  ' 

As  I  have  mentioned,  the  States  of  the  Church  extended 
entirely  across  the  breadth  of  Italy,  from  the  Tuscan  to  the 
Adriatic  Sea.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  the  majority  of 
the  inhabitants  were  in  favor  of  annexation  to  the  newly- 
formed  kingdom  of  Italy;  though  this  is  denied  by  some 
of  the  warm  friends  of  the  pope.  It  is  very  certain  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Italian  peninsula,  in  general,  had  awak- 
ened to  an  intense  yearning  for  the  unification  of  Italy, 
with  Kome  for  its  capital.  But  Victor  Emanuel  was  not  in 
favor  of  seizing  upon  the  States  of  the  Church  simply  by 
the  right  of  might;  and  he  was  well  aware  that  the  Catholic 
world  might  enter  a  very  vehement  protest  against  an  act 
of  unprovoked  aggression.  The  emperor  of  France  also, 
while  renouncing  all  disposition  to  dictate  to  the  king  of 
Sardinia,  counselled  him  to  respect  the  historic  rights  of  the 
Holy  See."' 

But  Victor  Emanuel  found  himself  in  a  very  embarrass- 

1  La  Politique  Imperiale,  p.  324.  «  Hjj^^  p   323, 


592  ITALY 

ing  situation.  There  was  a  strong  democratic  and  infidel 
party  in  Italy,  led  by  such  men  as  Garibaldi  and  Mazzini, 
who  were  ripe  for  any  measures  of  violence  in  reference  to 
the  pope.  They  would  gladly  hurl  him  from  his  spiritual 
as  well  as  from  his  temporal  throne,  and  confiscate  all  the 
property  of  the  Church.  These  men  formed  the  nucleus  of 
a  strong  opposition  to  the  constitutional  monarchy  of  Victor 
Emanuel.  They  wished  to  overthrow  his  throne,  and  to  es- 
tablish the  government  of  a  radical  democracy.  With  great 
efficiency,  they  raised  the  popular  cry  of  "United  Italy,  with 
Kome  for  its  capital."  The  Journal  ''Italic"  of  September 
15,  1870,  says: 

"The  Italian  democracy  has  seen  in  the  question  of  the 
capital  too  good  a  pretext  to  perpetuate  agitation  to  permit 
it  to  escape  them. ' ' 

By  the  disaster  at  Sedan  on  the  2d  of  September,  1870, 
the  emperor  of  France  was  taken  captive.  The  mob  in  Paris 
rose,  and  also  in  several  other  large  cities,  and  declared 
the  empire  abolished.  Provisional  governments  were  estab- 
lished, which  were  called  republics.  The  French  troops 
were  recalled  from  Eome.  This  revolution  in  France  so 
roused  the  Italian  democracy,  that  the  government  of  Vic- 
tor Emanuel  felt  compelled  to  take  the  lead  of  the  popular 
impulse,  which  had  become  so  strong  that  it  threatened 
to  sweep  them  from  power.  To  save  the  monarchy,  it  was 
deemed  essential  to  seize  upon  Eome;  for,  unless  the  gov- 
ernment should  do  it,  the  revolutionists  would  rise  en  masse, 
and  proclaim  a  republic  in  the  captured  city.  Apparently, 
the  only  way  to  bafHe  the  intrigues  of  the  revolutionists  was 
to  anticipate  them  in  the  movement. ' 

The  news  of  the  disaster  at  Sedan  reached  Florence,  the 
then  capital  of  Italy,  on  the  4th  of  September.  It  was  on 
this  day  that  the  democracy  in  Paris  declared  the  empire 
abolished,    and    proclaimed   the   so-called   republic.      This 

'  The  confirmation  of  these  views  will  be  found  in  an  able  article  in  the 
American  Church  Review,  written  by  a  gentleman  who  was  in  Florence  at 
that  time. 


THE   SEIZURE   OF  ROME  593 

government  of  a  democratic  committee  in  Paris  was  in 
favor  of  the  overthrow  of  all  thrones,  and  of  the  establish- 
ment of  a  universal  republic.  The  agitation  in  Italy  became 
so  great,  that  the  government  of  Victor  Emanuel  was  im- 
pressed with  the  necessity  of  immediate  action.  Both  of  the 
leading  journals  in  Florence,  on  the  7th,  published  rousing 
articles,  entitled  "To  Rome,"  in  which  they  declared  that 
the  time  had  come  when  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope 
must  cease.  A  fortnight  of  intense  agitation  passed  away. 
There  were  enthusiastic  meetings  all  over  Italy — in  Milan, 
Turin,  Verona,  Venice,  Naples,  Palermo — calling  for  the 
seizure  of  the  territories  of  the  pope,  and  the  appropriation 
of  Rome  as  the  capital  of  Italy.  The  enthusiasm  was  so 
general  that  those  who  were  in  the  opposition  found  it  ex- 
pedient to  keep  silent. 

"Indeed,"  writes  a  gentleman  who  was  then  in  Florence, 
"no  ministry,  not  the  monarchy  itself,  could  for  one  day 
have  resisted  the  popular  will.  A  wand  could  as  soon  have 
resisted  the  spring-flood  of  the  Arno  at  mid-course  as  the 
government  have  told  the  Italian  people  at  this  time  that 
they  could  not  go  to  Rome." 

The  papal  government,  confessedly  the  worst  in  Europe, 
being  a  combination  of  both  secular  and  ecclesiastical  abso- 
lutism, was  inveterately  inimical  to  the  constitutional  mon- 
archy of  Victor  Emanuel.  On  the  7th  of  September,  the 
Italian  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  in  Florence,  issued  a  cir- 
cular to  the  cabinets  of  Europe,  in  which  he  stated  that 
the  interests  of  the  Italian  monarchy  demanded  immediate 
action  in  taking  possession  of  the  States  of  the  Church. 
"The  security  of  Italy,"  he  wrote,  "renders  it  essential 
that  an  end  should  be  put  to  a  state  of  things  which  main- 
tains in  the  heart  of  the  peninsula  a  theocratical  government 
in  open  hostility  to  Italy,  and  which,  by  its  own  confession, 
can  only  subsist  by  means  of  foreign  intervention,  and  whose 
territory  offers  a  base  of  operations  to  all  the  elements  of 
disorder. ' ' 

Several  of  the  most  distinguished  statesmen  of  Italy  were 


594  ITALY 

summoned  to  Florence  to  confer  with  the  government  upon 
the  difficult  affair.  It  was  universally  admitted  that  no 
monarch  in  Europe  had  a  better  title  to  his  throne  than 
Pio  Nino.  It  was  consequently  necessary  to  devise  some 
plausible  excuse  for  wresting  his  realms  from  him. 

The  court  at  Florence  sent  a  letter  to  the  pope  by  an 
eminent  nobleman  of  Sardinia — Count  Ponza  di  San  Mar- 
tino.  This  document,  which  was  very  deferentially  worded, 
announced  to  the  holy  father  the  determination  of  the 
Italian  government  to  take  possession  of  the  States  of 
the  Church,  and  to  constitute  Eome  the  capital  of  United 
Italy.  The  pope  was  assured  of  the  profound  respect  with 
which  the  Italian  government  would  still  regard  his  spiritual 
power.  But  he  was  informed  that  it  was  one  of  the  neces- 
sities of  the  times  that  he  would  be  deprived  of  his  temporal 
power;  and  he  was  entreated  to  submit  to  the  inevitable 
with  as  good  a  grace  as  possible. 

The  reply  of  the  pope,  which  was  a  very  laconic  and  em- 
phatic refusal,  was  given  in  a  formal  audience  which  was 
granted  the  ambassador  on  the  10th  of  September,  1870. 
The  very  next  day — Sunday,  September  11— the  troops  of 
Victor  Emanuel  crossed  the  frontier,  and  entered  the  States 
of  the  Church  at  three  points. 

General  Cardona,  with  the  principal  army,  marched  from 
Terni  directly  upon  Pome.  General  Bixio,  with  another 
division,  advanced  from  Orvieto  upon  Civita  Vecchia. 
General  Angioletti,  with  another  force,  advancing  from 
the  southeast,  invaded  the  papal  territory  by  the  way  of 
Frosinone  and  Anagni.  These  military  bands  were  so 
strong  as  to  render  any  effectual  resistance  on  the  part 
of  the  pope  impossible. 

The  next  day,  the  12th,  the  Italian  court  issued  a  procla- 
mation to  the  Catholic  bishops,  announcing  that  the  pope's 
independence  would  be  respected,  and  his  spiritual  power 
supported;  but  that 

"The  clergy  will  not  be  permitted  by  an  act  or  discourse, 
or  in  any  other  manner  whatever,  to  stir  up  disobedience  to 


THE   SEIZURE   OF  ROME  595 

the  measures  of  the  public  authority  by  censuring  the  insti- 
tutions or  laws  of  the  State;  and  all  offenders  will  be  pro- 
ceeded against  with  all  the  rigor  of  the  law." 

The  ecclesiastical  influence  of  Italy  was  generally  strongly 
in  favor  of  the  pope.  The  next  morning,  the  three  leading 
journals  of  Northern  Italy — one  at  Turin,  one  at  Milan,  and 
one  at  Bologna — were  suppressed  by  the  Italian  government 
for  containing  articles  unfriendly  to  the  movements  in 
progress.  In  the  meantime,  the  armies  of  invasion  pressed 
rapidly  on,  the  feeble  forces  of  the  pope  retiring  before 
them.  The  pope,  conscious  that  any  resistance  would  be 
unavailing,  commanded  that  there  should  be  only  such 
show  of  force  at  the  gates  of  Rome  as  to  prove  to  the 
world  that  his  realms  were  wrested  from  him  by  military 
violence. 

At  half-past  five  o'clock  on  Tuesday  morning,  Sept.  20, 
the  Sardinian  troops,  having  arrived  before  the  walls  of  the 
city,  opened  fire  upon  the  Porta  Pia  and  upon  the  Porta 
Salavia.  At  half-past  eight  a  breach  was  effected  at  the 
Porta  Pia;  and  at  half- past  nine  it  was  carried  by  storm. 
At  ten  o'clock,  two  divisions  of  Greneral  Cardona's  army 
entered  Eome,  and  took  possession  of  the  city;  and  the 
struggle  ceased. 

Eome  is  divided  by  the  Tiber.  On  the  left  bank  of  the 
river  nre  found  the  Palace  of  the  Caesars,  the  Forum,  and 
nearly  all  the  mouldering  remains  of  the  "lone  mother  of 
dead  empires. ' '  On  the  right  bank  are  found  the  "Vatican, 
St.  Peter's,  and  nearly  all  the  monumental  and  artistic 
wealth  which  the  Catholic  Church  has  accumulated  there 
during  a  period  of  more  than  a  thousand  years.  This  eccle- 
siastical portion  of  the  world-renowned  metropolis  is  often 
called  the  Leonine  ciiy^  from  the  immense  improvements 
made  in  it  by  Pope  Leo  X.  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth 
century. 

The  Leonine  city  was  respected  by  the  invaders.  A  regi- 
ment of  Italian  troops  was  sent  to  encamp  under  the  win- 
dows of  the  Vatican  for  the  protection  of  the  pope.    Greneral 


596  ITALY 

Mari  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  captured  metropolis.  On 
the  2d  of  October  the  question  was  submitted  to  the  suf- 
frages of  the  j)eople  of  Rome,  whether  they  would  renounce 
their  temporal  allegiance  to  the  pope,  and  become  the  sub- 
jects of  United  Italy.  The  vote  was  almost  unanimous  in 
favor  of  the  change.  But  the  clerical  party  refused  to  vote, 
affirming  that  they  were  overawed  by  sixty  thousand  bayo- 
nets, and  that  the  pretended  appeal  to  the  ballot-box  was 
a  mere  farce. 

On  the  1st  of  November  the  Italian  government  issued 
the  following  decree:  "All  the  political  authority  of  the 
pope  and  the  Holy  See  is  abolished,  and  will  remain  so.  The 
pope  will  be  entirely  free  in  the  exercise  of  his  ecclesiastical 
rights  which  he  now  possesses  as  the  supreme  chief  of  Ca- 
tholicism, and  will  enjoy  all  the  honors  and  liberties  which 
constitute  sovereign  prerogative.  The  apanage  of  his  holi- 
ness and  his  court  shall  be  furnished  by  Italy,  which  also 
assumes  the  debts  hitherto  contracted  by  the  Pontifical 
States," 

I  have  written  the  above  narrative,  not  in  the  interests 
of  Catholicism  or  of  Protestantism,  but  in  the  interests  of 
historical  verit}^  The  intelligent  American  reader  wishes 
to  know  the  facts  just  as  they  are,  and  he  is  abundantly 
capable  of  drawing  from  them  his  own  inferences,  I  have 
endeavored  to  be  perfectly  impartial.  The  Protestant  world, 
with  great  unanimity,  commends  the  seizure  of  the  Papal 
States  and  the  occupation  of  Rome;  the  Catholic  world,  with 
at  least  equal  unanimity,  condemns  those  measures.  What 
the  final  result  will  be  it  is  impossible  to  foresee.  The  agi- 
tation caused  by  these  transactions  is  rapidly  on  the  increase. 
An  intense  feeling  of  indignation  is  roused  among  the  Cath- 
olics throughout  the  world  by  the  occupation  of  the  city  of 
Rome  by  the  Italian  troops  and  the  deposition  of  the  pope 
from  his  temporal  sovereignty.  The  following  resolutions, 
drawn  up  by  the  Right  Rev.  Bishop  McFarland,  Bishop  of 
Hartford,  and  adopted  by  all  the  churches  in  his  diocese  on 


THE   SEIZURE   OF  ROME  597 

Sunday,  March  12,  1871,  will  give  the  Protestant  reader  an 
idea  of  the  view  which  the  Catholics  take  of  this  all-impor- 
tant question.  We  give  the  resolutions,  with  the  circular 
letter  addressed  by  the  bishop  to  the  pastors  of  the  various 
churches. 

Providence,  March  6,  1871. 

Eev.  and  dear  Sir — The  following  resolutions  of  sym- 
pathy for  the  holy  father  were  adopted  last  night  by  a  very 
large  meeting  held  in  our  cathedral  in  this  city. 

I  wish  to  have  similar  meetings  called  in  all  the  churches 
of  our  diocese  on  next  Sunday  or  the  Sunday  following. 
You  will  please  inform  me  of  the  action  taken  by  your  con- 
gregation that  I  may  be  able  to  convey  information  of  the 
same  to  his  holiness. 

Very  truly,  yours  in  Christ, 

F.  P.  McFarland, 

Bishop  of  Hartford. 

1.  Resolved,  That,  in  the  name  of  the  two  hundred  thou- 
sand Catholics  in  this  diocese,  we  desire  to  express  our 
deep  and  heartfelt  sympathy  with  our  Holy  Father,  Pope 
Pius  IX.,  in  his  present  distress,  and  our  reprobation  of  the 
unmerited  wrongs  which  have  been  inflicted  on  him. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  invasion  of  Kome  by  Victor  Eman- 
uel, in  violation  of  solemn  treaties,  and  without  any  pre- 
tence of  a  casus  belli,  was  a  flagrant  breach  of  the  laws  of 
nations,  and  that  acquiescence  in  such  iniquity  must  endan- 
ger the  security  of  nations  and  end  in  international  anarchy. 

3.  Resolved,  That,  besides  the  violation  of  justice  and 
faith,  we  condemn  this  act  of  the  government  of  Florence 
as  a  sacrilege  against  the  person  of  the  vicar  of  Jesus  Christ, 
who  has  been  exposed  to  insult,  and  held  as  a  prisoner  in 
his  own  palace,  and  also  against  the  Church,  whose  patri- 
mony has  been  plundered  and  given  over  to  the  hand  of  the 
spoiler. 

4.  Resolved,  That  these  sacrilegious  outrages  have  in- 
flicted injury  on  all  countries  having  Catholic  subjects  or 


598  ITALY 

citizens,  as  every  such  nation  is  deeply  interested  in  the 
complete  freedom  and  independence  of  the  head  of  the 
Catholic  Church. 

6.  Resolved,  That,  while  we  insist  on  the  necessity  of  the 
freedom  of  the  Holy  See  from  the  control  of  any  and  every 
civil  government,  we  also  demand  the  right  for  ourselves  of 
approaching  the  Holy  Father  and  of  communicating  with 
him  without  let  or  hindrance  from  any  other  civil  ruler 
whatever. 

6.  Resolved,  That  we  will  use  all  the  means  in  our  power 
to  console  and  support  the  Holy  Father  in  this  the  day  of 
his  affliction,  and  will  endeavor  by  every  lawful  means  to 
hasten  the  hour  when  he  will  be  restored  to  his  rights. 

7.  Resolved,  That  we  hold  the  independence  of  the  sover- 
eign pontiff  to  be  essential  to  the  freedom  of  conscience  from 
secular  control. 

8.  Resolved,  That,  in  the  present  condition  of  civil  soci- 
ety, we  consider  the  temporal  sovereignty  of  the  pope  to  be 
the  surest  guarantee  of  his  independence,  and  of  his  free 
action  in  the  government  of  the  church. 

9.  Resolved,  That  the  government  of  Pius  IX.,  during 
his  long  and  glorious  pontificate,  has  entitled  him  to  the 
love  and  fidelity  of  his  subjects,  and  to  the  approval  and 
support  of  all  Catholics. 

10.  Resolved,  That,  as  men  prompted  by  a  sense  of  jus- 
tice, we  protest  against  the  seizure  of  Rome  as  a  violation 
of  right;  that  as  American  citizens,  bound  to  uphold  the 
supremacy  of  law  and  of  the  rights  of  property,  we  protest 
against  the  act  of  robbing  the  weak  by  the  strong;  that  as 
Catholics,  prompted  by  devotion  to  the  Church,  we  protest 
against  this  crime  as  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  Catholic 
world,  to  which  the  Christian  monuments  of  Rome  belong. 

No  one  can  doubt  the  sincerity  of  these  men.  Every 
friend  of  humanity  must  long  for  the  advent  of  that  day 
when  we  shall  all  see  eye  to  eye,  and  when  these  painful 
antagonisms  shall  be  no  more.     But  for  six  thousand  years 


THE   SEIZURE   OF   ROME  599 

the  generations  have  come  and  gone,  each  spending  its  brief 
existence  on  this  globe  in  contention,  tumult,  and  deadly 
strife.  The  prospect  of  an  immediate  brighter  day  is  not 
very  encouraging.  Still  it  is  manifest  that  the  world  is 
making  progress;  and  the  voice  of  prophecy  cheers  us  with 
the  assurance  that  the  time  will  ultimately  come  when  the 
desert  shall  blossom  as  the  rose,  and  when  the  lion  and  the 
lamb  shall  lie  down  together. 


600  ITALY 


APPENDIX 

LATER     HISTORY 

The  Author's  Death — New  Chapter  by  another  Hand — Efforts  to  Conciliate 
the  Papacy — Perplexing  Questions — Loyalty  of  the  King  to  Free  Insti- 
tutions— Papal  Guarantees — The  Religious  Corporations — Religion  and 
the  Public  Schools — Death  of  Victor  Emanuel  and  Accession  of  Hum- 
bert I. — Death  of  Pius  IX.  and  Accession  of  Leo  XIII. — Altitude  of  the 
New  Pope — The  Suffrage  Question — First  National  Exposition — Great 
Religious  Changes — Death  of  Garibaldi 

THE  preceding  chapter,  which  was  the  last  that  Mr. 
Abbott  wrote,  records  the  seizure  of  Kome  by  the 
Italian  army  and  the  overthrow  of  the  temporal 
power  of  the  pope.  The  call  for  a  new  edition  of  the 
work,  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  ten  years,  during  which 
period  the  author  died,  devolv^es  upon  another  the  duty  of 
preparing  a  new  chapter,  bringing  the  history  down  to  a 
later  date. 

Eome  was  entered  by  the  Italian  army  in  September, 
1870;  but  it  did  not  practically  become  the  capital  of  Italy 
till  the  beginning  of  July,  1871.  Victor  Emanuel,  when  he 
received  at  Florence  the  deputation  sent  to  inform  him  of 
the  adoption  of  the  plebiscitum  by  which  the  people  of  Eome 
declared  it  to  be  their  will  that  the  city  should  become  the 
seat  of  the  Government  of  United  Italy,  was  deeply  moved. 
"At  last,"  he  said,  "our  arduous  task  is  accomplished,  and 
our  country  is  reconstructed.  The  name  of  Eome,  which  is 
the  grandest  name  uttered  by  the  mouths  of  men,  is  joined 
with  the  name  of  Italy,  the  name  which  is  dearest  to  my 
heart."  He  also  took  occasion  to  proclaim  his  loyalty  to 
the  Church  of  Eome.  "As  a  king  and  as  a  Catholic,"  he 
said,  "while  I  here  proclaim  the  unity  of  Italy,  I  remain 
constant  to  my  resolve  to  guarantee  the  liberty  of  the  Church 
and  the  independence  of  the  Supreme  Pontiff."     The  decla- 


LATER   HISTORY  601 

ration  was,  no  doubt,  made  in  good  faith;  but  whether  or 
not  it  has  been  fulfilled  is  a  controverted  question. 

Before  entering  the  Eternal  City  in  state,  the  king  sent  a 
private  message  to  the  pope,  expressing  his  personal  attach- 
ment to  the  Church  and  his  devotion  to  the  Holy  See.  Gen. 
Viale  was  deputed  to  present  himself  at  the  Vatican,  and,  in 
the  name  of  the  king,  to  congratulate  the  pope  upon  having 
held  his  pontificate  beyond  the  space  of  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tur}^  allotted  by  legend  to  St.  Peter,  The  pope,  however, 
refused  to  receive  the  visit  of  the  envoy,  and  other  similar 
overtures  from  the  Quirinal  to  the  Vatican  were  treated  in 
the  same  way.  That  this  was  a  great  disappointment  to  the 
king  there  can  be  no  doubt;  for  he  was  exceedingly  anxious 
to  be  reconciled  to  the  papacy,  and  for  that  purpose  pre- 
pared to  make  almost  any  sacrifice  consistent  with  the  wel- 
fare of  United  Italy.  In  defying  the  anger  of  the  pope, 
rather  than  jeopardize  his  country  and  his  throne,  he 
evinced  a  high  degree  of  courage. 

The  kingdom  has  enjoyed  uninterrupted  peace  during 
the  last  twelve  years.  Its  relations  with  foreign  powers 
have  presented,  from  time  to  time,  very  embarrassing  ques- 
tions, requiring  skilful  diplomacy  on  the  part  of  the  king 
and  his  ministers;  but  every  danger  from  this  source  was 
safely  passed.  Questions  of  internal  administration  have 
been  even  more  perplexing.  The  inexperience  of  the  Ital- 
ians in  constitutional  government,  the  conflicts  arising  from 
local  and  personal  interests,  the  ignorance  and  indifference 
of  large  masses  of  the  people  degraded  hj  long  submission 
to  despotic  authority,  the  conspiracies  and  plots  engendered 
by  an  unwise  and  impatient  radicalism  that  demanded  a 
harvest  while  yet  the  seed  had  not  had  time  to  germinate, 
and  the  presence  of  a  wily  and  powerful  sacerdotalism  rest- 
ing upon  centuries  of  prejudice  and  superstition — these  and 
other  causes  have  made  the  task  of  governing  United  Italy 
one  of  great  and  peculiar  embarrassment. 

Victor  Emanuel,  it  must  in  all  fairness  be  conceded, 
bore  himself  well  in  the  midst  of  all  these  diificulties  to  the 

Italy— 26 


602  ITALY 

end  of  his  career,  and  his  successor  has  followed  his  exam- 
ple. It  is  doubtful  if  the  king  felt  any  strong  attachment 
to  constitutional  government  in  itself  considered;  but  his 
common- sense  enabled  him  to  see  that,  as  Italy  could  only 
have  achieved  independence  and  unity  under  free  institu- 
tions, so,  if  his  throne  was  to  endure,  the  constitutional 
character  of  the  government  must  be  maintained.  Though 
he  was  a  man  of  strong  opinions,  he  chose  his  ministers  in 
accordance  with  the  votes  of  Parliament,  and  loyally  sup- 
ported the  policy  recommended  by  them.  If  constitutional 
government  is  now  well  established  in  the  Peninsula,  as  it 
certainly  seems  to  be,  the  credit  for  this  result  is  due  to  the 
wise  moderation  and  firmness  of  Victor  Emanuel. 

The  footing  on  which  the  dethroned  pontiff  is  allowed  to 
reside  at  the  Vatican,  and  to  exercise  his  spiritual  authority 
unhindered  and  under  the  protection  of  the  government,  was 
defined  in  the  bill  of  "Papal  Guarantees,"  enacted  by  Par- 
liament in  May,  1871.  The  person  of  the  pope  is  therein 
declared  to  be  "sacred  and  inviolable,"  and  offences  against 
him  are  punishable  in  the  same  manner  as  offences  against 
the  king.  It  is  decreed  that  he  shall  be  received  by  the 
civil  authorities  with  royal  honors,  and  given  the  same 
rights  of  precedence  that  are  accorded  to  him  and  his  rep- 
resentatives in  other  Catholic  countries.  The  law  allows 
him  as  many  guards  as  he  thinks  necessary  to  protect  his 
person  and  palace.  His  annual  allowance  from  the  govern- 
ment was  fixed  at  8,225,000  lire,  free  from  all  rates  and 
taxes.  He  was  to  remain  in  possession  of  the  Vatican,  the 
Lateran,  and  Castel-Gondolfo,  with  all  their  outbuildings, 
furniture,  etc. ;  and  both  the  libraries  and  picture-galleries 
contained  in  them  were  to  be  inalienable.  No  official  or 
other  government  agent  was  to  be  allowed  to  enter  any  of 
the  papal  palaces,  even  in  the  discharge  of  his  public  duty, 
without  the  pope's  permission;  and  the  same  rule  was  to 
apply  to  buildings  where  a  conclave  or  council  should  be 
assembled.  The  pope  was  to  be  left  free  to  correspond  with 
the  bishops  and  the  whole  of  the  Catholic  world  without  in- 


LATER    HISTORY  603 

terference  on  tbe  part  of  the  Italian  Government.  He  was 
to  have  postal  and  telegraphic  service  of  his  own  for  each 
of  his  palaces;  and  all  the  papal  seminaries,  academies,  uni- 
versities, and  colleges  in  Kome  and  the  suburban  dioceses 
were  to  be  solely  under  his  control.  The  government  re- 
linquished the  privilege  it  had  previously  enjoyed  of  pre- 
senting and  nominating  persons  to  ofhces  or  benefices  in  the 
Church,  on  the  condition  that  Italian  subjects  only  should 
be  appointed;  and  the  bishops  were  exempted  from  taking 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  king. 

These  conditions  show  that  the  government  meant  to  be 
conciliatory  toward  the  Church  in  all  save  the  denial  to  it 
of  temporal  power.  Victor  Emanuel,  in  opening  the  first 
parliament  held  in  Rome,  manifested  a  conciliatory  spirit. 
"The  work  to  which,"  he  said,  "we  have  consecrated  our 
life  is  completed:  after  long  expiatory  trials  Italy  is  restored 
to  herself  and  to  Rome.  Here,  where  our  people,  after  the 
dispersion  of  many  centuries,  finds  itself  for  the  first  time 
assembled  in  the  majesty  of  its  representatives;  here,  where 
we  recognize  the  country  of  our  thoughts — everything  speaks 
to  us  of  greatness,  but  everything  at  the  same  time  reminds 
us  of  our  duties;  we  shall  not  forget  them  in  the  joys  of  this 
day.  Regenerated  by  liberty,  we  shall  seek  in  liberty  and 
order  the  secret  of  strength,  and  a  conciliation  between  the 
Church  and  the  State.  Having  recognized  the  absolute  inde- 
pendence of  the  spiritual  authority,  we  may  be  certain  that 
Rome,  as  the  capital  of  Italy,  will  continue  to  be  the  peace- 
ful and  respected  seat  of  the  pontificate." 

At  the  very  hour  when  Victor  Emanuel  was  uttering 
these  words  in  the  presence  of  the  representatives  of  the 
people  of  Italy,  the  pope,  addressing  his  partisans,  spoke 
in  a  far  different  strain.  In  the  words  of  his  official  organ, 
"he  condescended  to  speak  of  that  conciliation  blated  forth 
by  the  impious,  who  had  even  ventured  to  foreshadow  it  by 
allusive  pictures — that  so-called  conciliation  by  which  the 
enemies  of  Grod  hope  to  conquer  our  noble  resistance  and 
disarm  our  holier  rights;    and  here,  raising  his  voice,  he 


604  ITALY 

protested  solemnly  that  no  'conciliation'  would  ever  be 
possible  between  Christ  and  Belial,  between  light  and 
darkness,  between  truth  and  falsehood:  then,  with  eyes 
and  arms  uplifted  to  heaven,  he  prayed  the  Omnipotent 
to  sustain  the  force  of  his  vicar  in  the  hard  struggle,  and 
fortify  by  divine  aid  his  constancy,  offering  to  sacrifice  his 
life  sooner  than  yield  to  the  insane  devices  of  triumphant 
iniquity. " 

"What,"  he  asked  on  another  occasion,  "are  certain  gov- 
ernments? They  are  like  a  pyramid,  of  which  the  apex  is 
dependent  on  a  cabinet,  which  is  dependent  on  an  assem- 
bly, which  in  its  turn  is  dependent  on  a  thousand  demons 
who  have  chosen  it.  All  are  slaves  of  sin:  the  angel  of 
God  pursues  them,  and  threatens  them  with  a  naked 
sword." 

On  a  subsequent  occasion,  Pius  IX.,  addressing  the  Col- 
lege of  Cardinals,  in  reference  to  the  action  of  the  govern- 
ment in  taking  possession  of  the  convents,  repudiated  every 
thought  of  a  conciliation  with  the  Italian  Kingdom.  In  No- 
vember, 1873,  in  an  encyclical  letter,  he  declared  that  Rome 
had  "passed  under  the  sway  of  men  who  despise  law,  who 
are  enemies  of  religion,  who  confound  all  things,  human 
and  divine."  He  insisted  that  the  especial  object  of  the 
Italian  government  was  the  subversion  of  the  pontifical 
authority,  and  the  destruction,  if  possible,  of  the  Catholic 
religion  itself. 

In  May,  1873,  a  bill  was  passed  by  the  Chambers,  and 
accepted  by  the  Senate  without  modification,  in  regard  to 
the  religious  corporations  of  Eome  and  the  former  Papal 
States.  The  government  was  anxious  to  avoid  an  open 
breach  between  itself  and  the  papacy.  The  minister  for 
foreign  affairs,  in  introducing  the  bill,  urged  that  Italy 
must  recognize  the  cosmopolitan  character  of  the  pope's 
spiritual  government,  and  must  leave  him  the  necessary 
machinery  of  his  rule.  If  the  heads  of  the  Clerical  party 
did  not  find  this  machinery,  they  would  be  able  to  show 
that  they  had  a  distinct  grievance,  and  had  been  violently 


LATER    HISTORY  605 

prevented  from  doing  in  the  sphere  of  spiritual  affairs  what 
the  interests  of  the  Church  required.  This  would  give  them 
an  advantage  in  their  warfare  against  the  new  order  of 
things.  The  party  of  the  Left  was  sternly  opposed  to  every 
concession,  insistijig  that  the  ministers  should  cause  all 
traces  of  theocratic  rule  to  vanish.  The  bill  provided  in 
general  for  the  application  to  Rome  itself  of  the  statutes 
by  which  convent  property  throughout  the  rest  of  Italy 
had  already  been  subjected  to  the  laws  of  mortmain,  and 
taken  by  the  State  for  purposes  of  charitable  and  educa- 
tional endowment.  Special  exception  was  made,  however, 
on  behalf  of  the  establishments  belonging  to  the  heads  of 
orders,  generals,  and  superiors  of  religious  associations, 
having  branches  in  foreign  countries.  It  was  felt  that  to 
cut  off  these  generalships  would  inflict  a  blow  at  the  pope, 
which  his  peculiar  position  at  Rome  rendered  it  decent  and 
merciful  and  also  politic  to  avoid.  The  government,  there- 
fore, conceived  that  these  "generals"  should  receive  a  pen- 
sion from  the  State  as  the  pope  received  his,  and  that  they 
should  be  allowed  to  retain  at  least  a  few  apartments  in  the 
houses  where  they  had  so  long  had  their  residences.  This 
proposition  was  sternly  opposed,  not  only  by  the  party  of 
the  Left,  but  by  some  of  the  supporters  of  the  government: 
and  eventually  a  compromise  was  effected,  by  which  it  was 
settled  that  the  "generals"  should  receive  a  pension  from 
the  State,  amounting,  for  the  whole  of  them,  to  four  hun- 
dred thousand  francs  yearly,  and  that  they  should  continue 
to  occupy  part  of  tbeir  present  residences;  but  this  pro- 
vision was  restricted  in  its  application  to  the  present 
"heads"  during  their  lifetime  and  their  continuance  in. 
office.  The  bill  passed  in  the  Chambers  by  a  very  large 
majority;  and  in  the  Senate  not  a  single  protest  was  made 
against  it,  though  the  measure  was  denounced  at  the  Vati- 
can as  a  spoliation  and  a  sacrilege.  On  the  day  that  the  bill 
passed  the  Senate,  the  pope,  in  an  address  to  the  College 
of  Cardinals,  protested  against  it  as  an  iniquity,  and  also 
against  the  previous  occupation  of  the  Papal  States,  and 


606  ITALY 

repudiated  every  thought  of  a  reconciliation  with  the  Italian 
Kingdom.  A  few  months  later,  the  government  began  to 
enforce  the  law  with  firmness,  but  in  a  way  to  give  as  little 
offence  as  possible  to  the  representatives  of  the  Church. 

In  1874  the  Parliament  undertook  to  provide  for  the  ele- 
mentary instruction  of  the  young.  The  Church  regarded 
this  as  an  invasion  of  her  special  prerogative.  The  great 
difficulty  was,  to  dispose  of  the  religious  question  as  con- 
nected with  the  schools.  It  was  proposed  that  the  State 
should  assume  control  of  public  instruction,  but  that  there 
should  be  unlimited  freedom  for  private  schools,  and  that 
the  ecclesiastical  and  monastic  institutions,  which  formerly 
monopolized  the  training  of  Italian  youth,  should  be  reck- 
oned in  the  latter  category.  The  State  itself  proclaimed 
neutrality  in  all  matters  connected  with  creed  and  worship, 
professing  to  give  no  religious  instruction  of  any  kind. 
This  was  the  inevitable  logic  of  a  separation  between  the 
Church  and  the  State:  but,  with  a  view  to  exonerate 
the  schools  from  the  charge  of  being  immoral  and  god- 
less, it  was  provided,  that  "in  all  elementary  schools, 
together  with  the  earliest  notions  respecting  the  institu- 
tions of  the  State,  should  be  taught  the  maxims  of  social 
justice  and  morality  on  which  those  institutions  are  founded; 
and  for  that  purpose  a  little  manual,  approved  by  the  gov- 
ernment upon  the  advice  of  the  superior  council  of  public 
instruction,  shall  be  drawn  up,  and  rendered  obligatory 
throughout  the  kingdom."  Finally,  the  Assembly,  while 
approving  the  clause  concerning  the  introduction  of  this 
moral  manual  into  the  public  schools,  threw  the  responsi- 
bility of  dealing  with  the  religious  question  upon  the  local 
authorities,  the  Communes  to  have  the  power  of  suppressing 
religious  instruction  in  the  schools. 

On  March  23,  1874,  the  twenty-fifth  anniversary  of  Victor 
Emanuel's  accession  to  the  throne  was  observed  as  a  national 
holiday,  and  celebrated  with  great  enthusiasm.  The  attach- 
ment of  the  people  to  their  sovereign,  and  their  gratitude  to 
him  for  his  successful  efforts  to  secure  the  unity  of  the 


LATER    HISTORY  607 

country  and  to  redeem  it  from  ecclesiastical  rule,  found 
expression  in  a  great  variety  of  ways.  In  the  following 
year  there  was  great  excitement,  and,  in  some  quarters,  not 
a  little  fear  of  disturbance,  on  account  of  the  presence  of 
Gen.  Garibaldi  in  Rome,  he  having  come  to  take  his  seat 
in  Parliament.  His  moderate  and  patriotic  course,  how- 
ever, disappointed  the  expectations  of  his  enemies;  and 
the  government  was  strengthened  by  his  influence.  His 
address  to  the  workingmen  of  Rome  was  noble,  inspiring 
them  with  thoughts  of  peace  and  loyalty.  In  1876,  Cardinal 
Antonelli,  the  pope's  secretary  of  state,  died,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Cardinal  Simeoni. 

On  the  9th  of  January,  1878,  Victor  Emanuel  died.  As 
the  hour  of  death  approached,  the  king  was  anxious  to  re- 
ceive the  last  rites  of  the  Church;  but,  as  he  was  an  excom- 
municated person,  his  private  chaplain  hesitated  to  comply 
with  his  wish,  and  would  not  do  so  until  authority  was  re- 
ceived from  the  Vatican.  The  pope  himself,  notwithstand- 
ing his  frequent  denunciations  of  the  monarch  as  a  sacri- 
legious usurper,  expressed  his  regret  that  his  infirmities 
would  not  permit  him  to  visit  the  Quirinal  on  this  solemn 
occasion.  The  king's  death  created  a  profound  sensation  in 
every  part  of  the  country,  and  elicited  universal  demonstra- 
tions of  respect  and  sorrow. 

The  Prince  of  Piedmont,  son  of  Victor  Emanuel,  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne  as  Humbert  I.  In  taking  tlie  place  of 
his  lamented  father,  the  young  monarch  expressed  himself 
in  language  which  was  received  by  the  people  with  great 
satisfaction.  "At  this  moment,"  he  said,  "there  is  but  one 
consolation  possible;  namely,  to  show  ourselves  worthy  of 
him — I  by  following  in  his  footsteps,  you  by  remaining 
devoted  to  those  civic  virtues  by  the  aid  of  which  he  suc- 
ceeded in  accomplishing  the  difficult  task  of  rendering  Italy 
great  and  united.  I  shall  be  mindful  of  the  grand  example 
he  gave  me  of  devotion  to  our  country,  love  of  progress, 
and  faith  in  liberal  institutions,  which  are  the  pride  of  my 
house.     My  sole  ambition  will  be  to  deserve  the  love  of 


608  ITALY 

my  people."  The  ceremouies  in  Eome  attending  tlie  acces- 
sion of  the  new  king  were  imposing;  and  the  manifestations 
of  popular  feeling  throughout  the  country  were  such  as 
gave  assurance  that  a  great  crisis  had  been  safely  passed, 
and  that  the  government  was  strong  in  the  affections  of  the 
people. 

The  death  of  the  king  was  followed  within  a  month  by 
that  of  the  pope.  He  died  Feb.  7,  1878.  In  the  Basilica 
of  St.  Peter  his  body  lay  in  state  for  three  days,  during 
which  time  it  was  visited  by  crowds  of  people.  Clad  in 
the  pontifical  habiliments,  it  reposed  upon  a  crimson  bed, 
surmounted  by  twelve  large  candelabra,  and  so  placed  that 
the  feet  of  the  deceased  pontiff  extended  beyond  the  altar- 
rails  of  the  chapel  in  which  the  bed  stood,  so  that  the  faith- 
ful, according  to  custom,  might  be  able  to  kiss  them. 

Cardinal  Pecci  succeeded  to  the  pontifical  throne  as  Leo 
XIII.  The  coronation  ceremonies  took  place  March  3  in 
the  Sistine  Chapel.  Cardinal  Simeoni  was  succeeded  by 
Cardinal  Franchi  as  the  pope's  secretary  of  state.  The 
accession  of  the  new  pope  has  wrought  no  essential  change 
in  the  attitude  of  the  Church  toward  the  government  of 
Italy.  Leo  XIII. ,  no  more  than  Pius  IX.,  is  willing  to 
acquiesce  in  the  loss  of  the  temporal  power  as  irrevocable. 
It  is  believed  by  multitudes  that  the  former  has  really  no 
expectation  that  that  power  will  ever  be  restored,  but  that 
lie  is  constrained  by  his  official  advisers  to  persist  in  the 
plea  that  without  it  his  spiritual  authority  cannot  be  freely 
exerted.  The  pretence  that  the  pontiff  is  a  prisoner  in  the 
halls  of  the  Vatican  is  still  kept  up  as  a  means  of  exciting 
the  sympathies  of  the  Catholic  world;  but  not  one  of  the 
Catholic  powers  betrays  any  disposition  to  interfere  in  his 
behalf,  and  the  great  body  of  Catholics  in  Italy  appears  to 
be  satisfied  with  the  separation  of  the  Church  from  the 
State.  The  new  pope  is  a  little  more  moderate  in  his  lan- 
guage than  his  predecessor  was,  but  in  other  respects  the 
situation  is  unchanged.  The  new  pope  refuses  to  acknowl- 
edge, even  indirectly,  the  authority  of  the  government.     He 


LATER    HISTORY  (JU9 

repudiates  the  modern  doctrines  of  religious  toleration, 
and  believes  himself  commissioned  of  God  to  forbid,  in 
the  States  once  under  papal  rule,  the  exercise  of  every 
form  of  religion  except  that  of  which  he  is  the  represen- 
tative. And  yet  when  King  Humbert,  in  1878,  narrowly 
escaped  death  at  the  hand  of  an  assassin,  this  same  pope 
sent  a  telegram  expressing  his  congratulations.  "I  pray 
God,"  he  said,  "for  the  preservation  of  your  majesty's 
health." 

The  terror  of  Italy  is  an  ignorant  suffrage,  combined 
with  the  indifference  to  public  questions  of  a  vast  propor- 
tion of  those  who  have  the  right  to  vote.  For  many  years, 
voting  was  restricted  to  those  who  paid  taxes  to  the  amount 
of  forty  lire.  In  1879  Garibaldi  came  to  Home  to  start  a 
legal  agitation  for  manhood  suffrage.  He  said  that  those 
who  obeyed  the  laws  ought  to  make  them;  that  those  who 
are  obliged  to  fight  in  defence  of  their  country  should  have 
the  right  to  elect  their  representatives  in  Parliament.  It  is 
hard  to  deny  such  postulates  as  these,  which  are  all  but 
self-evident;  nevertheless  many  of  the  sincerest  friends 
of  universal  liberty  believe  it  would  be  dangerous  to  go 
so  far.  This  question,  combined  with  those  of  taxation 
and  a  depreciated  currency,  has  been  a  source  of  great 
embarrassment  to  the  Italian  Government.  At  present,  we 
believe,  the  tax  qualification  for  voters  is  only  ten  francs; 
but  every  voter  must  be  able  to  read  and  write.  How  this 
will  work  remains  to  be  seen.  Pius  IX.  at  first  forbade  the 
faithful  to  take  any  part  in  the  elections,  but  he  afterward 
removed  the  restriction;  and  the  Church  party  has  won 
some  victories  in  the  municipalities.  What  complications 
may  hereafter  arise  from  this  source  nobody  can  foresee; 
but  it  is  believed  that  the  foundations  of  the  government 
are  strong,  and  that  the  restoration  of  the  temporal  power 
will  prove  to  be  impossible. 

In  the  summer  of  1881  the  First  National  Exposition  of 
the  Art  and  Industry  of  United  Italy  took  place  in  Milan. 
The  results  astonished  not  only  foreigners  but  the  Italians 


610  ITALY 

tliemselves.  The  country,  under  the  influence  of  free  insti- 
tutions, is  making  rapid  advances  in  material  wealth.  Agri- 
culture and  manufactures  are  being  stimulated  by  the  air  of 
freedom.  In  short,  Italy,  since  achieving  her  political  inde- 
pendence, has  set  herself  resolutely  to  achieve  her  emancipa- 
tion from  dependence  upon  foreign  industry,  and  to  prove 
that,  in  natural  productions  and  native  manufactures,  she 
intends  to  be  second  to  none,  and  unrivalled  in  more  than 
one  department. 

As  we  close  this  chapter,  news  reaches  us  of  the  death, 
on  June  2,  1882,  of  the  great  Italian  patriot  and  hero,  Griu- 
seppe  Garibaldi,  aged  seventy-six.  His  death,  like  that 
of  Mazzini  ten  years  before,  has  deeply  stirred  the  hearts  of 
the  Italian  people.  His  faults  were  many,  but  he  endeared 
himself  to  his  country  by  his  self-sacrificing  devotion  to  her 
welfare;  and  his  will  be  one  of  the  great  names  in  Italian 
history. 


HISTORY  SINCE    THE    YEAR   1882  611 


SECOND  APPENDIX 

HISTORY    SINCE   THE    YEAR    1882 

Italy  Joins  the  Triple  Alliance — Schemes  of  Colonization,  Assab  Bay, 
Eretria,  Massowah — Battles  of  Dogali  and  Adowa — Reform  of  Fran- 
chise—  Other  Legislation  —  Irredentism — Agrarian  Troubles — Sicilian 
Revolution  —  Cholera  —  Earthquake  —  Misunderstanding  with  France 
about  Tunis — The  Bank  Scandals — Church  and  State — Present  Con- 
dition of  the  Italian  People — Conclusion 

THE  year  of  Garibaldi's  death,  recorded  in  the  last 
chapter,  was  also  the  year  when  Italy  entered  upon 
a  new  era  in  her  relations  with  foreign  powers. 
Although  no  record  of  the  fact  was  published,  it  was  sub- 
sequently known  that  Italy  entered  into  an  alliance  with 
Germany  and  Austria- Hungary  concerning  the  attitude  to 
be  assumed  toward  France  and  Eussia.  Connected  with 
this  event  was  the  colonization  policy  pursued  for  the  next 
fourteen  years  by  the  government,  which  sent  expedition 
after  expedition  to  Abyssinia  and  Western  Africa.  This 
will  be  noticed  later.  The  formation  of  the  Triple  Alliance, 
though  it  would  bring  to  Italy  the  help  of  two  powerful 
nations  in  case  of  war  with  France,  was  strongly  opposed 
by  a  large  popular  party,  the  Irredentists.  The  results  of 
this  treaty  have  been  in  some  respects  very  unfortunate  for 
Italy.  Bj  the  terme  of  the  agreement  all  the  contracting 
parties  to  the  treaty  were  obliged  to  maintain  large  standing 
armies.  The  year  1882,  also,  saw  fresh  activities  in  the 
building  up  of  the  navy.  The  great  expense  of  this  mili- 
tary and  naval  enterprise  has  had  the  result  of  so  increasing 
the  taxes  in  Italy  as  to  be  almost  intolerable  to  the  middle  class 
and  peasantry,  and  has  naturally  driven  enormous  numbers 
of  the  people  to  emigrate  to  France,  where  the  price  of  labor 
was  higher,  and  particularly  to  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica.    The  Triple  Alliance  was  not  published  until  1888. 


612  ITALY 

The  German  government  was  then  forced  to  reveal  the  text 
of  its  treaty  with  Austria,  which  formed  part  of  the  alliance, 
in  order  to  quiet  the  public  apprehension  as  to  the  appar- 
ently warlike  and  menacing  attitude  of  Russia.  The  text 
of  the  treaty  with  Italy  was  not  made  public  even  at  that 
time,  but  it  was  understood  that  if  France  should  attack 
Italy  or  Germany  she  would  find  them  both  allied  against 
her.  If  Russia  and  France  should  join  to  make  war  upon 
any  one  of  the  three  parties  to  the  Triple  Alliance,  the 
former  coalition  would  be  obliged  to  deal  with  Germany, 
Italy  and  Austria  combined. 

Much  of  the  interest  in  the  history  of  Italy  since  1882 
centres  in  her  unfortunate  African  policy  of  colonization. 
In  1869  an  Italian  steamship  company  bought  the  bay  of 
Assab  in  the  Red  Sea  to  the  east  of  Abyssinia.  In  1882 
the  Italian  government  succeeded  in  getting  certain  rights 
defined,  concerning  the  country  surrounding  the  bay,  and 
in  getting  the  privilege  of  constructing  fortifications  there 
to  protect  the  Italian  colony  which  had  sprung  up.  Assab 
was  made  a  free  port,  and  the  government  could  concede 
land  to  companies.  In  1885  an  expedition,  military  and 
naval,  was  sent  to  the  west  shore  of  the  Red  Sea  to  found 
a  colony  there  between  the  port  of  Massowah  and  the  French 
colony  at  Obok.  Italy's  aim  was  thereby  to  gain  a  footing 
in  Africa,  which  she  thought  would  be,  as  many  colonies 
are  and  all  should  be,  a  source  of  wealth.  It  would  tend 
to  divert  the  stream  of  emigration  into  lands  within  the 
sphere  of  Italian  influence.  England  at  the  same  time 
agreed  to  help  Italy  found  colonies  on  the  west  coast  of 
Africa,  as  well  as  stand  by  her  in  case  any  trouble  arose 
between  Tripoli  and  Italy.  In  return  for  this,  Italy  was  to 
side  with  England  in  her  enterprises  in  Egypt.  The  expedi- 
tion occupied  Massowah,  and,  though  immediately  ques- 
tioned by  Turkey  as  to  what  were  their  intentions  on  the 
Red  Sea,  succeeded  in  showing  that  there  was  nothing  un- 
precedented in  occupying  the  port  in  a  commercial  spirit 
and  not  as  conquering. 


HISTORY   SINCE    THE    YEAR    1882  613 

In  1886  another  expedition  was  sent  under  Count  Gia- 
pietro  Porro,  and  met  witb.  a  disastrous  fate  at  the  hands 
of  the  Abyssinian  natives.  His  mission,  though  really 
one  of  peace,  was,  on  account  of  its  too  military  appear- 
ance, misunderstood  by  the  emir  of  the  district  of  Harrar 
in  which  the  Italians  had  settled  some  years  before.  The 
whole  force  of  Count  Porro  was  accordingly  surrounded  in 
a  narrow  pass,  separated  from  the  protection  of  the  coast, 
and  massacred. 

In  1887  Count  Salimbeni  conducted  a  scientific  mission 
into  the  interior  of  Abyssinia.  His  plans  were  frustrated 
by  a  military  demonstration  in  Massowah  on  the  part  of 
the  Italian  troops  there.  This  irritated  the  natives,  who 
captured  the  count  and  demanded  the  immediate  evacua- 
tion of  Massowah.  A  few  days  later  the  battle  of  Dogali 
took  place,  which  cost  the  Italians  23  officers  and  407 
soldiers. 

In  the  following  year  Italy  found  herself  on  the  verge 
of  a  disagreement  with  France  over  a  brush  between  the 
consuls  in  Massowah  concerning  the  tax  which  had  been 
imposed  on  foreigners  by  the  Italian  government.  Bad 
news  also  came  that  another  Italian  force  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  an  Abyssinian  leader,  and  that  the  Sultan  of 
Zanzibar  was  in  a  quarrelsome  mood. 

The  year  1889  was  marked  by  the  treaty  between  King 
Menelek  of  Shoa,  a  division  of  Abyssinia,  and  the  Italian 
representative;  the  treaty,  among  other  provisions,  defining 
the  boundary  between  the  Italian  colony  and  Abyssinia. 
In  the  following  year  this  colony  was,  by  a  royal  decree, 
given  the  name  of  Eretria,  and  in  1891  an  agreement  was 
signed  by  the  English  representative  in  Bome,  Lord  Duff- 
erin,  and  the  Italian  prime  minister  defining  the  Italian 
sphere  in  Abyssinia. 

In  1894  Colonel  Baratieri  defeated  a  large  force  of  der- 
vishes at  Kassala,  their  chief  stronghold  in  Eastern  Soudan; 
and  in  the  following  year  severely  defeated  Ras  Mangascia, 
who  had  attacked  him  with  a  large  force  of  dervishes,  a  vie- 


614  ITALY 

tory  which  was  repeated  in  a  few  months  at  another  place. 
These  victories  were  to  a  certain  extent  offset  by  the  vic- 
torious onslaught  of  the  Shoan  army,  in  December  of  the 
same  year,  under  King  Menelek,  upon  a  force  of  Italians 
and  allied  natives. 

Italy  was  destined,  however,  to  receive  a  severe  blow  in 
her  East  African  possessions,  in  the  defeat  of  the  troops 
of  General  Baratieri  at  Adowa.  Baratieri  was  but  newly 
made  a  general,  and  the  rules  of  the  Italian  army  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  continue  any  longer  than  necessary 
in  command  of  so  large  an  army  as  had  been  assembled 
in  Italian  East  Africa.  There  were  44,000  men,  including 
the  allies  levied  from  the  natives.  General  Baldassari  had 
been  sent  from  Italy  to  take  command.  Baratieri,  realizing 
that  his  chance  of  making  a  great  victory  all  his  own  would, 
upon  the  arrival  of  the  other  general,  be  gone,  resolved  to 
attack  the  Abyssinians  under  Menelek.  They  were  80,000 
strong  and  well  armed.  Prudence,  which  should  have  coun- 
selled him  to  wait  for  a  better  opportunity,  was  overcome  by 
the  thought  of  possible  glory.  On  March  1,  1896,  Baratieri 
advanced  against  the  Shoans,  but  met  with  a  terrible  re- 
pulse. Fifteen  hundred  Italians  were  taken  prisoners,  two 
generals  were  killed.  After  this  disaster,  however,  a  treaty 
of  peace  was  arranged  with  Menelek  which  liberated  all 
prisoners,  assured  the  freedom  of  Ethiopia,  and  called  for 
an  amicable  settlement  of  the  boundaries.  General  Baratieri 
was  tried  by  court-martial  and  acquitted  of  every  charge 
except  that  he  committed  a  grave  error  of  judgment. 

The  flower  of  the  Italian  army  had  been  crushed,  and  the 
news  of  this  calamity  had  a  bad  effect  upon  popular  feeling 
toward  the  government.  At  Milan,  Turin,  and  other  large 
cities,  the  sentiment  against  the  colonial  policy,  which  had 
terminated  so  disastrously,  rose  to  such  a  pitch  that  troops 
destined  for  the  relief  of  the  army  in  Africa  had  to  be  sent 
oS  from  the  Italian  garrisons  during  the  night,  so  as  to 
attract  as  little  attention  as  possible.  The  Crispi  ministry 
fell,  and  Eudini  was  again  called  to  take  the  Ministry  of  the 


HISTORY    SINCE    THE    YEAR    1883  615 

Interior.  In  1897  the  new  Italian  boundary  was  proposed 
by  Menelek,  and,  although  it  diminished  the  area  of  the  Ital- 
ian possessions,  it  was  nevertheless  accepted  by  Italy.  Kas- 
sala,  won  in  1894,  was  given  up.  Such  is  the  unhappy  out- 
come of  the  policy  of  colonization  on  the  part  of  the  Italian 
government. 

In  1882  the  question  of  reform  in  the  franchise  was  taken 
up  and  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the  parliament  to  confer 
the  privilege  of  voting  upon  all  Italians  of  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years  and  over  who  knew  how  to  read  and  write.  In 
addition  to  these  conditions,  they  had  to  show  that  they  had 
received  the  lawful  amount  of  elementary  education ;  unless 
they  were  members  of  academies  of  sciences,  letters  or  arts; 
members  of  chambers  of  commerce  or  of  agricultural  socie- 
ties; professors  or  instructors  in  any  branch  of  learning; 
possessors  of  university  degrees,  and  many  other  profes- 
sions which  it  would  here  be  tedious  to  mention.  These 
exceptions  further  included  the  army  and  entire  civil  ser- 
vice and  railroad  employes.  In  addition  to  the  above,  the 
franchise  was  given  to  all  those  who  paid  taxes  to  the 
amount  of  19.80  lire  (==  about  $3.80).  The  bill  became  a 
law  on  April  28,  1882.  In  1883  a  series  of  new  laws  was 
adopted  giving  autonomy  to  the  Italian  universities  and 
handing  over  secondary  education  to  provincial  authorities; 
reserving,  however,  to  the  state  the  complete  control  of  all 
primary  education.  But  legislation  in  Italy,  as  in  other 
constitutional  monarchies,  suffers  in  the  National  Assem- 
blies from  the  opposition  of  its  many  political  parties.  The 
power  to  make  laws  in  Italy  is  given  to  the  king,  assisted 
by  two  parliaments,  the  Senate  and  the  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties, the  former  consisting  of  members  appointed  for  life  by 
the  king,  and  of  princes  of  the  royal  house.  The  Senators 
are  not  limited.  The  Chamber  of  Deputies  is  re-elected 
every  five  years  by  the  suffrage  known  as  scrutin  de  liste. 
In  this  chamber  every  57,000  people  in  Italy  are  represented 
by  one  deputy.  The  two  chief  political  parties  in  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies  are  the  Ministerial  Left  and  the  Opposition 


616  ITALY 

Left  or  Pentarchy,  which  has  been  weakened  by  discords 
between  the  deputies  composing  it  so  that  the  ministerial 
party  has  usually  had  the  majority  and  the  controlling  voice 
in  the  legislation.  To  Signor  Depretis,  who  died  in  1887,  is 
due  in  large  part  the  firmness  of  the  ministerial  position, 
and  his  successors  have  endeavored  to  carry  out  his  princi- 
ples. The  plans  of  the  ministerial  party  are  often  hindered 
and  delayed  by  the  demonstrations  of  a  popular  party  by 
the  name  of  Irredentists. 

Irredentism,  or  the  political  sentiment  which  favors 
Italia  Irredenta,  or  "unredeemed  Italy,"  is  directed 
against  the  alliance  with  Austria  and  Germany,  particu- 
larly the  former,  on  account  of  feelings  of  hatred  aroused 
in  the  war  with  that  country.  The  Irredentists,  in  addi- 
tion to  their  opposition  to  the  Triple  Alliance,  have  a  great 
desire  to  regain  for  Italy  the  Italian-speaking  provinces  which 
were  taken  from  her  in  the  last  war  by  Austria,  and  even 
the  district  of  Ticino,  which  has  not  belonged  to  Italy  for 
hundreds  of  years,  and  is  now  a  canton  of  Switzerland,  situ- 
ated to  the  south  of  the  Alps,  and  extending  from  the  St. 
Gothard  Pass  almost  to  Como.  It  should  be  said,  however, 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Ticino,  though  they  speak  the  lan- 
guage of  Italy,  are  in  no  wise  anxious  to  return  to  her. 
The  Irredentists,  on  the  other  hand,  who  look  upon  this 
part  of  the  country  with  longing  eyes,  are  a  strong  party  in 
Italy  and  are  numerous  in  Ticino.  Trieste  is  another  prov- 
ince that  the  Irredentists  would  like  to  see  returned  to  Italy. 
The  Italians  in  this  part  of  the  Austrian  territory  are  in  the 
majority  of  the  population  only  on  the  sea-coast.  In  1889 
the  estate  of  an  Italian  who  died  in  Trieste  was  taken  pos- 
session of  by  the  Austrian  officials.  This  caused  extreme 
jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  Irredentists  in  that  city,  and  was 
followed  by  much  more  stringent  measures  of  repression 
against  them,  taken  by  the  Austria- Hungarian  government. 

The  foreign  policy  of  Italy,  during  the  period  under  re- 
view in  this  appendix,  has  been  directed  not  alone  to  thq 
colonization  of  parts  of  Africa,  but  to  the  strengthening  o| 


HISTORY   SINCE    THE    YEAR    18S2  617 

Italy's  interests  in  Tunis.  France  had  agreed  in  1884  that 
the  relations  between  Italy  and  the  Bey  of  Tunis  should  re- 
main unaltered  even  after  the  withdrawal  of  privileges  of 
consulship  in  that  country.  The  death  of  a  Tunisian  gen- 
eral, Hussein  Pacha,  in  Florence,  was  followed  by  the 
French  consul's  presuming  to  take  possession  of  his  papers. 
A  Tunisian  lawyer  was  named  by  the  authorities  in  Flor- 
ence to  receive  them,  but  the  French  consul  would  not  give 
them  up.  The  lawyer  in  his  turn  got  the  help  of  the  police, 
forced  his  way  into  the  house  of  the  French  consul  and  ap- 
propriated the  documents.  This  incident  recalled  the  occu- 
pation of  Tunis  by  the  French  and  their  pushing  the  Ital- 
ians out  of  the  country.  The  question  of  international  law 
immediately  arose  whether  the  documents  in  question  really 
belonged  to  the  custody  of  the  French  consul,  and  whether 
the  rights  of  France  as  a  nation  were  not  infringed  by  the 
action  of  the  Italian  magistrate  and  lawyer. 

Italy  has  suffered  less,  however,  at  the  hands  of  other 
nations  than  from  the  unfortunate  management  of  her  in- 
ternal affairs.  Even  if  her  colonies  in  Africa  were  not  as 
prosperous  there  as  could  be  wished  she  certainly  got  a 
foothold. 

But  when  looking  at  her  internal  history  we  see  that 
Italy  has  been  visited  during  the  period  now  under  consid- 
eration by  numerous  calamities  for  which  she  deserves  the 
commiseration  of  the  civilized  world.  Important  among  the 
misfortunes  of  the  Italian  peasantry  is  the  agrarian  trouble. 
In  1885  the  northern  provinces  suffered  from  a  famine,  and 
uprisings  of  the  starving  peasants  were  with  difficulty  sup- 
pressed. Particularly  was  this  the  case  in  Mantua  and  in 
Lombardy,  where  the  field  laborers  struck  and  were  incited 
by  socialists  to  commit  violent  acts.  A  report  upon  the 
agricultural  state  of  the  country,  ordered  by  the  parliament 
in  1877,  had  shown  that  the  profits  of  farming  were  steadily 
declining  and  that  the  difficalties  of  successful  agriculture 
were  increasing.  Disease  of  silk  worms  contributed  to  ren- 
der the  production  of  silk  small,  and  blight  had  fallen  upon 


618  ITALY 

the  fruits  and  vines.  Importation  of  silk  and  rice  had  low- 
ered the  prices  of  these  commodities.  Harder  than  all  this 
to  bear  was  the  enormous  taxation  upon  land.  Twenty-two 
different  kinds  of  taxes  were  levied  upon  land,  and  these 
were,  in  northern  Italy,  more  than  could  be  borne,  the  chief 
burden  being  the  municipal  tax,  sometimes  nearly  ten  times 
as  much  as  the  State  tax.  In  the  province  of  Cremona  an 
instance  of  excessive  taxation  showed  an  assessment  of  more 
than  one-half  the  revenue  of  the  property.  Bread  riots  oc- 
curred in  Milan  in  1886,  and  much  damage  was  done  to 
shops  and  other  buildings  by  workmen,  who  thus  protested 
against  the  new  octroi  duties.  In  the  same  year  the  land- 
tax  was  subjected  to  a  complete  reconstruction,  although 
the  finances  of  the  nation  were  and  remained  in  an  unfor- 
tunately low  condition.  New  disturbances  arose  in  Pavia 
over  the  strike  of  laborers.  In  1889  Lombardy  was  the 
scene  of  still  greater  rioting  on  the  part  of  ignorant  peas- 
ants, who  had  been  incited  to  make  violent  demonstration 
which  ended  in  robbery  and  murder.  Tariff  war  with  France 
had  so  reduced  the  price  of  wine  as  to  cause  great  suffering 
among  the  vine  growers.  In  1890  workers  in  the  rice  fields 
of  Kavenna  appealed  for  more  wages,  but  were  answered 
only  by  the  calling  out  of  the  military.  The  soldiers  were 
stoned  by  the  laborers,  who  in  turn  were  fired  upon  and 
several  killed.  In  1893  the  peasantry  in  Sicily  arose. 
Sicily,  though  one  of  the  most  fertile  regions  of  the  world, 
and  for  so  many  centuries  the  source  of  the  grain  supply  of 
the  Roman  empire,  was  at  this  time  so  mismanaged  as  to 
produce  almost  nothing,  and  the  poor  people  were  starving 
to  death.  Here  again  the  taxes  added  to  the  burdens,  and 
profits  were  annihilated  by  the  number  of  hands  through 
which  every  commodity  had  to  pass.  The  uprising  in 
Sicily  finally  assumed  such  grave  proportions  that  the  sol- 
diers were  called  out  and  several  war  vessels  were  placed 
in  the  harbor  of  Palermo.  A  state  of  siege  was  kept  up  in 
Palermo.  The  following  year  all  Sicily  was  under  martial 
law,  and  the  insarrection  passed  over  to  Calabria,  Ancona, 


HISTORY   SIJSICE    THE    YEAR    1S82  619 

and  Lombardy  on  the  mainland,  and  took  the  form  of  vio- 
lent attacks  upon  the  quarters  of  the  military.  As  this 
movement  was  on  the  point  of  spreading  over  the  whole  of 
Italy,  It  was  successfully  checked  by  the  royal  authorities. 
This  just  saved  the  deposition  of  royalty  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  republic  in  Italy.  In  1895  the  condition  of  the 
Sicilian  peasants  was  no  better.  Their  burdens  were  heav- 
ier and  their  strength  to  bear  them  less.  The  sulphur  and 
pyrites  mines,  which  had  given  employment  before  to  nu- 
merous miners,  had  now  to  be  left  unworked,  the  products 
being  driven  out  of  the  market  by  the  importation  of  these 
minerals  from  America.  This  drove  the  miners  to  th^  fields, 
which  could  not  afford  subsistence  to  the  peasants  already 
engaged  there.  In  1896  the  people  of  Sardinia  were  suffer- 
ing as  badly  as  the  Sicilians.  They  were  forced  to  eat  grass, 
and  were  at  the  same  time  hounded  by  the  tax-gatherers;  so 
that  they  were  driven  to  either  one  of  two  evils,  emigration, 
or,  in  case  of  failure  in  that  direction,  to  crime.  In  other 
parts  of  Italy  brigandage  had  revived.  A  German  prince 
was  robbed  by  the  brigands  even  at  the  outskirts  of  the 
Eternal  City. 

Throughout  this  period  increased  demands  for  money 
were  made  by  the  government.  The  costly  steps  taken  in 
joining  the  Triple  Alliance  and  in  the  fatal  scheme  of  col- 
onizing Africa  could  not  be  retaken,  and  the  country  was 
becoming  worse  and  worse  involved.  The  government 
was  blamed,  too,  for  the  costliness  of  its  fetes  in  Eome 
and  Naples.  The  Roman  festival  in  1895  was  held  at  the 
same  time  that  the  peasants  in  Sicily  were  starving.  Much 
dissatisfaction  had  been  expressed  with  the  expenses  at- 
tending the  marriage  of  the  Crown  Prince  in  1896,  and  one 
member  of  the  parliament  proposed  "that  as  the  monarchy 
was  useless  its  maintenance  by  the  nation  was  unnecessary, 
and  that  the  king's  civil  list  should  be  reduced." 

In  1897  the  agrarian  troubles  again  broke  out,  the  price 
of  bread  steadily  went  higher  and  higher,  and  the  coniadini 
in  various  parts  of  the  country,  chiefly  the  vine  growers, 


620  ITALY 

took  forcible  possession  of  untilled  estates  in  Latium.  They 
rushed  in  upon  pasture  lands  and  commenced  to  sow  them 
with  seed.  The  blood  that  would  have  been  spilled  by  the 
soldiery  who  were  then  called  in  was  saved  only  by  allow- 
ing many  of  the  peasants  to  remain  on  the  estates  in  the  ca- 
pacity of  farmer  tenants. 

In  the  same  year  the  distress  of  the  country  was  marked 
by  a  protest  of  butchers  against  the  increasing  consumption 
of  horse  flesh.  The  only  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment to  remedy  the  state  of  affairs  was  to  help  large  num- 
bers of  the  contadini  to  emigrate  to  the  Dobrudscha.  This 
was  not  the  first  time,  moreover,  that  the  government  re- 
sorted to  encouragement  of  emigration  as  a  means  of  les- 
sening the  poverty  at  home.  In  the  same  year  the  shop- 
keepers in  Rome  became  aware  that  a  large  portion  of  the 
tax  upon  personal  property  had,  through  negligence  or  cor- 
ruption on  the  part  of  the  tax-gatherers,  failed  to  be  col- 
lected, that  a  new  tax  had  been  imposed  which  would  fall 
upon  them,  and  still  more  heavily  than  the  other.  They 
decided  to  make  a  public  protest  and  petition  the  govern- 
ment to  remove  the  supplementary  tax.  A  day,  October 
11th,  was  appointed  on  which  all  shops  should  be  closed 
and  delegates  from  the  shopkeepers  should  march  behind 
a  grand  procession  to  the  place  where  they  were  to  be  re- 
ceived by  Signer  di  Eudini,  the  Prime  Minister.  This  pro- 
cession was  the  occasion  of  a  riot  in  which  the  troops  fired 
upon  the  people.  This  caused  great  alarm  to  the  govern- 
ment and  prompted  them  to  admonish  their  tax-collectors 
to  be  more  careful  in  the  future. 

Italy  has  been  an  unfortunate  nation  in  the  last  fifteen 
years,  having  been  visited  both  by  cholera  and  earthquake. 
In  1884,  during  the  exposition  at  Turin,  cholera  decimated 
many  villages  in  Tuscany  and  Piedmont,  and  visited  Naples 
with  direful  ravages;  such,  indeed,  that  there  was  no  way 
of  disposing  of  the  dead  fast  enough,  and  the  bodies  were 
allowed  to  remain  in  the  streets.  Even  the  sick  were  aban- 
doned, as  in  the  great  plague  in  London  two  centuries  ago. 


HISTORY   SINCE    THE    YEAR    1882  621 

As  many  as  three  hundred  died  in  a  week.  In  September 
the  disease  had  reached  Genoa.  In  1894  Southern  Italy  suf- 
fered from  a  terrible  earthquake.  In  the  provinces  of  Catan- 
zaro,  Calabria  and  Reggio  the  repeated  shocks  destroyed 
whole  villages,  and  many  hundred  families  were  crushed 
beneath  falling  buildings.  Thousands  were  made  home- 
less. An  official  was  sent  to  the  devastated  country  by  the 
government  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  assistance,  fle 
was  empowered  to  grant  the  non-payment  of  taxes  by  par- 
ticularly needy  persons. 

In  the  year  1888  a  fresh  incident  occurred  which  con- 
tributed to  a  misunderstanding  with  France.  As  early  as 
1881  hard  feeling  was  aroused  between  the  two  nations  by 
the  riots  which  had  occurred  in  Marseilles,  in  which  some 
Italian  subjects  took  part.  In  the  same  year  a  rupture  had 
taken  place  in  Tunis  between  the  French  and  Italian  con- 
suls there;  and  in  1888  an  infringement  of  international  law 
on  Italy's  part,  in  the  matter  of  the  action  of  her  Tunisian 
consul,  was  followed  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  Italian  and 
French  ambassadors  from  Paris  and  Rome  respectively, 
without,  however,  leading  to  any  military  display.  The 
irritation  against  France,  which  has  already  been  spoken 
of,  will  have  to  be  mentioned  again  in  speaking  of  the  re- 
lations between  the  pope  and  the  king;  the  former,  as  will 
be  seen,  having  more  sympathizers  in  France  than  in  Italy 
in  his  desire  to  be  released  from  his  captivity  in  the  Vati- 
can and  to  regain  once  more  the  temporal  power  which  the 
Church  has  lost. 

In  all  her  internal  and  international  projects  Italy  has 
been  hampered  by  the  state  of  her  finances.  The  people, 
taxed  beyond  endurance,  have  yet  the  church  to  support, 
as  the  majority  of  them  are  Roman  Catholics;  and  social 
conditions  are  such  that  pauperism,  beggary  and  labor 
troubles  are  increasing  instead  of   diminishing. 

A  source  of  the  financial  weakness  of  the  country  was  the 
corruption  of  those  who  had  the  direction  of  the  national 
banks  of  Italy,  six  of  which  are  empowered  by  the  govern- 


622  ITALY 

ment  to  issue  banknotes.  An  investigation  into  the  methods 
of  managing  these  banks  was  called  for  in  1893,  ostensibly 
as  a  precautionary  measure  taken  before  granting  a  six 
years'  renewal  of  the  privilege  of  issuing  notes.  It  was  at 
the  same  time  known  that  the  Banca  Eomana  had  gone  far 
beyond  its  legal  prerogatives  in  issuing  notes  sixty-four 
million  lire  in  excess  of  what  was  permitted  by  the  govern- 
ment. The  investigation  showed  that  several  members  of 
parliament  and  others  had  been  allowed  by  the  bank  to 
open  false  accounts,  and  that  counterfeiting  had  been  car- 
ried on  by  the  president  of  the  bank.  Several  members 
of  the  Cabinet,  including  Giolitti,  Eudini  and  Crispi,  were 
said  to  have  received  large  sums,  illegally,  from  the  bank. 
The  king  is  believed  to  have  devoted  four  million  lire  of  his 
own  personal  property  to  aid  public  men  in  paying  their 
debts  and  thus  averting  the  great  bank  scandal.  Other 
banks  were  implicated,  and  a  criminal  court  sitting  in  June, 
1893,  sentenced  the  cashier  of  the  bank  of  Naples,  and  an- 
other private  individual,  to  a  long  term  of  imprisonment. 
In  the  following  year  Bernardo  Taulongo,  governor  of  the 
Banca  Eomana,  was  tried  for  the  excessive  issue  of  notes. 
In  1895  the  ex-premier,  Giolitti,  who  had  given  evidence 
against  Crispi  in  the  bank  scandals,  was  accused  of  having 
come  illegally  by  his  information.  His  appeal  for  a  trial 
by  the  Senate  was  granted,  resulting  in  the  abandonment  of 
action  against  him;  and  in  1897  the  charges  against  Crispi 
were  withdrawn  on  the  legal  technicality  that  a  minister 
could  not  be  tried  after  leaving  office  for  what  he  had  done 
while  in  office. 

Ln  1892  Italy  and  the  United  States  suffered  a  diplomatic 
rupture  in  which  the  ministers  of  the  respective  countries 
left  Washington  and  Rome.  On  March  14,  1891,  several 
Italian  subjects  were  lynched  by  a  mob  at  New  Orleans, 
La.  This  incident  was  soon  closed,  however,  by  the  offer 
to  Italy  of  $25,000  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  Sec- 
retary of  State,  which  sum  was  to  be  devoted  to  the  families 
of  the  victims.     This  money  was  promptly  accepted,  and 


HISTORY    SINCE    THE    YEAR    1882  623 

Ministers  Porter  and  Baron  Fava  immediately  returned  to 
their  respective  offices. 

The  Church  and  State  came  to  blows  in  1886,  in  the  per- 
sons of  clerical  and  royal  sympathizers,  on  the  occasion  of 
a  procession  of  Liberals  in  Naples  in  celebration  of  the  entry 
of  Italian  troops  into  Eome.  This  was  followed  by  anti- 
church  riots  in  many  of  the  larger  Italian  cities.  Laws  were 
also  passed  making  it  criminal  for  any  churchman  to  use 
words  in  his  preaching  which  could  be  construed  as 
against  the  interests  of  the  unity  of  Italy  under  King 
Humbert.  In  1889  Leo  XIII.  made  an  appeal  to  all  the 
European  courts  to  aid  him  to  regain  his  temporal  sover- 
eignty. It  had  been  impossible  in  previous  years  to  make 
any  rapprochement  between  the  Church  and  the  Italian 
State,  and  in  view  of  this  the  Pope  asked  help  from  the 
other  European  nations.  This  was  refused  by  all  of  them, 
even  by  France,  which  was  supposed  more  than  the  others 
to  favor  the  Eoman  Church.  A  great  popular  expression 
of  hostility  to  the  Pope's  request  took  place  in  Eome  this 
year,  in  the  shape  of  a  procession  celebrating  the  unveiling 
of  a  statue  of  Giordano  Bruno,  whom  the  Church  burned 
in  1600. 

The  year  1891  attracted  attention  to  the  question  of  the 
relation  of  the  Papacy  to  the  Italian  government.  The 
present  Pope,  Leo  XIII. ,  who  succeeded  Pius  IX.  in  1878, 
though  not  less  zealous  than  his  predecessor  for  the  return 
of  the  temporal  power  to  the  Church  of  Eome,  has  been 
more  politic  and  less  demonstrative  than  Pius  IX.  The 
fact  that  the  Pope  does  not  recognize  the  rights  of  the 
present  king  of  Italy,  and  that  the  Catholic  clergy  in  that 
country  were  forbidden  by  the  head  of  the  church  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  franchise  granted  by  the  royal  govern- 
ment in  national  elections,  places  Italj^,  in  which  there  are 
ninety-nine  per  cent  Catholics  and  one  per  cent  Protestants, 
in  a  curious  position.  The  present  Pope  has  undertaken  a 
diplomatic  compromise  in  removing  the  prohibition  of  the 
clericals  to  vote  in  national  elections  and  to  hold  seats  in 


624  ITALY 

parliament,  on  the  condition  that  he  will  be  aided  in  regain- 
ing possession  of  the  city  of  Eome,  either  by  tlie  complete 
removal  of  the  Italian  government  to  some  other  city,  or 
by  the  exclusive  papal  use  of  the  city  for  certain  periods 
of  the  year  in  which  the  Pope  could  hold  court.  The  good 
will  of  France  in  this  direction  was  gained;  but  in  Italy  an 
expression  of  popular  hatred  between  French  and  Italians, 
on  the  occasion  of  a  pilgrimage  of  a  number  of  French 
Catholics  to  Rome  in  October,  1891,  precipitated  a  prac- 
tical consideration  of  the  compromise  of  the  Pope.  The 
French  pilgrims  spat  upon  the  register  of  visitors  in  the 
Pantheon  where  the  body  of  Victor  Emanuel  lies.  They 
also  cursed  the  present  king  and  shouted  "Long  live  the 
Pope."  This  was  the  signal  for  a  strong  anti- French  dem- 
onstration in  Eome.  The  affair  was  terminated,  however, 
by  the  arrest  of  the  insulting  persons  and  their  deportation 
to  the  French  frontier. 

In  the  spring  of  1898  the  increased  poverty  and  inability 
of  the  masses  to  buy  bread  led  to  great  distress  and  manifes- 
tations of  popular  discontent  in  Rome,  Pisa,  Naples,  Ra- 
venna, Bari,  and  other  places,  where  bread  riots  of  serious 
nature  occurred.  On  May  2d,  three  rioters  were  killed  by 
a  volley  from  the  troops  in  a  place  called  Bagno  Cavallo, 
and  on  the  following  day  the  government  called  upon  re- 
serve troops  to  suppress  the  rioters  in  many  other  parts  of 
the  country.  This  was  shortly  followed  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  a  state  of  siege  in  the  province  of  Florence.  So 
great  was  the  despair  of  the  people  that  the  Swiss  govern- 
ment had  to  take  decisive  steps  to  prevent  bands  of  the  poor 
people  from  crossing  the  Italian  frontier  into  Switzerland. 

In  July  of  the  year  1900,  Humbert  I.  was  assassinated  at 
Monza  by  an  anarchist.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  only  son, 
as  Victor  Emanuel  III.  The  anarchist  problem  is  one  of 
the  most  serious  questions  with  which  present-day  Italy 
has  to  deal.  It  is  partly  through  mistaken  political  ideals, 
partly  through  their  natural  inflammability,  partly  through 
desperation  at  their  impoverished  condition,  that  so  many 


HISTORY    SINCE    THE    YEAR    1882  625 

Italians  adhere  to  this  destructive  creed,  which  advocates 
the  entire  abolition  of  all  forms  of  government  The  repres- 
sive legislation  has  had  little  or  no  effect,  since  it  is  almost 
impossible  to  extinguish  an  enthusiastic  sect  bj  violence. 
The  triumph  of  Christianity  is  an  example  of  this.  The 
opposite  creed  of  socialism,  too,  finds  a  growing  number 
of  adherents  in  Italy.  The  efforts  of  their  representatives 
in  Parliament  to  ameliorate  the  popular  lot  have  however 
been  of  little  avail,  and  are  likely  so  to  continue  while  the 
people  are  being  drained  to  support  a  large  standing  army. 
In  maintaining  an  army,  Italy,  like  the  other  Christian  na- 
tions, ignores  one  of  the  fundamental  precepts  of  Chris- 
tianity itself — "Thou  shalt  not  kill."  Surely  it  is  for  the 
papacy — which  is  mighty  yet — to  hold  up  the  true  light 
of  the  Gospel  to  all  men. 


Italy — 27 


INDEX 


INDEX 


ACTIUM,  battle  of,  269 

Adolphiis,  policy  of,  397;  makes  a 
treaty  with  the  emperors,  397  ;  death 
of,  398 

Adrian,  made  emperor,  326;  travels 
of,  through  his  empire,  326;  has 
Carthage  rebuilt,  327 ;  character  of, 
327 ;  lines  written  by,  328 ;  adopts 
Marcus  Aurelius,  328;  death  of, 
328 

Adrian  VI.,  made  pope,  466;  captiv- 
ity of,  468 

^milianus,  proclaimed  emperor,  355; 
death  of,  356 

./Eneas,  myth  of,  19 

^sculapius,  the  god,  brought  to 
Eome,    76 

./Esernia,  made  the  capital  of  the  con- 
federacy, 149 

Africa,  rebellion  in,  163;  termination 
of  the  war  in,  224;  dominions  of 
Caesar  Augustus  in  northern,  284 

Agrarian  Law,  enactment  of  the,  37 ; 
proposed  by  Dentatus,  75 ;  attempted 
repeal  of  the,  184 

Agricola,  attempts  of,  to  civilize  Brit- 
ain, 321 

Agrippina,  fourth  wife  of  Claudius, 
300 ;  poisons  Claudius,  302  ;  plots  the 
death  of  Nero,  304;  narrow  escape 
of,  305 ;  death  of,  307 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  treaty  of,  475 

Alaric,  attacks  and  ravages  Italy,  395  ; 
sacks  Rome,  396;  death  of,  397 


Alba  Longa,  site  of,  19 

Albans,  subjection  of  the,  to  the  Ro- 
mans, 24 

Albinus,  appointed  co-emperor,  339; 
death  of,  340 

Alboin,  conquers  Italy,  409 ;  death  of, 
409 

Alessandria,  constitution  of,  521 

Alexander  the  Great,  conquests  of, 
66 

Alexander  Severus,  346;  murder  of, 
348 

Alexander  VI.,  opens  Rome  to  the 
French,  461 

Alexandria,  destruction  of  the  library 
of,  219 

Alps,  passage  of  Hannibal  over  the, 
100 

Amadeus  II.,  duke  of  Piedmont,  472; 
successes  of,  474;  extension  of  ter- 
ritory by,  474;  death  of,  478 

Amadeus  III.,  Victor,  made  grand- 
duke,  478 

Amadeus  VIII.,  made  duke  of  Savoy, 
455 

AiHatius,  conspiracy  of,  240 ;  death  of, 
240 

Amphitheatre,  disaster  of  the,  295 

Amulius,  slain  by  Romulus  and  Re- 
mus, 20 

Ancus  Marcus,  reign  of,  24 

Andrew  of  Hungary,  441 ;  death  of, 
442 

Anthemius,  sent  as  emperor  to  Rome, 
400 ;  death  of,  400 

(629) 


630 


INDEX 


Antioch  declares  for  Caesar,  211 

Antiochus  (of  Syria)  conquered  by  the 
Romans,  132  • 

Antoninus,  made  emperor,  329;  adopts 
Marcus  Aurelius,  329;  acts  and 
character  of,  329;  death  of,  329 

Antonius,  chosen  consul,  174;  pur- 
sues Catiline  and  defeats  him,  ITS; 
counsel  for  the  accusers  of  Milo, 
189 

Antony,  Lucius,  raises  a  revolt,  261 ; 
defeated  by  Octavius,  261 

Antony,  Marc,  children  of,  made 
slaves,  170;  offers  the  erov/n  to 
Caesar,  231;  raUies  the  people,  237; 
reads  Caesar's  will,  238;  delivers 
the  eulogy  on  Caesar,  239;  accused 
by  Cicero  of  forgery,  241;  rejects 
the  advances  of  Octavius,  242 ;  with 
Dolabella  rules  Rome,  242;  laws 
of,  243 ;  goes  to  Brundusium,  245 ; 
marches  to  Rome,  246;  denounces 
Octavius  as  a  traitor,  246 ;  desertion 
of  the  troops  of,  246;  retires  to 
Gaul,  247 ;  rejects  the  terms  of  the 
senate,  248;  declared  a  rebel,  248; 
defeated  by  Brutus  and  Octavius, 
249;  rallies  his  forces  near  Nice, 
249;  member  of  the  second  trium- 
virate, 252;  extortions  of,  in  Asia, 
260;  agreement  of,  with  Octavius, 
262 ;  renews  the  triumvirate  for  five 
years,  264;  in  Leucopolis,  267; 
sends  Octavius  to  Rome,  267 ;  ri- 
valry between  Octavius  and,  267 ; 
marriage  of,  with  Cleopatra,  268 ; 
camp  of,  in  Samos,  268;  assisted 
by  Cleopatra,  268;  defeat  of,  at 
Actinm,  270;  returns  to  Alexandria 
with  Cleopatra,  271;  attacks  Octa- 
vius near  Alexandria,  273  ;  is  ruined 
by  Cleopatra's  treachery,  273;  death 
of,  275 

Aper,  ruse  of,  365 


Appian  "Way,  73 

Apulia,  Hannibal  estabUshes  his  win- 
ter quarters  at,  108 
Arcadius,  emperor  of  the  east,  395 
Archimedes,  defence  of  Syracuse  by, 

114 
Aristocracy    of    ancient    Rome,    54; 
manners  of  the,   138;   re-estabhsh- 
ment  of  the,  165 
Aruns  kills  Brutus,  29 
Ascanius,  son  of  ^neas,  19 
Asculum,  siege  of,  149 
Atalaric,  life  and  death  of,  404 
Athenio,  revolt  of,  145 
Atillius  builds  an  amphitheatre,  295 
Attila,  devastates  Italy,  398 ;  marries 

Honoria,  398 ;  death  of,  399 
Augurs,  college  of,  67 
Aurelia  Cotta,  history  of,  166 
Aurelian,  made  emperor,  359;  defeats 
Zenobia,    360 ;    enjoys   a   triumph, 
361 ;  death  of,  362 
Aurelius,  Marcus,  love  of  Adrian  for, 
328;  reign  of,  330;  death  of,   331; 
wife  of,  332 
Aureolus,  rebellion  of,  358 ;  death  of, 

358 
Austria,  treaty  of  Luneville,  500 
Autharis,  chosen  king  of  Lombards, 

410;  death  of,  411 
Avellino,  insurrection  of,  519 
Aventine    Hill,    appropriated    to    the 

commons,  44 
Avignon  made  the  seat  of  the  pope- 
dom, 444 

B 
Balbinds,  proclaimed  emperor  by  the 

senate,  351 ;  death  of,  352 
Bankrupt  Law  of  Cinna,  156 
Barbarians,    incursions   of    the,    136; 

successes  against  Valerian,  356 
Beatrice  Tenda,  story  of,  474 
Beauharnais,  Eugene,  appointed  vice- 
roy of  Italy,  503 


INDEX 


631 


Belisarius,  successes  of,  423 

Beringer,  crowned  king  of  Italy,  412; 
dethroned,  412 

Bibulus,  colleague  of  Caesar,  182;  re- 
tires from  the  consulate,  182;  block- 
ades Ccesar  in  Greece,  204;  attempts 
to  intercept  Caesar,  204;  captures 
thirty  vessels,  204;  cruelly  of,  204; 
death  of,  206 

Bonaparte,  father  of  Napoleon,  481. 
See  Napoleon 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  reign  of,  in  Italy, 
505 

Bonifazio,  story  of,  453 

Bourbons,  replaced  upon  the  throne 
of  Naples,  524 

Britain,  chiefs  of,  send  gifts  to  Csesar 
Augustus,  281 

Britannicus,  history  of,  303;  death 
of,  303 

Brutus,  Decimus,  commands  the  fleet 
at  Massilia,  200 ;  visits  Caesar  and 
urges  his  attendance  on  the  senate, 
235 ;  assembles  the  conspirators  in 
the  capitol,  237 ;  commander  in 
Gaul,  242 ;  refuses  to  yield  to  An- 
tony, 246;  flight  of,  252;  death  of, 
252 

Brutus,  Elder,  fate  of,  165 

Brutus,  Junius,  befriended  by  Caesar, 
234;  enlists  sixty  conspirators,  234; 
house  of,  attacked  by  the  mob,  240 ; 
defeats  Dolabella  in  Greece,  247 ; 
joins  Cassius  at  Smyrna,  257 ;  army 
of,  surrounds  Saxa,  257 ;  defeat  of, 
at  Philippi,  258;  last  hours  and 
death  of,  260 

Brutus,  Lucius  Junius,  oath  of,  28; 
intrusted  with  the  supreme  power, 
29;  executes  his  sons,  29;  death 
of,  29 

C 

C-fflSAR,  Augustus,  commencement  of 
the  reigu  of,  280;    acts  of,  in  the 


Alpine  provinces,  282;  death  of, 
290;  person  and  character  of,  291 

Caesar,  Caius,  death  of,  154 

Caesar,  Caius  Julius,  pursued  by  Sylla, 
162;  purchases  his  freedom,  169f 
early  life  of,  166;  convictions  of, 
178;  removed  from  the  pretorship, 
180;  sent  to  Spain,  181;  intrusted 
with  the  Gauls  and  lUyricum,  1 82 ; 
triumvir,  182 ;  joins  Pompey  and 
Crassus,  182;  made  consul,  182; 
opposition  of  the  senate  to,  184;  at 
Lucca,  184;  espouses  the  cause  of 
the  Italian  allies,  191 ;  creates  Ro- 
man colonies,  191 ;  proposes  himself 
as  candidate  for  consul,  193;  army 
of,  194;  commanded  to  resign,  194; 
crosses  the  Rubicon,  195;  takes 
Ancona,  Fanum,  and  Pisaurum,  196 ; 
answer  of,  to  Pompey,  195;  enters 
Corfinium,  196;  dismisses  Domitius, 
196;  at  Brundusium,  197;  conduct 
of,  in  regard  to  Pompey,  197  ;  meas- 
ures of,  in  Italy,  197  ;  general  sym- 
pathy with,  197  ;  summons  the  sen- 
ate, 198 ;  sails  for  Spain,  199 ;  armies 
of,  subdue  Sicily  and  Sardinia,  1 99 ; 
encamps  on  the  Sicoris,  opposite 
Ilerda,  201 ;  assembles  a  fleet  to 
pursue  Pompey,  201  ;  appointed  dic- 
tator, 201 ;  resigns  the  dictatorship, 
201 ;  expiration  of  the  magistracy 
of,  in  Gaul,  202;  lands  at  Oricum, 
203;  blockaded  in  Greece,  203;  en- 
camps on  the  banks  of  the  Apsus, 
205 ;  joins  his  troops  at  Nymphteum, 
207;  takes  Gomphi,  209;  captures 
Metropolis,  209 ;  conquers  Thessaly, 
209;  intrenched  at  Apollonia,  209; 
defeats  Pompey,  210;  grief  of,  for 
Pompey,  214;  sends  his  army  to 
Brundusium,  214;  sails  for  Egypt, 
214;  made  dictator,  216;  made  con- 
sul  for  five  years,  216;  made  trib- 


632 


I^DEX 


une  for  life,  216;  opposes  Dola- 
bella's  law,  217  ;  decree  of,  rejected 
by  Ptolemy,  218;  courts  the  love 
of  Cleopatra,  218;  anecdote  of,  218; 
conquers  Poatus,  220;  revolt  in  the 
array  of,  220;  places  Cleopatra  on 
the  throne,  220;  returns  to  Italy, 
220;  power  of,  over  his  troops,  221 ; 
sails  for  Africa,  221 ;  popular  sym- 
pathy in  Africa  with,  221 ;  Joined 
by  Bogud,  221;  Joined  by  Sitius, 
221;  attacks  and  defeats  Scipio  at 
Thapsus,  222;  quells  revolt  in 
Spain,  224;  defeats  the  sons  of 
Pompey,  224;  remark  of,  on  the 
death  of  Gate,  224;  makes  Utica  a 
Roman  province,  224 ;  three  triumphs 
of,  225;  immense  deposit  of,  in  the 
treasury,  225;  sovereign  of  the 
world,  225;  entertainments  of,  226; 
power  of,  227 ;  made  dictator  for 
ten  years,  227 ;  statue  of,  erected, 
227  ;  character  of  the  laws  of,  228 ; 
has  Carthago  and  Corinth  rebuilt, 
228 ;  special  object  of  the  adminis- 
tration of,  228;  honors  conferred 
upon,  229;  "the  Father  of  his 
Country,"  229;  imperator,  229; 
accused  of  aspiring  to  be  king, 
229;  reasons  for  the  accusations 
against,  229;  works  of,  in  Rome, 
229;  rejection  of  the  crown  by, 
230;  anecdote  of  his  reception  of 
the  senators,  230;  sympathy  of, 
for  slaves,  231 ;  resolves  to  adopt 
Octavius  (C),  232;  and  Cicero,  232; 
convenes  the  senate  on  the  Ides  of 
March,  234;  warned  to  beware  of 
the  Ides  of  March,  234;  entrance 
of,  to  the  senate,  235;  expresses 
his  choice  of  death,  235;  murder 
of.  236;  effect  of  ihe  death  of,  236; 
consternation  and  flight  of  the 
friends  of,    236;    will  of,   read  in 


public,  238;  estates  of,  bequeathed 
to  Rome,  238;  funeral  of,  239;  acts 
of  the  senate  ic  regard  to  the  laws 
of,  240 ;  statue  erected  in  honor  of, 
240;  the  mob  determined  to  re- 
venge the  death  of,  240;  memory 
of,  in  Rome,  246 

Csesar,  Lucius  Julius,  Roman  consul, 
148;  death  of,  154 

Cfesar,  Tiberius,  hfe  of,  at  Caprae,  292 ; 
cruelties  of,  292 ;  denounces  play- 
actors, 293;  temple  proposed  in 
honor  of,  293 ;  retires  again  to 
Caprse,   295;  death  of,   296 

Cahgula  adopted  by  Csesar  (Tiberius), 
295;  character  of,  296;  hfe  of, 
298;    death  of,  299 

Caraillus  appointed  dictator,  61 

Cannas  captured  by  Hannibal,  109 

Canuleius,  C,  demands  of,  to  the  trib- 
une, 54 

Capitol,  assembling  of  the  conspJT*- 
tors  in  the,  237 

Caracalla,  his  assassination  of  G-eta, 
342 ;  reign  and  death  of,  343 

Caractacus  in  Rome,  301 

Carbo,  deserts  the  people,  142;  de- 
clares the  adherents  of  Sylla  public 
enemies,  156;  flees  to  Sicily,  162; 
taken  prisoner  by  Pompey,  162; 
death  of,  1 62 

Carbonari,  formation  of  the,  519 

Carinus  chosen  emperor,  365 ;  death 
of,  366 

Carthage,  the  empire  of,  81 ;  fall  of, 
130 

Carthaginians,  defeat  of  the,  83;  bat- 
tles with  the  Romans,  87 ;  the  terms 
of  their  surrender,  130 

Carus  elected  emperor  by  the  army, 
363;  defeats  the  Persians,  364; 
death  of,   364 

Cassius,  Cains,  elected  tribune,  193; 
flees  from  Rome,  193;  hfo  of,  234; 


INDEX 


633 


character  of,  234;  originates  the 
conspiracy  against  CiBsar,  234;  se- 
cures the  co-operation  of  Brutus, 
234;  joins  Brutus  in  the  capital, 
237  ;  house  of,  attacked  by  the  mob, 
240 ;  triumphant  in  Syria,  248 ;  death 
of,  258 

Cassius,  Spurius,  37 

Castor  and  Pollux,  32 

Catholicism,  Napoleon's  dictum  of, 
506 

Catiline,  Lucius  Sergius,  offers  him- 
self as  consul,  173;  is  rejected, 
173;  character  and  life  of,  173; 
conspiracy  of,  173;  plans  a  civil 
war,  174;  attempts  the  assassina- 
tion of  Cicero,  174;  reply  of,  to 
Cicero,  176;  plans  of,  for  the  revolt, 
178;  joins  Manlius  in  Tuscany,  178; 
defeat  of,  178;  death  of,  178;  sym- 
pathy of  the  people  with,  179 

Cato,  Marcus  Porcius,  birth  and  char- 
acter of,  179;  urges  the  execution 
of  the  conspirators,  180 ;  appropri- 
ates money  for  the  distribution  of 
corn  among  the  people,  180;  op- 
posed to  the  triumvirate,  182;  es- 
pouses the  cause  of  Cicero,  183; 
candidate  of  the  nobles  for  pretor, 
185 

Cato  (of  Utica)  a  member  of  the  tri- 
bunal, 188;  takes  Cornelia  and  Sex- 
tus  to  Africa,  215;  at  Ulica,  221; 
with  Scipio  commands  the  army  in 
Africa,  222 ;  character  and  opinions 
of,  223;  army  of,  desertion,  223; 
death  of,  223 

Catulus,  death  of,  154 

Caudine  Forks,  Romans  defeated  at, 
68 

Censors,  power  of  the,  55 

Censorship,  office  of  the,  55 

Census. taken  in  Rome,  75 

Cethegus,  death  of,  183 


Charlemagne  crowned  emperor  of  the 
west,  411 

Charles  Albert  espouses  the  popular 
cause,  527;  abdication  and  death 
of,  532 

Charles,  Count  of  Anjou,  made  king 
of  Naples,  430 ;  conquers  Conradin, 
431;  successes  of,  m  Italy,  435;  at 
war  with  Rodolph,  435;  rebellion 
against,  436;  death  of,  437 

Charles  II.  made  king  of  Naples,  439 

Charles  III.  of  Naples,  death  of,  449 

Charles  IV.,  made  emperor,  447;  suc- 
cesses of,  in  Italy,  446 

Charles  V.,  power  of,  466;  master  of 
Italy,  467  ;  crushes  Florence,  468 

Charles  VII.,  king  of  Naples,  477; 
succeeds  to  the  throne  of  Spain, 
477;  death  of,  477 

Charles  VIII.,  takes  Rome,  461 ;  takes 
Naples,  461 ;  successes  of,  in  Italy, 
462 

Charles  II.  of  Spain,  death  of,  474 

Charles  III.  of  Spain,  history  of,  474 

Charles  Emanuel  III.,  life  and  death 
of,  479 

Christ,  condemnation  of,  297 ;  death 
of,  296 

Christianity  in  Rome,  312;  opposed 
by  Nero,  312;  protected  by  Anto- 
nius,  329 

Cicero,  Marcus  TuUius,  at  Rome,  155; 
advocates  the  Manilian  law,  172; 
made  consul,  173;  convenes  the 
senate,  175;  makes  his  celebrated 
oration  against  Catiline,  176;  un- 
popular with  both  nobles  and  peo- 
ple, 181;  exile  of,  182;  persecution 
of,  182;  espouses  Ceesar's  cause, 
183;  pleads  the  cause  of  Milo,  188; 
disposed  to  join  Pompey,  192;  de- 
clines to  co-operate  with  Caesar, 
199;  decides  to  join  Caesar,  215; 
seeks    intimacy  with  Caesar,    232; 


634 


INDEX 


letter  of,  to  Atticus,  232;  joins 
Brutus,  on  the  death  of  Cfesar,  237 ; 
three  philippics  of,  244;  character 
of,  245;  joins  Octavius,  246;  influ- 
ence of,  246 ;  proposes  to  give  Cas- 
sius  control  of  the  fleet,  248 ;  at  the 
head  of  Rome,  249;  death  of,  254 

Cimber,  L.,  gives  the  signal  to  attack 
Caesar,  236 

Cincinnatus,  Lucius  Quintius,  ap- 
pointed dictator,  39;  energy  of, 
39;  victory  of,  40;  death  of  the 
son  of,  43 ;  change  of  character  of, 
43 ;  murder  of  Mselius  by,  55 

Cmeas,  sent  ambassador  to  Rome,  78; 
ordered  to  leave  Rome,  79 

Cinna,  revolt  headed  by,  152;  re-en- 
acts the  laws  of  Sulpicius,  152; 
made  consul,  152;  treats  with  the 
senate,  153;  raises  an  army  to  meet 
Sylla,  156;  death  of,  157 

Cisalpine  Republic  declares  for  a  mon- 
archy, 501 

Citizens,  rights  qf  the,  72;  appointed 
by  the  senate,  72 

Citizenship,  extension  of  the  rights  of, 
148 ;  denied  the  nations  between  the 
Po  and  Alps,  191;  rights  of,  ex- 
tended by  Caesar,  228 

Classes,  the  three,  of  Rome,  137 

Claudius,  Appius  I. ,  trial  of,  41 ;  doom 
of,  41 ;  seizes  Virginia,  47 ;  flight 
of,  49;  impeached,  52;  death  of,  52 

Claudius,  Appius  II.,  appoints  citizens 
to  the  senate,  72;  constructs  the 
"Appian  Way,"  73;  urges  the  Ro- 
mans to  resistance,  79 

Claudius  III.,  declared  emperor,  300; 
character  of,  300;  marries  Agrip- 
pina,  300;  conquest  of  Britain  by 
the  army  of,  301 ;  death  of,  302 

Claudius  IV.,  made  emperor,  358;  de- 
feats the  barbarians,  358 ,  death  of, 
358 


Clement  IV.,  condition  of  Italy  under, 
432 

Clement  V.  made  pope,  440 

Clement  VII.,  made  pope,  448 ;  at  war 
with  Urban  VI.,  449;  resides  at 
Avignon,  450;  death  of,  453 

Cleon  heads  a  servile  insurrection, 
144;    death  of,    145 

Cleopatra  at  war  with  Ptolemy,  212; 
made  queen  of  Egypt,  220;  poisons 
her  younger  brother,  220;  with  An- 
tony prepares  for  war,  271 ;  deserts 
Antony,  272;  offers  herself  to  Oc- 
tavius, 272;  made  prisoner,  276; 
visited  by  Octavius,  277;  wins  the 
love  of  Dolabella,  278;  death  of,  278 

Clodius  and  Pompeia,  181 ;  death  of, 
186;  funeral  pyre  of,  187 

Cloelia,  escape  of,  31;  honors  to,  32 

Clovis,  life  and  death  of,  409 

Clubs  of  the  nobles,  42 

Collatinus,  Lucretia,  declared  the  most 
beautiful  lady,  27  ;  rape  of,  28 

Collatinus  (husband  of  Lucretia),  in- 
trusted with  the  supreme  power,  29 

College  of  Augurs.     See  Augurs 

Cominius,  Pontius,  heroic  feat  of,  59 

Comitiura,  origin  of  the,  22 

Commodus,  character  of,  332;  death. 
of,  333 

Comum,  made  a  Roman  colony,  191 ;  a 
magistrate  of,  claims  to  be  a  Romaa 
citizen,  191 

Confederacy,  the  Latin,  148 

Conspiracy  of  Kaeso,  42 

Constance,  emperor  of  the  western 
provinces,    381 ;    death  of,   382 

Constantino  II. ,  emperor  of  the  west, 
381 ;  defeats  Maximian,  382  ;  enters 
Rome,  384;  defeats  Lioin'us,  385; 
makes  an  attack  on  Byzantium, 
386;  sole  monarch  of  the  world, 
387;  establishes  Christianity,  387; 
improves  Constantinople,   388;    ea- 


INDEX 


635 


tablishes  himself  at  Constantinople, 
391 ;  death  of,  392 

Constantius  I.,  successor  of  Maxim- 
ian,  367 ;  appoints  Constantine  his 
successor,  374;  death  of,  374 

Constantius  II.,  emperor  of  the  east- 
ern provinces,  381;  at  war  with 
Sapor,  381 ;  defeats  Magnentius, 
384;  visit  of,  to  Rome,  387;  con- 
quers the  barbarians,  387 ;  marches 
to  meet  Sapor,  388;  at  war  with 
Julian,  389;  death  of,  390 

Constitution,  Roman,  51 

Consul,  judicial  power  taken  from  the 
plebeian,  65 

Consular  Army,  desertion  of  the,  at 
Capua,  156 

Consuls,  invested  with  dictatorial 
power,    193 

Continental  System,  passage  of  the, 
499 

Corinth,  fall  of,  132 

Coriolanus,  Caius,  proposition  of,  to 
furnish  bread,  35 ;  exile  of,  36 

Cornelia,  second  wife  of  Pompey,  189; 
at  Mitylene,  210 ;  goes  to  Africa,  215 

Cornelia,  wife  of  Caesar,  166;  death 
of,  166 

Cornelius,  C,  appointed  one  of  the  as- 
sassinators of  Cicero,  176 

Cornelius,   Morula,   made  consul,    152 

Corsica  a  part  of  Italy,  17 

Cossus  appointed  dictator,  and  arrests 
Manlius,  62 

Cotta  elected  consul,  173.  See  also 
Aurelia 

Crassus,  one  of  the  triumvirate,  182; 
remains  in  Rome,  182;  ambition  of, 
182;  made  consul,  185;  invested 
with  full  power  in  Syria,  185;  em- 
barks for  Syria,  185;  death  of,  189 

Cretans,  subdued  by  Metellus,  172 

Crimea,  emigration  of  the  Fabii  to  the 
river,  39 


Crispus,  story  of,  380 

Curiatii  chosen  Alban  champions,  23 

Curio,  made  consul,  192;  flies  from 
Rome,    194 

Curius,  Q.,  reveals  the  conspiracy  to 
Pulvia,  174 

Cursor,  L.  Papirius,  alleged  victory 
of,    71 

Cyprus  taken  by  the  Romans  under 
Cato,  183 

D 

Debts,  collection  of,  33 

Decemvirs,  power  of  the,  46 

Decius,  declared  imperator,  353;  de- 
feated by  the  Gauls,  354 ;  death  of, 
355 

Demetrius,  appointed  ruler  of  Illyria,90 

Dentatus,  M.  Curius,  conquests  of,  74; 
proposes  an  agrarian  law,  57 

Dictator,  absolute  power  of  the,  35 

Diocletian,  sole  emperor,  366;  makes 
Maximian  his  colleague,  366 ;  selects 
Galerius  as  his  successor,  367 ;  resi- 
dence of,  367;  resignation  of,  369; 
death  of,  370 

Dolabella  elected  tribune  of  the  people, 
217  ;  proposes  absolution  of  all  debt- 
ors, 217;  rallies  a  mob,  217;  re- 
treats to  Syria,  247  ;  defeat  of,  247 ; 
death  of,  247 

Domicius,  L.,  anecdote  of,  146 

Domitian,  character  and  life  of,  322; 
death  of,  323 

Domitius,  collects  an  army  at  Corfin- 
ium,  196;  fortifies  Corfinium,  196; 
soldiers  of,  deliver  the  city  to  Caesar, 
197 

Drusilla,  wife  of  Nero,  262;  marries 
Octavius,  262 

Drusus,  L.,  leader  of  the  nobles,  141; 
espouses  the  cause  of  Italian  tribes, 
148;  his  death,  148 

Dyrachium,  magazines  of  Pompey  at, 
205 


636 


INDEX 


Egypt,  condition  of,  in  the  reign  of 
Cffisar  Augustus,  284 

Elagabalus,  declared  emperor,  344; 
death  of,   346 

Enna  pillaged  liy  Ennus,  144 

Epiriis,  return  of  Pyrrhus  to,  80 

Etruria,  formation  of  the  kingdom  of, 
500 

Etruscans,  death  of  Mezentius,  king 
of  the,  19;  ravages  of  the,  39;  de- 
feated by  the  Romans,  62 

Eudoxia,  history  of,  400 

Eunus,  intluence  of,  144;  heads  an 
insurrection,  144;  destroys  the  Ro- 
man army,  145  ;  death  of  145 


Fabius,  Quintus,  regains  popularity, 

38 
Fabius,  Q.,  appointed  dictator,  106 
Famine  in  Rome,  56 
Farms  given  to  every  Roman  family,  61 
Fausta,  historj'  of,  380 
Faustina,  332;  honors  to,  332 
Ferdinand  I. ,  swears  to  adopt  a  free 

constitution,  519;  death  of,  524 
Ferdinand  II.,  ascends  the  throne  of 
Naples,   524;    regains   Sicily,    533; 
death  of,  543 
Ferdinand  of  Bourbon  deposed  by  the 

Sicilians,  545 
Filippo,  history  of,  454 
Fimbria,  anecdote  of,  155 
Flaccus  chosen  colleague  with  Cinna, 

155 
Flaminian  Way,  construction  of  the,  93 
Flaminius  defeated  and  killed,  104 
Florence,  condition  of,  at  the  time  of 

Charles,  430 
France,  revolution  in,  482;   coalition 
against,  482;  Nice  taken  by,  483; 
Napoleon  leads  the  army  of,  484; 


reverses  of,  497 ;  Napoleon  returns 
to,  498 

Francis  of  France  in  Italy,  465 

Francis  I.,  ascends  the  throne  of  Na- 
ples, 525;  death  of,  525 

Francis  II.,  succession  of,  to  the  king- 
dom of  Naples,  543 

Frederic  Barbarossa  enters  Italy,  417  ; 
crowned  emperor  by  the  pope,  41 8 ; 
conquers  Milanese,  418 ;  destroys 
Milan,  419 ;  conquered  in  Lombardy, 
420;  death  of,  425 

Frederic  II.,  vows  the  deliverance  of 
Jerusalem,  427;  death  of,  428 

Frederic  III.,  flies  from  Naples,  462; 
death  of,  463 

Fulvia  betrays  the  conspirators,  174; 
wife  of  Clodius,  187 ;  death  of,  262 

O 

Gabba,  Servius,  raises  a  revolt  in 
Spain,  313;  proclaimed  emperor, 
315;  adopts  Piso,  Lucanius,  315; 
death  of,  316 

Grabinius,  plans  of,  for  the  war  with 
the  pirates,  171 

Gralerius,  emperor  of  the  east,  370; 
death  of,  372 

Gallienus,  Valerian,  character  and  life 
of,  358;  defeats  Aureolus,  358; 
death  of,   358 

Gallus  I.,  made  military  emperor,  355; 
death  of,  356 

Gallus  II.,  origin  of,  385;  marries 
Constantina,   385 

Garibaldi,  refuses  to  yield  to  Austria, 
531;  embarks  for  America,  534; 
lands  at  Marsala,   545 

Gaul,  condition  of,  at  the  time  of 
Caesar  Augustus,  283 

Gauls,  rise  of  the,  58;  rout  the  Ro- 
mans, 60;  make  peace  with  the 
Romans,  61;  march  of  the,  against 
Rome,  75 


INDEX 


637 


Grenoa,  revolt  of,  480 ;  sells  Corsica  to 
France,  481;  treachery  of,  491; 
makes  peace  with  Prance,  491 ;  in- 
surrection in,  492 ;  Ligurian  re- 
public formed  in,   492 

Genseric  ravages  Rome,  400 

Germanicus,  character  of,  292;  death 
of,  292 

Geta,  assassination  of,  342 

Ghibellines,  who  were  the,  431 ;  de- 
feat of,  435 

Giovanni,  cruelties  of,  454 

Gisco,  Hasdrubal,  defeat  of,  by  Scipio, 
24;  enters  into  a  treaty  with  Scipio, 
125 

Gladiators,  escape  of,  168 

Glaucia,  the  pretor,  143 

Gordian  I.,  made  emperor  by  his  sol- 
diers, 350 ;  is  defeated  by  Maximin, 
350;  death  of,  350 

Gordian  II.,  proclaimed  emperor  by 
the  soldiers,  352 ;  death  of,  352 

Goths,  355 

Gracchus,  Tiberius  Sempronius,  es- 
pouses the  popular  cause,  138; 
death  of,    140 

Gracchus,  Caius,  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  plebeians,  140;  retires  from 
Rome,  140;  death  of,  141 

Gratian,  emperor  of  the  western  em- 
pire, 394;  nominates  Theodosius 
successor  of  Yalens,  394 ;  death  of, 
394 

Greece,  embassy  to,  78;  the  remains 
of,  78;  fall  of  the  republic  of,  132; 
state  of,  at  the  time  of  Caesar  Au- 
gustus, 285 

Gregory  the  Great,  history  of,  410 

Gregory  VII.,  at  war  with  Henry 
IV.,  416;  deposed,  416;  death  of, 
416 

Gregory  XI.,  made  pope,  447;  death 
of,  447 

Guelphs,  at  war  with  the  Ghibellines, 


431 ;  led  by  Charles  of  Anjou,  434; 
victory  of,  435 

H 

Hamilcar,  rise  of,  87;  nobility  of, 
88 ;  he  causes  his  son  Hannibal  to 
take  a  vow  of  enmity  to  Rome,  90; 
death  of,  91 
Hannibal,  vows  never  to  make  peace 
with  the  Romans,  90 ;  called  to  su- 
preme power,  95;  captures  Sagun- 
tum,  95;  speech  of,  to  his  troops, 
97;  stratagem  of,  99;  passage  of, 
over  the  Alps,  101 ;  wins  the  battle 
of  Thrasymene,  105;  the  army  of, 
107;  captures  Cannae,  111;  anni- 
hilates the  Roman  army,  112;  bad 
situation  of,  113;  marches  against 
Rome,  114;  attempts  to  crush,  119; 
despondency  of,  122;  the  head  of 
Hasdrubal  sent  to,  122;  forced  to 
act  on  the  defensive,  126;  return 
of,  to  Carthage,  127;  interview  of, 
with  Scipio,  129;  suicide  of,  131 

Hanno,  defeat  of,  by  Appius,  81 ;  de- 
mands of,  on  the  Roman  senate,  90 

Hasdrubal,  succeeds  Hamilcar,  90 ;  as- 
sassination of,  94 

Hasdrubal  (brother  of  Hannibal),  at- 
tempts to  re-enforce  Hannibal,  116; 
crosses  the  Pyrenees,  118;  death 
of,  121 

Henry  IV.,  excommunication  of,  415; 
death  of,  416 

Henry  VI.,  character  and  death  of, 
424 

Henry  VII.,  successes  of,  in  Italy, 
440 ;  death  of,  441 

Henry  VIII.  joins  the  pope,  464 

Heracleo,  defeat  of  fo\ir  Roman  ships 
by,  169;  enters  the  harbor  of  Syra- 
cuse, 169 

Herculaneum  overwhelmed,  321 

Herod,  history  of,  289;  death  of,  289 


638 


INDEX 


Hildebrand,  pope  of  Rome,  415;  called 
Gregory  VII.,  415;  excommunicates 
Henry  IV.,  415 

Hirtus.withan  army  in  the  field  against 
Antony,  247 ;  consul  at  Rome,  247 

Homestead  Bill  introduced  by  Grac- 
chus, 139 

Honorius,  made  emperor  of  the  west, 
395 ;  attacked  by  Alaric,  395 ;  re- 
treats to  Ravenna,  396;  death  of, 
398 

Horatii,  the  brothers,  chosen  Roman 
champions,  23 ;  crime  of,  24 

Horatius,   Marcus,   chosen  consul,  30 

Hortensius,  Q.,  appointed  dictator,  75; 
his  laws,  75 

Hostilianus,  made  civil  emperor,  355 ; 
death  of,  355 

Hungary,  strikes  for  freedom,  532 


IciLius,  Lucius,  the  law  proposed  by, 
43 

Icilius,  the  betrothed  of  Virginia,  47 

Elyria  placed  under  the  rule  of  the 
Romans,  90 

Innocent  III.,  acts  of,  426;  at  war 
with  Frederic  II.,  428 ;  death  of,  428 

Innocent  IV.,  excommunicates  Fred- 
eric, 428;  death  of,  429 

Innocent  VIII.,  made  pope,  459;  death 
of,  460 

Insurrection  of  slaves  in  Sicily,  144; 
termination  of  the  servile,  143 

Italian  Allies,  relieve  Prajneste,  159; 
with  Carbo's  legions,  march  to 
Rome,   160;    defeat  of,   161 

Italian  Tribes,  confederacy  of,  148; 
number  of,  148;  names  of,  148 

Italy,  geographical  position  of,  17 ; 
traditions  of,  18;  invaded  by  the 
Transalpine  Gauls,  91;  conquest  of, 
by  Alboin,  409;  under  the  dukes, 
410;    under  the  rule  of  Constanti- 


nople, 412;  successes  of  the  Turks 
in,  456;  under  Charles  V.,  468;  re- 
formation in,  469;  inquisition  in, 
469 ;  condition  of,  during  the  seven- 
teenth century,  472;  division  of,  by 
the  peace  of  Aix  la-Chapelle,  476; 
condition  of,  during  the  Freuch  rev- 
olution, 483 ;  leagued  with  Austria 
against  France,  483;  successes  of 
Napoleon  in,  485 ;  Austrians  driven 
from,  486 ;  letter  of  Napoleon  from, 
489;  condition  of,  489;  English 
driven  from, -490;  people  of,  wel- 
come Napoleon,  490 ;  at  peace  with 
Austria,  491 ;  made  a  republic,  492; 
dissension  in  the  republic  of,  493 ;  un- 
der French  influence,  498;  French 
driven  from,  498;  Napoleon's  pro- 
jects for,  500 ;  French  influence  in, 
501;  fall  of,  507;  the  insurrection 
of  1848  in,  530;  modern  division 
of,  542 


James,  king  of  Sicily,  439;  at  war 
with  Charles  II.,  439;  marriage  of, 
440 

Jesus,  birth  of,  289 

Joanna,  made  queen  of  Naples,  441 ; 
character  of,  442 

John,  bishop  at  Constantinople,  410; 
rival  of  Gregory,  410 

John  XXIII.,  measures  of,  453 

Jovian,  proclaimed  emperor,  390 ;  re- 
peals all  laws  against  Christians, 
391;    death  of,    391 

Jugurtha,  betrayal  of,  135;  death  of, 
136 

Julia,  daughter  of  Augustus,  289; 
character  and  death  of,    289 

Julian,  nephew  of  Constantino,  385; 
life  of,  in  Athens,  386;  marries 
Helena,  386;  sent  against  the 
Gauls,  388;  goes  to  Paris,  389;  at 


INDEX 


639 


war  with  Constantius,  389;  crowned 

sovereign  of  the  Roman  empire,  390 ; 

attempts  to  restore  heathenism,  390; 

reverses  of,  391;  death  of,  391 
Julian  Calendar,   228 
Julian  Law,  148 
Julian  Majorian,  made  emperor,  401 ; 

death  of,  401 
Julianus,  Didius,  purchases  the  throne 

of  Rome,  336 ;  death  of,  338 
Julius  II.,  pope  of  Rome,  at  war  with 

Louis  XII.,  462;  death  of,  465 
Jupiter,  temple  to,  26 
Justinian,   sends   Belisarius  to  Italy, 

405 ;  makes  peace  with  the  G-oths, 

407 ;  death  of,  409 
Juba,  made  prince  of  Mauritania,  283 ; 

marries  a  daughter  of  Antony,  283 

K 

K^SO,  riots  of,  42 

Kossuth,  speech  on  Italy,  540 


Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples,  449 ;  char- 
acter of,  449;  conquests  in  Italy, 
452  ;  death  of,  453 

Larcius,  Titus,  invested  with  supreme 
power,  32 

Latin  Tribes  made  citizens,  149 

Latins  unite  against  Rome,  32 

Latinus,  king,  19 

Law,  the  early  Roman,  engraved  on 
tablets  of  brass,  45 ;  an  ex  post 
facto,  183;  a,  forbidding  re-election 
to  magistracy  under  five  years,  196; 
of  appeals,  243 ;  for  distributing 
lands,  243 ;  Portian,  281 ;  making 
all  slaves  responsible  for  the  death 
of  the  lord,  308 

League,  Lombard,  419;  defeat  of  the 
imperial  legions  by  the,  419;  the 
peace  of  Constance  secured  by  the, 
420 


Lentulus  made  dictator,  192 

Leo  X.,  chosen  pope,  465;  death  of, 
466 

Lepidus,  espouses  the  popular  eause, 
164;  sent  by  the  senate  to  Cisalpine 
Gaul,  165;  defeat  of,  165;  death  of, 
165 

Lepidus,  M.,  left  by  Ctesar  in  Rome, 
200;  rallies  the  people  after  Caesar's 
death,  239;  member  of  the  second 
triumvirate,  252;  made  consul,  257; 
his  possession  of  Africa,  262;  quar- 
rels with  Octavius,  264;  retires  to 
private  life,  264 

Library,  Alexandrian,  219 

Licinian  Bills,  passage  of  the,  65 ;  at- 
tempted repeal  of  the,  67 

Liciuius,  C,  elected  tribune,  63;  suc- 
ceeds G-alerius  in  Europe,  372;  mar- 
ries Constantia,  374;  joins  Constan- 
tine,  374;  defeated  by  Constantine, 
375;  sent  to  Thessalonica,  376 

Ligurian  Kingdom  incorporated  with 
France,  503 

Lilybseum,  attempts  to  drive  the  Car- 
thaginians from,  87 

Livius,  chosen  consul,  119;  sent  to 
oppose  Hasdrubal,  120 

Louis  of  Bavaria  made  emperor,  441 

Louis  XII.,  in  Italy,  463;  defeat  of, 
465 ;  death  of,  465 

Louis  Philippe  and  Italy,  525 

Lucretius,  Spurius,  chosen  consul,  30 

Luneville,  treaty  of,  499 

Lupus,  P.  Rutilius,  Roman  consul,  148 

M 

Macedon,  Alexander  of,  death  of,  67 
Macrinus,  appointed  king,  343 ;  death 

of,  343 
Mselius,  Sp.,  efEorts  of,  for  popularity, 

55 ;  assassinated,  55 
Magenta,  defeat  of  the  Austrians  at, 

536 


640 


INDEX 


Magentius,  rebels  against  Constans, 
382;  acknowledged  emperor,  382; 
at  war  with  Constantius,  383 ;  de- 
feat and  death  of,  383 

Manilian  Law,  nature  of  the,  172; 
passage  of  the,    172 

Manlius,  C,  made  consul,  173;  com- 
mences civil  war  in  Etruria,  176 

Manlius,  M.,  saves  the  citadel,  59; 
popularity  of,  62 ;  arrest  of,  62 ; 
defence  and  acquittal  of,  63 ;  death 
of,  63 

Marcellus,  M.  Claudius,  appointed  dic- 
tator, 67 

Marcellus,  advocate  of  Milo,  188; 
treatment  of  the  Comum  magistrate 
by,  191 ;  conspires  to  ruin  Cassar, 
192;  made  dictator,  194 

Marcus  Aurelius,  adopted  by  Adrian, 
328 ;  adopted  by  Antoninus,  329 ;  is 
sole  emperor,  330 ;  makes  Verres  his 
colleague,  330 

Marius,  made  commander,  151;  at- 
tempts to  defend  Rome  with  slaves, 
151;  escape  of,  151;  returns  to 
Rome,  153;  collects  an  army  and 
joins  Cinna,  153;  besieges  Rome, 
153;  slaughter  of  aristocrats  by  the 
soldiers  of,  154;  death  of,  155 

Marius  II.,  declares  himself  consul, 
155 ;  defeated  by  Sylla  at  Saeripor- 
tum,  158;  chosen  colleague  with 
Carbo,  158;  treachery  of,  toward 
the  senate,    158;    death  of,    163 

Marriage  prohibited  between  plebeians 
and  patricians,  46 

Marsian  made  consul,  148 

Martin  V.  made  pope  by  the  council 
of  Constance,  453 

Massilia,  siege  of,  200 ;  garrison  of, 
capitulate,  201 

Maxentius,  emperor  in  Italy,  373; 
character  of,  373;  defeat  and  death 
of,  374 


Maximian,  colleague  of  Diocletian, 
368;  residence  of,  368;  resignation 
of,  370;  attempts  of,  to  regain  the 
sceptre,  372;  defeat  and  death  of, 
373 

Maximin,  strength  of,  346 ;  proclaimed 
imperator,  347 ;  size  and  character 
of,  348;  insurrection  against,  349; 
death  of,  350 

Maximin,  Q.,  succeeds  Galerius  in 
Asia,  372;  captures  Constantinople, 
374;  death  of,  375 

Maximus,  proclaimed  emperor  by  the 
senate,  350;  death  of,  351 

Maximus  III.,  declared  emperor,  400; 
death  of,  400 

Medici,  house  of,  at  war  with  Sextos 
IV.,  458 

Medici,  Lorenzo  de',  character  and 
death  of,   460 

Medici,  Cosmo  de',  made  duke  of  Tus- 
cany, 471 

Medici,  Francisco  de',  history  of,  471 

Medici,  Fernandino  de',  made  grand- 
duke,  471 

Megacles  personates  Pyrrhus,  and  is 
slain,  77 

Memmius,  Caius,  leader  of  the  popu- 
lace, 143 

Morula,  death  of,  155 

Messina,  bombardment  of,  528 ;  cap- 
tured by  Ferdinand,  544 

Metellus  commands  the  army,  163 

Mezentius,  death  of,  19 

Milan,  destruction  of,  417 

Milo,  anecdote  of,  186;  returns  to 
Rome  and  rallies  the  nobles,  187; 
trial  of,  188;  exiled  to  Gaul,  189; 
cause  of,  advocated  by  Cicero, 
189 

Minucius,  Lucius,  dangerous  position 
of,  39;  appointed  co-chieftain  with 
Fabius,  108;  defeat  of,  109;  death 
of,  110 


INDEX 


641 


Minucius,  Titus,  incites  an  insurrec- 
tion, 145 

Mithridates,  war  with,  149;  success 
of,  150 

Modena,  history  of,  479;  reconstruc- 
tion of,  515 

Mucius,  Gains,  attempts  to  assassinate 
Porsenna,  31 

Murat,  his  reception  at  Naples,  505; 
execution  of,  518 

Mutilus  made  consul,  148 

Mutineers,  punishment  of,  126 

Naples,  added  to  Rome,  66 ;  division 
of  the  kingdom,  463 ;  organized  into 
a  republic,  494;  king  restored  to, 
495 ;  perfidy  of,  503 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  birth  of,  481 ; 
commands  the  French  army  in  Italy, 
484;  successes  of,  in  Italy,  493; 
message  of,  to  the  pope,  492 ;  makes 
peace  with  Austria,  492 ;  speech  of, 
to  the  Itahans,  493 ;  sails  for  Egypt, 
498;  returns  to  France,  501;  ap- 
peals to  Austria  for  peace,  501 ;  re- 
turn of,  to  Paris  from  Italy;  502; 
declared  emperor  of  France,  503 ; 
letter  of,  to  the  king  of  England, 
504;  fall  of,  514 

Napoleon  II.,  death  of,  in  Austria, 
526 

Napoleon  III.,  rise  of,  527;  reasons 
of,  for  advising  the  peace  of  Villa- 
franca,  538 

Narses,  victories  of,  408 ;  death  of, 
409 

Navy,  rise  of  the  Roman,  72;  con- 
struction of  the  Roman,  84 

Nepos,  made  emperor,  401 ;  driven  by 
Orestes  from  Italy,  402 ;  death  of, 
402 

Nepos,  C,  counsel  for  the  accusers  of 
Milo,  189 


Nero,  chosen  consul,  119;  sent  to  op- 
pose Hannibal,  120;  decapitates 
Hasdrubal,    122 

Nero,  Tiberius  Claudius,  escapes  to 
Sicily,    262 

Nero,  son  of  Agrippina,  history  of, 
302 ;  pronounces  the  funeral  ora- 
tion of  Claudius,  303;  poisons  Bri- 
tannicus,  304;  plot  of,  to  murder 
his  mother,  304 ;  has  Agrippina  as- 
sassinated, 306;  upholds  the  law 
makmg  all  slaves  responsible  for 
the  master's  life,  307 ;  festival  of, 
described  by  Tactius,  309 ;  causes 
Rome  to  be  fired,  309 ;  accuses  the 
Christians  of  burning  Rome,  310; 
determines  to  rebuild  Rome,  310; 
persecutes  all  Christians,  311 ;  taxa- 
tion of,  311;  insurrection  against, 
312;  condemned  to  death  by  the 
senate,   313;    death  of,   313 

Nerva,  made  emperor  by  the  senate, 
321;  character  of,  321;  makes  Tra- 
jan his  colleague,  321 ;  death  of,  321 

Nice  incorporated  into  France,  530 

Nicholas  III.,  extention  of  the  holy 
see  by,  435 ;  death  of,  436 

Niebuhr,  statement  of,  20 

Nobles,  clubs  of  the,  42 ;  political  op- 
ponents of  the,  burned,  43 

Normans,  successes  of  the,  in  Italy, 
422 

Numa,  Pompilius,  reign  of,  23 

Numerian  chosen  emperor,  365 ;  death 
of,  365 

Numidia  becomes  a  Roman  province, 
135 

Numitor,  placed  on  the  Alban  throne, 
20 

O 

Odenathus,  kingdom  of,  358 

Odoacer,  attacks  Orestes,  402;  abol- 
ishes the  imperial  succession,  403; 
reigns  in  Rome,  403 ;  death  of,  404 


642 


INDEX 


Octavia,  second  wife  of  Antony, 
262;  wife  of  Nero,  303;  repudi- 
ated,  309;    death  of,   309 

Octavius,  Caius,  193 ;  by  will  Ceesar's 
heir,  238;  rallies  Caesar's  troops, 
242 ;  assumes  the  name  of  Ctesar, 
242 ;  courts  the  aristocracy,  242 ; 
prepares  for  war,  244;  plots  to  mur- 
der Antony,  245;  obtains  aid  of 
Cicero,  245;  admitted  to  the  sen- 
ate, 246;  speech  of,  in  Rome,  246; 
made  consul,  251 ;  first  laws  of, 
251 ;  revenges  the  death  of  Caesar, 
251 ;  encamps  in  Campus  Martius, 
251 ;  a  member  of  the  triumvirate, 
252;  joins  Saxa  with  re-enforce- 
ments, 257 ;  army  of,  takes  Mace- 
donia, 257 ;  battle  of,  with  Cassius 
on  the  plains  of  Strymon,  258; 
success  of,  259;  excesses  of  the 
army  of,  261  ;  agreement  of,  with 
Antony,  262 ;  marries  Livia  Dru- 
silla,  264;  wives  of,  264;  at  war 
with  Pompey,  264;  invokes  the  as- 
sistauce  of  Antony,  264;  renews 
with  Antony  the  triumvirate  for  five 
years,  264;  taxation  of,  265;  de- 
feats Pompey,  265;  pardons  Lepi- 
dus,  265;  enjoys  a  triumph,  266; 
wise  measures  of,  266;  cruelty  of, 
266;  fleet  of,  in  the  Ambracian 
gulf,  269 ;  success  of,  269 ;  treats 
with  Cleopatra,  272;  takes  Pelu- 
sium,  272;  enters  Egypt  as  a  con- 
queror, 273;  visits  Cleopatra,  277; 
is  oblivious  of  her  charms,  277  ;  re- 
turns to  Rome,  278;  measures  of, 
in  Rome,  279;  pretends  to  resign, 
279;  receives  unlimited  power  from 
the  senate,  280;  called  "August," 
280;  changes  his  name  to  Augustus 
Caesar.  See  also  Augustus  Ccesar 
Octavius,  M.,  heads  the  patricians,  139 
Oppian  Law,  character  of  the,  147 


Oppius,  Spurius,  fate  of,  53 

Orestes,  drives  Nepos  from  Italy,  402; 
makes  his  son  Augustulus  emperor, 
402 ;  death  of,  402 

Otho,  raises  a  rebellion  against  Galba, 
316;  is  declared  emperor  by  the  sen- 
ate, 317;  character  of,  318;  at  war 
with  Vitellius,  318;  defeat  of,  319; 
death  of,  319 

Otho  II.,  invades  Italy,  413;  crowned 
emperor,  413 ;  family  of,  in  Italy, 
413 


Palermo,  insurrection  at,   543;  cap- 
tured by  G-aribaldi,  545 
Palmerston,  remarks  of,  on  Sicily,  543 
Pansa,  consul  at  Rome,  247 
Papal  Government,  form  of  the,  516 
Papirius,  M.,  indignity  to,  59 
Parma,  reconstruction  of,  515 
Parthians,  take  Syria  and   Palestine, 

263 ;  driven  out  by  Antony,  263 
Patricians,   struggles  of  the,   for  the 

supremacy,  37  ;  demands  of  the,  50; 

yield  to  the  popular  will,  55 ;  rights 

of  the,  74;  victory  of  the,  139 
Pedanius  Secundus,  consequences   of 

the  death  of,  307 
Penesia  burned  to  the  ground,  262 
People,  laws  to  be  submitted  to  the, 

146 
Pergamus,  death  of,  139 
Pertinax,  Plelvius,  decreed  king,  333; 

assassination  of,  335 
Peter  of  Aragon  leads  an  insurrection 

against  Charles,  436;  successes  of, 

437  ;  death  of,  439 
Pharos,   position  of,   218;    lighthouse 

of,  218;  taken  by  Caesar,  219 
Philip,  of  Macedon,   allies  himself  to 

Hannibal,   111;  purchases  peace  of 

the  Romans,  131 
Phihp,  elected  emperor,  352 ;  army  of, 


INDEX 


643 


revolt,  and  make  Decius  imperator, 
353 ;  death  of,  353 
Philip  v.,  history  of,  473 
Philippus  a  delegate  to  Antony,  247 
Philippus,  L.,   remark  of,  about  Ro- 
man wealth,  287 
Philodamus,  anecdote  of,   170;  death 

of,  170 
Picenum,  rebelUon  in,  175 
Piedmont,  Uberty  crushed  in,  525 
Pirates    in    the   Mediterranean,    168; 
ravages  of,  169;  defeat  and  surren- 
der of  the,  171 
Pisa,  M.  Junius,   appointed  dictator, 

111 
Pisa,  wars  of,  437 ;  humiliation  of,  437 
Piso,  suicide  of,  292;  letter  of,  293 
Pius,  Q.  Metellus,  chosen  consul,  163 
Pius  VII.,  condition  of  the  papal  states 
under,  478;  Naples  under,  494;  his 
contest   for   temporal    power,    501 ; 
made  a  prisoner  by  Murat,   502 
Pollux.     See  Castor 
Pompeia,  wife  of  Csesar,  181 ;  divorce 

of,  181 
Pompeii  buried,  321 
Pompeius  joins  Sylla,  151 
Pompey,  Sextus.     See  Sextus 
Pompey,  Cn.,  death  of,  224 
Pompey,  joins  Sylla,   167 ;    quells  an 
insurrection   in   Spain,    168;    made 
consul,   167;    successes   of,  on  the 
coasts   of  Africa   and   Sicily,    172 ; 
made   dictator,    172;    prepares    for 
war  with  the  pirates,  172;  returns 
to  Rome,  181 ;    proposes  grants  of 
land  to  the  soldiers,  182;    in  colli- 
sion with  the  nobles,  182;  a  mem- 
ber of  the  triumvirate,  183  ;  invested 
with  power  to  supply  Rome   with 
corn,   185;    made  consul,   186;    as- 
signed   the    government    of    Spain, 
187;  as   husband  and  father,   183; 
prepares  for  the  trial  of  Milo,  186; 


organizes  a  tribunal,  185;  appointed 
dictator,  185 ;  frustrates  the  schemes 
of  Marcellus,  189;  sympathy  of  the 
people  with,  189;  declares  Caesar 
ineligible  to  consulship,  190;  all 
power  placed  in  the  hands  of,  191; 
goes  to  Greece,  193;  escape  of,  195; 
military  skill  of,  196;  intrenched  in 
Ilerda,  201 ;  claims  to  be  supported 
by  the  senate,  202 ;  establishes  him- 
self at  Thessalonica,  203 ;  army  of, 
203 ;  encamps  on  the  right  bank  oi 
the  Apsus,  205 ;  rejects  tlie  pro- 
posal for  peace,  206 ;  fortifications 
of,  208;  pursues  Caesar,  209;  defeat 
of,  at  Piiarsalia,  210;  surrender  ol 
the  army  of,  210;  tiight  of,  210; 
goes  to  Mitylene,  211;  death  of, 
213;  head  of,  sent  to  Csesar,  213; 
summary  of  the  character  of,  214; 
pillar  to,  at  Alexandria,  216 

Pontius,  C,  victory  of,  68;  magna- 
nimity of,  68;  returns  the  Roman 
victims,  71;  death  of,  75 

Pontus,  king-  of,  opposed  to  Csesar, 
220;  is  conquered  by  Cassar,  220 

Pope,  power  of  the,  in  Rome,  414 ;  at 
war  with  Henry  V.,  414;  condition 
of  Italy  under  the,  415;  escape  of 
the,  from  Rome,  532 

Poplicola.     See  Puhlius 

Popular  Cause,  strength  of  the,  152; 
advance  of  the,  173 

Porsenna,  attempts  to  assassinate,  31 ; 
peace  proposed  by,  31 

Postumius,  characteristic  proposition 
of,  71 

Placentia  resists  Hasdrubal,  119 

Plancus  made  consul,  257 

Plebeians,  struggles  of  the,  38;  de- 
mands of  the,  42;  forced  to  flee 
from  Rome,  46;  condition  of  the, 
142 

Pliny  made  governor  of  Pontus,  325 


644 


INDEX 


Plutarch,  his  works,  130 

Prasneste,  headquarters  of  Marius, 
158;  besieged  by  Sylla's  army,  159; 
surrender  of,  163 

Pretor,  name  given  to  the  consuls,  35 

Privernatians,  manly  character  of  the, 
67  ;  incorporated  with  the  Romans, 
67 

Probus,  made  emperor,  364 ;  death  of, 
364 

Pubhus  erects  citadel  of  Veha,  30; 
given  title  of  Poplicola,  30 

Punic  War,  end  of  the  first,  90 ;  ter- 
mination of  the  second,  119;  com- 
mencement of  the  third,  119;  ter- 
mination of  the  third,  121 

Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt,  210;  at  war 
with  Cleopatra,  210;  plans  of,  in  re- 
gard to  Pompey,  210;  treachery  of, 
210;  at  war  with  Csesar,  217;  death 
of,  219 

Pyrrhus,  invades  Italy,  78;  victory 
of,  80;  reverses  of,  81;  triumph  of, 
at  Asculum,  82 ;  goes  to  Sicily,  82 ; 
defeated  by  the  Romans,  83 ;  return 
of,  to  Epirus,  83 

QniNQUEREMEs,  Construction  of  the, 
84 

R 

Radetski,  Joseph,  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Austrian  troops  in 
Italy,   527 

Ravenna,  Ciesar  at,  194 

Regillus,  battle  of  lake,  32 

Regulus,  defeat  and  capture  of,  87 ; 
sent  to  Rome  by  the  Carthaginians 
to  negotiate  peace,  88;  death  of,  89; 
doubts  as  to  the  history  of,  89 

Remus,  legend  of,  20;  death  of,  20 

Restio,  Antius,  escape  of,  255 

Robert,  reign  of,  in  Naples,  441 ;  leaves 
bis  crown  to  Joanna,  441 


Roman  Citizens,  number  of,  147 

Roman  Legates,  murder  of,  148 

Roman  Virtue,  244 

Roman  Empire,  separation  of  the, 
393 

Romans,  war  between  the,  and  the 
Albans,  23;  triumph  of  the,  over 
the  ^quians,  40;  refusal  of  the,  to 
fight,  41 ;  plebeian  and  patrician 
conflicts  among  the,  42;  routed  by 
the  Gauls,  58;  purchase  peace  with 
the  Gauls,  61 ;  humiliation  of  the, 
61 ;  defeat  of  the  Volscians  and 
Etruscans,  62;  refusal  of  the,  to 
follow  the  dictator,  65 ;  the  Priver- 
natians incorporated  with  the,  67; 
colonization  of  the,  68;  defeat  of, 
by  the  Samnites,  69 ;  humiliation  of 
the,  70;  increased  power  of  the,  73; 
defeat  the  Gauls  and  capture  C.  Pon- 
tius, 76;  send  to  Greece  for  a  god, 
77 ;  defeated  by  Pyrrhus,  81 ;  vic- 
tory of  the,  over  Pyrrhus,  82 ;  in- 
vade Sicily,  82 ;  construction  of  a 
navy  by  the,  83 ;  utter  defeat  of  the 
army  of  the,  by  Xanthippus,  85; 
loss  of  the  ships  of  the,  85 ;  disas- 
ters to  the,  87  ;  victory  of,  over  the 
Carthaginians,  98 ;  jealousy  of  the, 
91;  defeated  by  the  Gauls,  93;  a 
compensating  victory  of  the,  94; 
plans  of  the,  for  stopping  Hannibal, 
98;  the  army  of  the,  destroyed  by 
Hannibal,  104;  massacre  of  the, 
106;  conquer  Philip  of  Macedon, 
131;  conquer  Antiochus,  132; 
atrocities  of,  137 ;  defeat  of  the 
legions  of  the,  148;  condition  of 
the,  at  the  time  of  Csesar,  216; 
amusements  of  the,  226;  barbaric 
habits  of  the,  226 

Rome,  date  of  foundation  of,  18 ;  origin 
of,  20 ;  famine  in,  35 ;  deplorable 
state  of,  41;  depopulated,  50;  fam- 


INDEX 


645 


ine  in,  56;  captured  by  the  Gauls, 
58 ;  attacked  by  the  Volscians,  62 ; 
annexes  Naples,  65 ;  three  parties 
of,  73;  invaded  by  Pyrrhus,  78; 
menaced  by  Pyrrhus,  79;  colonies 
of,  82 ;  victory  of  the  navy  of,  82 ; 
surrender  of  Sardinia  to,  91;  for- 
bids the  conquest  of  Spain,  97 ; 
rise  of  an  army  of,  106;  raises 
armies  to  crush  Hannibal,  117;  ex- 
ultation in,  at  the  defeat  of  Has- 
drubal,  122;  possesses  the  whole 
Spanish  peninsula,  126;  increased 
dominion  of,  130;  resolve  of,  to 
raze  Carthage,  133;  bequeath  of 
dominions  to,  140 ;  corruption  of 
the  nobles  of,  143;  murder  of  the 
populace  of,  144;  narrow  escape  of, 
145;  internal  dissensions  in,  146; 
battle  under  the  walls  in,  1 60 ;  under 
Cinna,  condition  of,  156;  weakness 
of  the  laws  of,  170;  law  against 
killing  a  citizen  of,  183;  civil  war 
threatened  in,  193;  works  of  Caesar 
in,  229;  prospect  of  civil  war  in, 
238;  parties  in,  248;  effects  of 
slavery  in,  287;  the  Jews  in,  288; 
Christians  accused  of  the  burning 
of,  311;  persecution  of  Christians 
in,  312;  Paul  preaches  in,  312; 
commencement  of  the  decline  of, 
333 ;  first  irruption  of  the  Gauls  in, 
355  ;  sacked  by  the  barbarians,  396; 
ravaged  by  Genseric,  399;  condi- 
tion of,  400;  condition  of,  while 
the  popes  were  in  France,  442; 
Rienzi's  rebellion,  443 ;  schism  in 
the  church  of,  448;  three  popes 
chosen  in,  451;  deposition  of  the 
three  popes  of,  by  the  council  of 
Constance,  453;  insurrection  in, 
493 ;  papal  outrages  in,  493 ;  de- 
clared a  republic,  494;  pope  of, 
taken  to  France,  494;  declared  an 


imperial  and  free  city  by  Napoleon, 

507 
Romulus,  legend  of,  20 ;  builds  Rome, 

20;  disappearance  of,  22 
Rossius,  L.,  envoy  to  Caesar Ruggiero. 

See  Seiiimo 
Rutulians,  alarmed  at  the  advancement 

of  the  Trojans,    19;    death  of    the 

king  of  the,   19 


Sabines,  robbery  of  the,   21;    united 

with  the  Romans,  21 
Sabrius,  revolt  of,  145 
Sacred  Hills,  origin  of  the,  34 
Saguntum  captured  by  Hannibal,  95 
Sallust,  governor  of  Utica,  224 
Samnites,  power   of   the,   67 ;    defeat 
the  Romans,  68 ;  alleged  defeat  of, 
72 
San  Marino,  the  republic  of,  517 
Sardinia,  a  part  of  Italy,  17  ;  revolt  in, 
91 ;  surrender  of,  to  Rome,  91 ;  at 
war  with  Austria,  535 ;  receives  as- 
sistance from  France,  535 
Saturnalia,  festival  of  the,  81 
Saturnius,  his  means  of  becoming  con- 
sul, 143 
Savoy,  joins  France,  483 ;  incorporated 

into  France,  540 
Saxa,  commander  of  the  army  of  Oc- 

tavius,  257 
Scfevola,    Quintus    Marcus,    anecdote 

of,  155;  death  of,  159 
Scipio,  Cornelius,  attempts  of,  to  stop 
Hannibal,  96 ;  defeated  and  wounded 
by  Hannibal,  102;  captures  new- 
Carthage,  122;  history  of,  122;  ef- 
fects a  treaty  with  Gisco,  125;  mu- 
tiny of  the  troops  of,  125;  elected 
consul,  126;  stratagem  of,  128;  his 
conditions  for  the  surrender  of  Car- 
thage, 129;  interview  between  F^- 


646 


INDEX 


nibal  and,  129;  title  of  honor  con- 
ferred on,  130 

Scipio.  L. ,  elected  consul  with  Pom- 
poy,  189;  governor  of  Cilicia,  211; 
defeated  at  Thapsus,  222;  death  of, 
222 

Seleucus,  assassination  of,  77 

Senate,  popular  appointment  of  the, 
67 ;  receives  a  messenger  from 
Ctesar,  193;  follows  Pompey,  199; 
agreement  of  the,  to  Caesar's  plans, 
200 

Septiinius,   L. ,  murders   Pompey,  217 

Septuagint  made,  288 

Servius  TuUius,  obtains  crown  of 
Rome,  25;  children  of,  25;-  assas- 
sination of,  25 

Serra  di  Falco,  leader  of  the  provi- 
sional government,  543 

Settimo,  Ruggiero,  at  the  head  of  the 
provisional  government,  543 

Severus.     See  Alexander 

Severus,  Septimius,  marches  to  obtain 
the  throne  of  Rome,  337 ;  elected 
king,  338;  letter  of,  339;  expedi- 
tion of,  to  Britain,  340;  death  of, 
340 

Sextius,  L.,  elected  tribune,  65 ;  chosen 
consul,  67;  is  taken  to  Africa,  215; 
flight  to  the  Pyrenees,  225 ;  collects 
the  aristocrats  in  Spain,  242 ;  deter- 
mines to  join  Brutus  in  Gaul,  242 

Sextus,  Pompey,  establishes  himself 
in  Sicily,  256;  fleet  of,  blockades 
Italy,  262;  agreement  with  the  tri- 
umvirs, 263;  treaty  of,  with  Octa- 
vius,  266;  goes  to  meet  Antony, 
266;  ia  attacked  by  Antony,  267; 
death  of,   267 

Sexms  IV.,  made  pope,  458;  death 
of,  459 

Sicilian  Vespers,  history  of  the  mas- 
sacre of  the,  437 

Sicilians,  they  depose  Ferdinand,  544 


Sicily,  a  part  of  Italy,  17  ;  ravages  in, 
85;  insurrection  of  slaves  in,  143; 
desolate  at  the  time  of  Augustus 
Ca3sar,  282 ;  demands  of,  on  the 
king,  543 ;  taken  possession  of,  by 
Garibaldi,  545 

Slavery,  character  of  the  early  Ro- 
man, 115;  character  of  the  Roman, 
134;  effects  of,  on  Rome,  287 

Slaves,  in  Rome,  73;  captured  and 
sent  to  Rome,  727;  condition  of 
the  Roman,  137;  insurrection  of 
Sicilian,  144;  successful  insurrec- 
tion of,  145 ;  prohibited  carrying 
weapons,    146 

Social  War,  cause  of  the,  148 

Society,  anecdote  illustrating  tlie  slate 
of,  at  the  time  of  Pompey,  186 

Solferino,  defeat  of  the  Austrians  at, 
536 

Spain,  revolt  in,  167;  conquest  of, 
completed,  201 ;  condition  of,  in 
the  reign   of  Cassar  Augustus,  283 

Spaniards,  desire  of,  to  receive  the 
Romans  as  masters,  124 

Spanish  Succession,  war  of  the,  473 

Spartacus,  leader  of  gladiators,  167; 
history  of,  169 

Subjects,  rights  of,  73 

Sulpicius  organizes  his  partisans,  150; 
attempts  to  defend  Rome,  151 ;  de- 
feat of,  151;  death  of,  151 

Sylla,  success  of,  149;  made  consul, 
149;  dismissal  from  army,  151; 
conquest  of  Rome  by,  151 ;  saila 
for  Greece,  152;  conquers  Greece, 
156;  makes  peace  with  Mithridates, 
156;  lands  at  Brundusium,  157; 
confronts  Carbo  in  Tuscany,  159; 
enters  Rome,  159;  terms  made  with 
Italians  by,  161;  cruelty  and  tyr- 
anny of,  161;  treachery  of,  161; 
assumes  the  name  of  Felix,  162; 
made  consul,  163;  appointed  dicta- 


INDEX 


647 


tor,  163;  latter  days  and  death  of, 
163;  funeral  of,  ]63 
Syracuse,    siege   of,    114;    siege   and 
surrender  of,    115 


Tacitus,  description  by,  of  the  perse- 
cution of  Christians,  313 

Tacitus,  Augustus,  chosen  emperor, 
363 ;  death  of,  363 

Tancred,  character  and  death  of,  424 

Tarentum,  capitulation  of,  118 

Tarquinius,  Lucius  I.,  omen  in  favor 
of,  25  ;  elected  king,  25 ;  death  of,  25 

Tarquinius,  Lucius  II.,  or  Superbus, 
seizes  the  Roman  throne,  26 ;  at- 
tacks Rome,  32 ;  flight  and  death 
of,  33 

Tarquinius,  Sextus,  outrage  by,  28; 
driven  from  the  city,  29;  attacks 
Rome,  30 

Taurominium,  siege  of,  155 

Temples,  erection  of,  106 

Territory,  division  of  new,  39 

Thapsus,  battle  of,  222 

Theodoric,  overcomes  Odoacer,  403 ; 
government  of,  in  Italy,  404 ;  death 
of,  405 

Theodosius,  succeeds  Valens,  394; 
successes  of,  394;  death  of,  395 

Theodotus  assumes  the  sceptre  in 
Rome,    405;    death  of,    406 

Thrasymeue,  battle  of,  103 

Throne,  sale  of  the  Roman,  at  auc- 
tion, 335 

Tiberius,  Caesar.     See  Coesar,  Tiberius 

Titus.     See  Larcius 

Titus,  takes  Jerusalem,  320;  arch  of, 
in  Rome,  321;  made  emperor,  321; 
Herculaneum  and  Pompeii  buried 
in  the  reign  of,  322 ;  death  of,  322 

Totila,  made  king  of  Italy,  407 ;  con- 
quest of  Rome  by,  408;  death  of, 
408 


Trajan,  made  emperor,  323;  con- 
structs a  bridge  over  the  Danube, 
323 ;  column  erected  in  honor  of, 
323;  conquests  of,  in  the  east,  324; 
death  of,  325 

Trebonius,  C,  commands  Caesar's 
army,    200 

Tribes,  discontent  of  the  subjugated, 
148 

Tribunes,  adoption  of  the,  34 ;  elected 
from  among  the  commoners,  51 

Triumvirate,  Pompey  a  member  of 
the,  182;  Csesar  a  member  of  the, 
182;  Crassus  a  member  of  the,  182; 
proclamation  of  second,  253;  acts 
of  the,  256 ;  agreement  of  the  sec- 
ond, with  Sextus,  263 

Troy,  record  of,  17 

Tullus  Hostilius,  chosen  king,  23 ;  kills 
the  Alban  king,  24;  death  of,  24 

Turnus,  death  of,  king  of  Rutilians,  19 

Tuscany,  history  of,  479 

U 

Urban  IV.,  condition  of  Rome  under, 
429;  gives  Charles  the  crown  of 
Naples,   430;    death  of,   430 

Urban  V.,  visits  Rome,  447;  death 
of,  447 

Urban  VI. ,  chosen  pope,  448 ;  at  war 
with  Clement  VII.,  449;  residence 
at  Rome,  450;  death  of,  451 

Utrecht,  peace  of,  455 ;  division  of 
Italy  by  the  peace  of,   455 


Valens,    colleague    of    Valentinian, 

392;    at  war  with  the  Goths,  394; 

death  of,  394 
Valentinian,    crowned   emperor,   392; 

associates  Valens  with  himself,  392; 

wars  of,  393 ;  death  of,  393 
Valentinian  III.,  made  emperor,  398; 


648 


INDEX 


troubles  during  the  reign  of,  399; 
death  of,  400 

Valeria,  scheme  of,  for  deliverance,  36 

Valerian,  made  emperor,  356;  de- 
feated by  Sapor,  357;  death  of,  357 

Varguutius,  L.,  chosen  to  assassinate 
Cicero,  184 

Velia,  citadel  of,  30 

Venice,  republic  of,  423;  under  the 
rule  of  the  Council  of  Ten,  444;  at 
war  with  Genoa,  445;  destruction 
of  the  fleet  of,  446;  attitude  of, 
toward  Napoleon,   486 

Verres,  desertion  of,  159;  anecdote 
of,  170;  adopted  by  Aurelius,  329; 
colleague  of  Aurelius,  329 ;  death 
of,  329 

Vespasian,  declared  emperor  by  the 
army,  319;  defeats  Vitellius,  319; 
declared  emperor  by  the  senate, 
320;    character  and  death  of,   321 

Vitiges,  declared  king  of  Rome,  405 ; 
taken  captive  by  Belisarius,  406 

Vetulio,  condemned  by  the  triumvi- 
rate,   254;    escape  of,    255 

Victor  Emanuel  II.  ascends  the  throne 
of  Sardinia,  555 

Villafranca,  peace  of,  537;  Napoleon's 
reasons  for  advising  the,  538 


Virgilia,  embassage  of,  37 

Virginia,  seizure  of,  by  Appius  Clau- 
dius, 46 ;  death  of,  49 

Virgiuius,  Lucius,  seizure  of  the 
daughter  of,  47 ;  assassinates  Vir- 
ginia, 49 

Vitellius,  Aulus,  is  proclaimed  em- 
peror by  the  army,  318;  defeats 
Otho  near  Mantua,  319;  declared 
emperor  by  the  senate,  319;  char- 
acter of,  319;  death  of,  320 

Volscians,  the,  attack  Rome,  36;  afr 
tack  Rome,  and  are  defeated,  61 

Volumnia,  embassage  of,  37 

W 

War,  price  of,  89 

Wives,  Roman  method  of  obtaining,  21 

Women,  laws  protecting,  21 


Xanthippus,  intrusted  with  the  com- 
mand of  the  Carthaginian  forces, 
86;    defeats  Regulus,   86 

Z 

Zenobia,  who  was,  359;  defeat  of. 
359 


UCSB  LIBRARY 


A     000  606  577 


